Spencer Abraham

Mr. ABRAHAM

Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I oppose the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, (CTBT). I do so because this accord is, in my view, fatally flawed. While I share the almost universal goal of nuclear nonproliferation, it seems clear to me that this Treaty, as written, will weaken America's national security. I have been strongly influenced in my examination of this issue by the fact that this treaty is opposed by 6 past Secretaries of Defense, 2 past Chairmen of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, 5 past Directors of the Central Intelligence Agency, Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, former National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft, former Ambassador to the United Nations Jeanne Kirkpatrick and a host of other experts in the field. I took seriously the objection raised by these experts and public servants. And I have come to the conclusion that the CTBT would be dangerous to America, and to the American people. CTBT is not verifiable. It would erode our confidence in the safety and reliability of our own nuclear deterrent. And, perhaps most damning, it would utterly fail to halt the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Let me explain my reasoning. First, this treaty is not verifiable. The United States simply does not have the technical means to detect violations of the Treaty at this time. Nor are such technical means currently in development. Thus, it would be entirely feasible for an adversary to conduct significant military testing with little or no risk of detection. With our current capability, we could not detect, with any significant degree of confidence, any nuclear testing producing yields of less than 1 kiloton. Yet testing that is of real, military significance does not require a 1 kiloton yield. If we are to have effective verification, we must have high and rationally based confidence that we can detect militarily significant cheating. To make matter worse, potential adversaries can employ evasion techniques of varying complexity that would make nuclear tests with yields as large as 10 kilotons extremely difficult to detect and identify with any confidence. In addition, we should not forget that a country determined to develop a nuclear arsenal could do so without any testing whatsoever. The resulting nuclear capability might be unreliable. But it would be no less dangerous for that fact. Throughout the last several decades of test ban negotiations it has consistently been United States policy that our nation would not sign any treaty unless it were effectively verifiable. This position has been based on solid reasoning: any adversary that covertly tests--while the United States foregoes testing--could gain significant military advantage over us. Based on this fault alone, I would recommend against ratification of CTBT. But there are other serious flaws in this treaty that, in my view, dictate its rejection. Among these is the simple fact that reliability requires testing. Our nation's national security strategy is based on the policy of deterrence. CTBT will jeopardize our policy of nuclear deterrence by undermining the reliability of our nuclear weapons and by foreclosing the addition of advanced safety measures to our warheads. Mr. President, for deterrence to be effective, the nuclear stockpile must be safe and reliable. By banning testing, the CTBT would permanently deny the US the only proven means we have for ensuring the safety and reliability of our nuclear deterrent. The Administration is pursuing various new experimental techniques as part of its Stockpile Stewardship Program (SSP) to replace actual nuclear testing with sophisticated computer modeling and simulations. However, these new techniques are not yet proven and there is no way to confirm that even the best models will be able to predict, with adequate precision, the condition of weapons systems. In fact, Dr. James Schlesinger, the former Secretary of both Defense and Energy, has testified before the Senate that ``it will be many, many years before we can assess adequately the degree of success of the Stewardship Program and the degree to which it may mitigate the decline of confidence in the reliability of the stockpile.'' It would be irresponsible for us to bet something as critical to national security as the safety and reliability of our nuclear weapons on unproven technology. We have no right to take such a leap of faith where the safety and very survival of the American people are involved. We must keep open the option of future testing. Finally, the CTBT will neither stop nor slow nuclear proliferation. As I have mentioned, nuclear testing is not a prerequisite to acquiring a workable arsenal. Simple nuclear weapons can be designed with high confidence without nuclear testing. For example, South Africa designed and developed nuclear weapons without testing. The CTBT will not create a significant or meaningful obstacle to nuclear proliferation. A nation that attempts to build complex nuclear weapons will encounter problems with reliability. But it is entirely feasible for a nation to design, build, and stockpile effective nuclear weapons without nuclear testing. CTBT, as its name implies, is simply a ban on nuclear explosions of any yield exceeding zero. It is not a treaty by which states which currently have nuclear weapons agree to give them up, reduce their numbers, even stop their development or agree not to give them to others. It simply would not provide any added safety in our dangerous world. Indeed, by reducing the reliability of our own nuclear deterrent and encouraging the secret development of nuclear weapons, it would significantly reduce the level of safety currently enjoyed by citizens of the United States, and of the world. I am convinced that it would be a tragic disservice to the American people for this body to approve the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. I urge my colleagues to vote for safety by voting against this treaty.

