Gary Ackerman

Mr. ACKERMAN

Mr. ACKERMAN. Madam Speaker, by direction of the Democratic Caucus, I offer a privileged resolution and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. ACKERMAN

Mr. ACKERMAN. Madam Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 3 minutes to the chairman of the Committee on Armed Services, the distinguished gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton).

Mr. ACKERMAN. I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to a member of the Committee on Financial Services, the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Carson).

Mr. ACKERMAN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the member of the Committee on Appropriations, the distinguished gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Kaptur).

Mr. ACKERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. ACKERMAN. I yield the gentlewoman an additional 15 seconds.

Mr. ACKERMAN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the chairman of the Veterans' Affairs Subcommittee on Disability Assistance and Memorial Affairs, the distinguished gentleman from New York's 19th Congressional District.

Mr. ACKERMAN. I'm pleased to yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from West Virginia, chairman of the Committee on Natural Resources, representing the Third Congressional District of that State, Chairman Rahall.

Mr. ACKERMAN. Madam Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 1 minute to the Speaker of the House.

Mr. ACKERMAN. Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ACKERMAN. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. ACKERMAN

Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Berkley), a leading spokesman on human rights and fairness.

Mr. ACKERMAN. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 1127) condemning the endemic restrictions on freedom of the press and media and public expression in the Middle East and the concurrent and widespread presence of anti-Semitic material, Holocaust denial, and incitement to violence in the Arab media and press, as amended.