Mr. ABRAHAM

Mr. ABRAHAM. Yes. The most recently deployed Eagle Vision II mobile ground station has been fielded by the National Reconnaissance Office for use by the U.S. Army. It is a much improved system with even greater capability than the original Eagle Vision System built in 1995. Its enhanced mobility ensures rapid deployment and survivability, which is critical in meeting the current threats facing our military around the world. I am proud that a company from my state (ERIM International) has been the leader in developing and building this Eagle Vision mobile ground station capability. The funding in this bill has been sought and provided to ensure that additional Eagle Vision systems will be built with state-of-the art mobile capabilities to meet the critical imagery needs of our warfighters in the future. This is an outstanding example of how American firms can effectively work in partnership with the U.S. military to provide state-of-the-art technology to protect our men and women in uniform.

Mr. ABRAHAM. The funding provided in this bill for Eagle Vision mobile ground stations enables reception of additional commercial high- resolution satellite imagery sources and is critical to supporting our military forces in peace time and in war. The currently deployed system has proven its worth in U.S. military activities in Bosnia and Kosovo. It has helped our pilots better prepare for critical missions, while providing an extra measure of safety and security for our fighting men and women as they head into harm's way.

Mr. ABRAHAM

Mr. ABRAHAM. I move to lay that motion on the table. The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.

Mr. ABRAHAM

Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I rise today to honor the Holocaust Memorial Center in West Bloomfield, Michigan, as they celebrate their 15th Anniversary, and to pay tribute to those whose lives have been affected by the Holocaust. The work of the Holocaust Memorial Center and especially Executive Vice President Rabbi Charles Rosenveig is truly commendable. In working to keep alive the spirit of those who suffered, the Holocaust Memorial Center helps us remember. In highlighting the rich history and culture of the Jewish people, the Holocaust Memorial Center helps us learn. The events of the Holocaust cast a dark shadow over history. And while it is painful to remember, the Holocaust Memorial Center will not let us forget. Indeed, their mission is expressed in their logo, which is composed of four Hebrew characters that spell the word Zachor, which means ``remember.'' On behalf of the United States Senate, I extend my warmest regards and best wishes to everyone in attendance at the 15th Anniversary Dinner and to all who have helped make the Holocaust Memorial Center an important educational resource for the State of Michigan and the country. I wish them continued success in their important mission.

Mr. ABRAHAM

Mr. ABRAHAM. I rise to introduce a bill, the ``S Visa and Refugee Assistance Authorization Act,'' to extend the authorization for two provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act. The bill is cosponsored by Senator Kennedy and is supported by the administration and the House immigration subcommittee. The legislation simply would extend for an additional two years the authorization of ``S'' temporary visas, which are used to allow individuals to stay in the United States to assist in criminal investigations. A sense of the Congress on the need to use these visas in more alien smuggling cases is also included. The bill also would extend for three years the authorization of refugee assistance. Such assistance is provided to localities and community- based organizations to help refugees upon their arrival in the United States. My hope is that these noncontroversial provisions can be passed expeditiously. I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.

Mr. ABRAHAM

Mr. ABRAHAM. I rise to introduce a bill, the ``S Visa and Refugee Assistance Authorization Act,'' to extend the authorization for two provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act. The bill is cosponsored by Senator Kennedy and is supported by the administration and the House immigration subcommittee. The legislation simply would extend for an additional two years the authorization of ``S'' temporary visas, which are used to allow individuals to stay in the United States to assist in criminal investigations. A sense of the Congress on the need to use these visas in more alien smuggling cases is also included. The bill also would extend for three years the authorization of refugee assistance. Such assistance is provided to localities and community- based organizations to help refugees upon their arrival in the United States. My hope is that these noncontroversial provisions can be passed expeditiously. I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.

Mr. ABRAHAM

Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, before I speak, may I clarify, I believe I am speaking on the second-degree amendment?

Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I believe we had a previous acknowledgment of moving to a voice vote. Before we do, I thank the Senator from Georgia for his leadership on this issue. Again, our goal is to send a clear message to the children of this country that the Federal Government will not be supporting, in any way, programs that would seem to lead to increases in the uses of drugs, as well as HIV, as it appears in studies. At this point, I am prepared to yield the remainder of our time.

Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I call up amendment No. 2269.

Mr. ABRAHAM. Here is a copy.

Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.

Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I rise to join Senator Coverdell in offering this amendment to the Labor, Health and Human Services appropriations bill. Our amendment would prohibit the expenditure of taxpayer dollars on programs that provide free hypodermic needles to drug addicts. In the past, President Clinton, through his Secretary of Health and Human Services, Donna Shalala, has tried to lift the ongoing ban on federal funds for needle exchange programs. His reasoning? Such programs could reduce the rate of HIV infection among intravenous (IV) drug users without increasing the use of drugs like heroin. Unfortunately, the evidence we have to date suggests that each of these suspicions is wrong. We now know beyond a reasonable doubt that needle exchange programs actually increase both the rate of HIV infection and the use of IV drugs. What is more, they send the wrong message to our children. And they hurt our communities. This administration has claimed a great deal of credit for the recent drop in some categories of drug use. I don't want to downplay the progress that has been made over the last year. But we must keep in mind that the improvements were small, and that this administration has a lot of work to do before it can bring us back to the levels of drug use achieved in 1992, the year before President Clinton took office. The percentage of 8th, 10th, and 12th graders who had used an illicit drug during the previous 30 days dropped between 1997 and 1998, by 0.8 for 8th graders, 1.5 for 10th graders and 0.6 for 12th graders percentage points. But levels of drug use remain substantially higher than in 1992--in some instances almost twice as high. In 1992, 6.8 percent of 8th graders, 11 percent of 10th graders, and 14.4 percent of 12th graders reported having used an illicit drug within the past 30 days. By 1998, even with recent dips, those figures ranged from 12.1 percent for 8th graders to 21.5 percent for 10th graders to 25.6 percent--more than one in four 12th graders. Now is not the time, Mr. President, to let our guard down in the war on drugs. As we continue to fight our difficult battle with drug abuse, the last thing we need is for Washington to send the message that drug use is okay. Let me very quickly review some of the overwhelming evidence that has made it crystal clear that needle exchange programs are inherently ill- considered and doomed to failure. First, we now know that needle exchange programs encourage drug use: Deaths from drug overdoses have increased over five times since 1988. In addition, we now have clinical studies, including one conducted in Vancouver and published in the Journal of AIDS. That study showed that deaths from drug overdoses have increased over five times in that city since needle exchanges began in 1988. Vancouver now has the highest death rate from heroin in North America. Such terrible statistics should not surprise us given the lack of basic, commonsense logic in needle exchange programs. Mr. President, giving an addict a clean needle is equivalent to giving an alcoholic a clean glass. And once we lose sight of this logic, we have already lost the war on drugs. We have, in effect, handed our streets over to people who do not believe that we should win that war. Let me cite just one example of the recklessness with which so many of these programs are run. The New York Times magazine in 1997 reported that one New York City needle exchange program gave out 60 syringes to a single person, little pans to ``cook'' the heroin, instructions on how to inject the drug, and a card exempting the user from arrest for possession of drug paraphernalia. But needle exchange programs do not have to be run recklessly in order to encourage drug use. Dr. Janet Lapey with Drug Watch International recently quoted pro- needle activist Donald Grove, who pointed out that ``most needle exchange programs . . . Serve as sites of informal organizing and coming together. A user might be able to do the networking needed to find drugs in the half an hour he spends at the street-based needle exchange site--networking that might otherwise have taken half a day.'' It's just common sense, Mr. President. If you give an addict more needles, he will use them, drug use will increase, and so will the dying. And that includes deaths from HIV/AIDS. We now know that needle exchange programs actually increase the spread of this dread disease. For example, a Montreal study was published in the American Journal of Epidemiology. It found that intravenous drug users in a needle exchange program were more than twice as likely to become infected with HIV as addicts not using such a program. And the figures from the Vancouver study are astounding. When the Vancouver needle exchange program started in 1988, 1 to 2 percent of drug addicts in that city had HIV. Now 23 percent of drug addicts in Vancouver have HIV. To put it succinctly, Mr. President, we now know that needle exchange programs are bad for drug users. They promote this deadly habit and they promote the spread of HIV. But we know more, Mr. President. We also know that needle exchange programs send the wrong message to our kids: Let me quote President Clinton's own drug czar, General Barry McCaffrey, who said ``the problem is not dirty needles, the problem is heroin addiction. . . . The focus should be on bringing help to this suffering population--not giving them more effective means to continue their addiction. One doesn't want to facilitate this dreadful scourge on mankind.'' Mr. President, needle exchange programs undermine our drug fighting efforts, and they undermine the very rule of law we all depend on for our safety and freedom. I urge my colleagues to support our amendment to prohibit taxpayer dollars from being spent on needle exchange programs. Mr. President, I reserve the remainder of my time.

Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I appreciate the offer. I think we would be prepared to accept a voice vote. My colleague from Georgia is here and had planned to speak briefly on the amendment. So I defer to him if he wishes to have up to 5 minutes.

Mr. ABRAHAM

Mr. ABRAHAM. I also thank Senators Roth and Specter for their help and appreciate their assurances.

Mr. ABRAHAM

Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I rise today to acknowledge and congratulate Frederik Meijer and the Frederik Meijer Gardens as they unveil and dedicate the Da Vinci sculpture Il Cavallo (the horse). Frederik Meijer's incredible generosity and foresight enabled Il Cavallo to be seen at its permanent home in the Frederik Meijer Gardens. In an effort to fulfill his dream of creating a world class sculpture garden Frederik Meijer and the City of Milan, Italy (where an identical sculpture is located) allowed for the work of Da Vinci to be recommissioned and created. Il Cavallo was originally sketched and commissioned by Da Vinci in 1482 and he continued to work on it for fourteen years. However, the bronze intended to cast the sculpture was used to make cannons to defend the city of Milan, therefore Da Vinci never completed the work. In 1977, after reading an article about the horse that Da Vinci never had the chance to create, amateur sculpture and pilot, Charles Dent created the first model of Il Cavallo. After his death in 1994 Nina Akamu sculpted the Il Cavallo that is on display today. The sculpture was cast using twenty thousand pounds of bronze, stands twenty-four feet tall and weighs fifteen tons. Frederik Meijer is to be thanked and commended for carrying out his vision and giving a world class gift to the city of Grand Rapids and the people of Michigan. Nearly five hundred years ago Da Vinci had the vision for this great horse. Due to the acts of Frederik Meijer, a great humanitarian, this rare and magnificent work of art will stand tall in the Frederik Meijer Gardens for all to see for many years to come.