Mr. ACKERMAN. Madam Speaker, I ask that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. ACKERMAN. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of the resolution and yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, in January of this year, the Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia held a hearing entitled ``That Which Is Not Obligatory Is Prohibited: Censorship and Incitement in the Arab World.'' We received testimony from three witnesses, one each from Freedom House, the Committee To Protect Journalists, and the Anti- Defamation League. What we heard was not a surprise, but was still shocking. As a result of that hearing, I drafted this resolution and would like to ask all of my colleagues to give it their utmost consideration. It is sad to note that in the 21st century, there is still not one Arab country that can be described as ``free'' by the metrics used by Freedom House, and frankly, by anyone actually familiar with the concept. While there are very significant differences throughout the region in the latitude given to public debate, political argument and press and media freedom, with the notable exception of Israel, not one Arab country can argue that its public square is truly open to all and that their government protects, rather than restricts, that freedom. The ugly and typically stupid hand of the censor is unfortunately not a rare sight in the Middle East. It is not only ubiquitous, it is, in fact, often attached to the arm of the editor, the producer, the copy- writer, or the publisher. According to the United Nations' Arab Human Development reports, while Arab societies have, in general, failed to keep up with other developing nations, in the mechanisms of censorship in the Arab world, they have shown a remarkable degree of institutional adaptation and technological savvy. Their success in stifling debate and narrowing acceptable opinion is all the more remarkable given the frequent failures of Arab bureaucracies in meeting the basic needs of their people for things like education, infrastructure, economic opportunity and clean governance. Countries that can't ensure that their citizens are literate or have clean drinking water still find the resources necessary to operate the red pen of the censor, or the self-serving manipulation of the truth endemic to government-owned, government-controlled and government- operated media. It would be nice if these ugly and ultimately self- defeating practices were merely the problem of other people in faraway places. We could pity them, think gravely about the words of Thomas Jefferson, and bless the wisdom of our Founders who, in a world of despots and danger, saw that a free press and free speech were the indispensable safeguards of our Republic and our liberty. But we don't live in a world that gives us immunity from the troubles of others. Three thousand Americans paid the price for that lesson on September 11, 2001. If we don't visit the world's bad neighborhoods, they will visit us. The fact is, the world has grown smaller, and fair or not, the grievances between the peoples of the Middle East and their governments can be, and often are, attributed to the United States. We saw this phenomena metastasize in Iran in the late 1970s. And we've heard the same complaints explicitly from al Qaeda's leaders. As a nation with vital national interests in that region, we have wisely built strong ties with the governments of almost all of the Arab States. Unfortunately, while these ties have brought greater stability to the region, they have also aligned us with governments that don't share our values when it comes to political and civil human rights. Don't think for a moment that the people of these countries have not noticed. The United States speaks constantly of freedom, but is the ally of authoritarians. The United States prizes and celebrates the first amendment to our Constitution, but is in league with nations that abuse and imprison journalists. The United States uses taxpayer money to train others in the rule of law, but also works hand in glove with security forces of other governments that not only sniff out and destroy terrorists, but often do likewise to their own civil leaders and political reformers. Like it or not, we are entangled in the conflicts between Arab publics and their governments. It is not our role nor our duty to choose the form of government for any people but ourselves. But that does not forbid or restrict our right, and I would say our obligation, to speak out for the values that we believe are universal, including speaking out to our friends who sometimes believe that their extensive cooperation entitles them not only to our understanding and support, but our silence. I don't agree, and I don't accept such a formulation. In the end, such an approach will produce neither stability for them nor security for ourselves. As a nation that has strayed badly over the past several years from our own ideals, we have an obligation to be humble and circumspect in condemning others. Much of the credibility America used to enjoy when speaking out on human rights has been squandered by short-sighted and morally debilitated agents of fear. But we are still a nation of ideas and a people dedicated to certain universal values, that all people are created equal, that the rule of law and due process are not luxuries but fundamental human rights, and that the freedom of speech, conscience, association and the press are not gifts from governments or rulers, but the shared inheritance of all humanity. Moreover, for purely selfish reasons, we have ample cause to be concerned. Many of the same Arab governments which we are turning to help stabilize the region, and in particular, to help resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, are the very same governments that, with a wink and a nod, are helping stir the pot of bitterness and discontent among their own citizens. For example, Arab governments that say small steps toward normalizing relations with Israel are too hard because of public opinion often use government-owned, government-sanctioned or government-controlled press and media to disseminate stories of imaginary Israeli massacres, Jewish blood-libels, alleged Israeli medical experiments on Palestinian children, and for bigots with a taste for history, cheap Arabic- language translations of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion and Mein Kempf. Moreover, in many Arab countries while there is ruthless and effective censorship, especially concerning political expression, somehow publication of vicious anti-Semitism, Holocaust denial and even incitement to violence against Jews is allowed. These things are bad enough, but in a place where the press is not free and where there are rules for what you can and cannot say, the fact that these forms of hatred-speech are not prohibited indicates an obvious and dangerous form of state endorsement. In the end, the outcome is a public that is not only less open to peace, but is less ready to engage with the modern world. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been a violent one, and the news about it inevitably reflects that fact. Likewise, revolving the core issues of that conflict does not depend on a free and honest press in the Arab world. And no state and no government is or should be above correction, criticism and complaint, not the United States, not Israel, not anyone. And to state the blindly obvious, criticism of Israeli policy is not, by definition, anti-Semitic. But there is also no question that the cumulative weight of unreasoned and incendiary hatred toward Israel or the Jewish people which has not only been allowed but in some cases inserted into the press and media by Arab governments or their proxies has made the Middle East more violent and more dangerous. The resolution before us will not solve these problems. But it will send a message. We are not a nation capable of indifference to either hate or oppression. We have interests in the Middle East beyond oil, and expanding the scope of human freedom is one of them. We may have strayed from our ideals, but we are trying to come home. Madam Speaker, I want to thank Chairman Berman and Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen for their support in bringing this resolution before the House, and I urge all of our Members to support the motion and the underlying resolution. I would reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ACKERMAN. We yield back the balance of our time.

Mr. ACKERMAN

Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks on this legislation and to insert extraneous material thereon.

Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of S. 254 which would posthumously award the Congressional Gold Medal to Constantino Brumidi and would authorize the striking of duplicate medals for sale to the public. Mr. Speaker, for those of us who work here in the Capitol, we are very fortunate to be surrounded by Constantino Brumidi's genius every day. Brumidi's awesome, inspiring murals and frescos are remarkable as they are ubiquitous. Constantino Brumidi's works can be found in three Senate Appropriations Committee rooms, the House Appropriations Committee room, the Senate Democratic Policy Committee room, the Brumidi corridors, the Senate reception area, the Office of the Vice President and, of course, the Rotunda. Like his masterful works throughout the Capitol, Constantino Brumidi's story is uniquely American. Brumidi was born in Rome in 1805 to an Italian mother and a Greek father. His artistic ability was cultivated at an early age. In his early years, he was commissioned to paint frescos and murals in various Roman palaces. And then in 1849, as did so many of our ancestors, Brumidi, who was already an established artist in Italy and who spent 3 years working for Pope Gregory XVI in the Vatican, migrated to the United States and began a new life in New York City. There he proudly became a naturalized American citizen in 1852. It was on a return trip from Mexico that Constantino Brumidi first saw the U.S. Capitol. It was a fortuitous twist of fate: at a time when Congress and President Franklin Pierce were preparing to expand the Capitol, a word-class Italian American artist, who just happened to be passing through Washington, inspired by both the freedoms and liberties represented by the seat of Congress and the vast open spaces in the Capitol that seemed to invite frescos and murals, offered his services to Quartermaster General Montgomery C. Meigs. Wisely, Meigs commissioned Brumidi to become the artist of the Capitol. Brumidi's first work was in the Agricultural Committee room. This masterpiece received such favorable attention that he was given a raise and tasked with painting other larger works culminating with the works in the Capitol Rotunda. There is no work in the Capitol more impressive or more renowned than ``The Apotheosis of Washington.'' Brumidi completed the fresco in 11 months at the end of the Civil War, soon after the new dome was completed. This absolutely stunning work soars 180 feet above the Rotunda floor. To compensate for the distance from the floor to the ceiling, Brumidi, who spent years mastering depth and scale, painted 15-foot tall figures so that the work could be appreciated from the Rotunda floor. Another Brumidi masterpiece, ``The Frieze of American History,'' appears just underneath the dome and spans the entire 360 degrees of the Capitol Rotunda. The frieze, which initially looks to be carved or sculpted, as all who view it believe it to be three dimensional, was, in actuality, meticulously painted with the use of scaffolding. While Brumidi first sketched a design of the frieze in 1859, Congress did not authorize work to begin on this piece until 18 years later, in 1877. The work masterfully displays America's history, beginning with the landing of Christopher Columbus and continuing to the discovery of gold in California. While many visitors to the Capitol have seen Brumidi's genius in the frieze over the years, they may not realize that he nearly lost his life while painting it. While working on a figure of William Penn, 76-year-old Brumidi fell from the scaffolding, but saved himself by clinging to the rung of a ladder for 15 long minutes before he was rescued. While he subsequently ascended the scaffolding once more to continue his work, he died a few months later in 1880. It took two additional artists and 73 years to finish the masterpiece that Constantino Brumidi first began. Mr. Speaker, Constantino Brumidi's service to the Capitol, and our country, span the administration of six, six Presidents: Franklin Pierce, James Buchanan, Abraham Lincoln, Andrew Johnson, Ulysses S. Grant, Rutherford B. Hayes. On and on, Brumidi worked. All of us here in the Capitol that have the privilege of working in this living museum, as well as the millions of visitors that tour our building each year, who admire and relish Brumidi's works, but precious few know the story of the artist of the Capitol. In addition to awarding Constantino Brumidi with the Congressional Gold Medal, S. 254 directs the Architect of the Capitol to display the gold medal as an exhibition in the new visitor's center dedicated to Brumidi's life and work. I believe such an exhibit is long past due and would be to the benefit of future generations of Americans who come to see the Capitol and admire the brilliant works of Constantino Brumidi, reminding us yet again that we are a Nation built by immigrants. Mr. Speaker, Constantino Brumidi was a great son of Italy and a great American. His achievements are a great source of pride for Italian Americans, and S. 254 would bestow Brumidi, and the Italian American community, with the recognition the artist's great contributions so rightly deserve. Special thanks are due to Representative Bill Pascrell from New Jersey, the main sponsor of this bill that we have before us in the House today. And I'd like to acknowledge the hard work and dedication of somebody who visits us here in the gallery today, Mr. Speaker, Joseph Grano, who's the president of the Constantino Brumidi Society, for his long and tireless efforts on this behalf. Mr. Speaker, this is a great day for those who love fine art, creativity, American history, and who appreciate the contributions of Italian American immigrants and all immigrants for the culture and history of our country. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the sponsor of the bill, Bill Pascrell of New Jersey.

Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the Senate bill (S. 254) to award posthumously a Congressional gold medal to Constantino Brumidi.

Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, at this time, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Maloney).

Mr. ACKERMAN

Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the resolution and yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, first, I would like to thank Chairman Berman for his leadership in getting this vitally important resolution to the floor so quickly. It's extremely important that the House be on record telling the brave men and women who fought and died defending Lebanon's independence and sovereignty that America has not forgotten you and will not abandon you. While many in the Middle East, particularly in Lebanon, are trying to make sense of what has happened, I believe that it is critical that they know that the United States and the U.S. Congress still strongly support the democratically elected and legitimate Government of Lebanon, that we will stand behind its efforts to fully restore Lebanon's sovereignty and independence, and that the future of Lebanon is not with Iranian and Syrian sponsored thugs and bullies, but with the decent people of Lebanon of every sect and confession who only want the normal and peaceful life for themselves, for their children, and for their country. Mr. Speaker, just as Hezbollah sucked Lebanon into its conflict with Israel in 2006 by hiding behind its women and children, they have now forced the Lebanese people to endure their war against the Lebanese state. The insurrection by Hezbollah was unjustified, illegitimate, and immoral. No conceivable Lebanese interest was served by it. Only the goals of Iran and Syria were advanced by Hezbollah and its allies' assault on the sovereignty of the Lebanese Government. The pretense that Hezbollah is an authentic Lebanese political actor has fallen away, and in the arrogance of power they have declared their true allegiance. It is not to Lebanon, and it is not even to the Lebanese Shia. Their loyalty is to Iran and Syria, and to the needs and interests of Tehran and Damascus. In their Lebanese puppet state, Ayatollah Khamenei will be the true president and Bashar al-Assad the real prime minister. We have seen this kind of fraud before in the 20th century. The culmination was called the Warsaw Pact. But what was true in Europe in the Cold War remains true today in the Middle East--a captive nation is no true ally of its captor, and no amount of power can make a lie become the truth. And no amount of thuggery, torture, intimidation and murder can make Hezbollah anything other than the terrorist arm of foreign powers and an enemy of Lebanese independence and sovereignty. The United States and every other decent nation must continue to support the Government of Lebanon. The Lebanese Government was democratically elected, it is legitimate, and it deserves our aid. Justice must ultimately be done for those recently and unjustly killed, as well as all those Lebanese murdered for their support of Lebanese sovereignty going back to the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafic Hariri. I have said many times before, and I will keep repeating it, there must be no deal or arrangement that undercuts the Special Tribunal for Lebanon. Mr. Speaker, you either believe that Lebanon is a sovereign and independent state that is to be governed by and for the Lebanese people alone, or you don't. The overwhelming majority of Lebanese, whether they're Sunni, Shia, Maronite, Orthodox, Druse, or any other group, believe in this principle. The entire international community, with the reprehensible exceptions of Syria and Iran, believes in this principle. The United States certainly believes in it. Only Hezbollah, Amal, and the delusional Aounists do not. And that is why Lebanon has suffered and remains in pain today. I'm very proud of the resolution before us today. I strongly urge its adoption by the House. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.