Mr. ABRAHAM

Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I rise today to recognize the fighting men of the Fox Division, United States Navy, USS Rochester (CA-124), who bravely served our country in the Korean Conflict from June, 1950 to March, 1953. Aboard the USS Rochester--the flagship of the Commander Seventh Fleet--the men of the Fox Division participated in nearly every major naval engagement along the Korean Peninsula. The Fox Division's three teams: the Main Plot, the Sky Plot, and the Mark 56 directors, shared the critical responsibility of operating, repairing, and maintaining the complex equipment which ensured the accuracy of the Rochester's weapons systems. They accomplished these tasks with outstanding success. The Fox Division recently celebrated their 1999 reunion in Frankenmuth, Michigan. Some of these reunited shipmates had not seen each other in over 45 years. Included among their ranks were: Jerry Barca; John Brothers; Robert Cadden; Russell Daniels; Farrell Ferguson; Sheri Holman, representing her late husband Bob Holman; Bill Hontz; Marv Hufford; Larry Kobie; Tony Kontowicz; Leo Lane; Charles Newsham; Bobby Page; Carl Ray; Ronald Richards; Pete Russell; Roland Schneider; Donald Spencer; and Joe West. Today I join my colleagues in thanking the men of the Fox Division for defending the cause of democracy, and for preserving our country's national security. I am proud to say that these veterans are an inspiration to all of us. By dedicating a portion of their lives to the service of their country, they have helped guarantee the freedom we Americans hold so dear. Our nation is grateful to each and every member of the Fox Division, USS Rochester, for their outstanding dedication and commitment to the United States of America.

Mr. ABRAHAM

Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I rise today in memory of Jim Upton DeFrancis: a great politician, a great historian, and a great family man, who died on January 1 of this year. Jim DeFrancis was one of the most influential people in the political field, always maintaining political savvy--but not sacrificing perspective, an incredible sense of humor, and a belief that politics was an avenue for serving others. Very early in my career, I had the good fortune of working for Jim in Senator Bob Griffin's office. I will never forget the many lessons I learned from him--both directly and simply by working near him. One couldn't help but learn from Jim DeFrancis. In addition to his 10 years with Senator Griffin, Jim DeFrancis was an integral member of the presidential campaigns of Gerald Ford and George Romney. As a member of the staff of these politicians, Jim was able to avoid the spotlight while serving Michigan and national politics, in the honorable and professional manner for which now he is recognized as a very significant member of Michigan political history. Jim's love of politics was rooted in his love of history. He especially enjoyed reading about Winston Churchill. An avid reader, Jim collected any book on Winston Churchill that he could find, as well as other artifacts related to the late Prime Minister. During difficult times, Jim would look at Churchill's life as a model, gaining inspiration and guidance. And while Jim's contribution to politics is exceptional--in his very actions, he inspired us to work for others through politics--his true love was his family. More than anything else, Jim DeFrancis was a family man. Survived by his wife, three sons, his mother and sister, his family was the real focus of his life. Everyone who came in contact with him would quickly learn about his family--as he always found a way to bring them up in a conversation. Jim DeFrancis' devotion to his family, his friends, and his career was matched by few and will be deeply missed by those who knew him. We will never forget Jim--crossing paths with Jim DeFrancis was sure to leave a lasting impact. And it is this lasting, far-reaching impact that Jim's life has had on those who knew him which calls to mind a quote that I think Jim would appreciate, not only because it is a quote by Winston Churchill, but because I believe Jim would be moved to know what an influence he had on us: ``This is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. But it is, perhaps, the end of the beginning.''

Mr. ABRAHAM

Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I call up amendment No. 1828.

Mr. ABRAHAM. I move to lay that motion on the table. The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.

Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, if I could, based on the prior agreement that was entered into, we will begin a fuller discussion of this issue tomorrow morning, and I will be here along with other Members who wish to speak on it. In a nutshell, this amendment to the appropriations bill before us would prohibit the use of our Federal dollars for the purpose of engaging in needle exchange programs. I simply wish to indicate that when we discuss this in the morning, I will lay out arguments in support of the amendment. I believe the arguments would strongly buttress the case that we should not use the taxpayer dollars for purposes of needle exchange programs. I am sure there will be a spirited discussion of this in the morning. I look forward to it. At this point, I yield the floor.

Mr. ABRAHAM

Mr. ABRAHAM. I thank the distinguished Chairman for his input.

Mr. ABRAHAM. It is my understanding that the Banking Committee is currently reviewing this legislation and the impact it might have on banking regulations and law.