Xavier Becerra

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Madam Speaker, I rise today to introduce bipartisan legislation, the Librarian Incentive to Boost Recruitment and Retention in Areas of Need (LIBRARIAN) Act of 2007, with Representatives Vernon Ehlers (MI-3), Raul Grijalva (AZ-07), and John Shimkus (IL-19). Senators Jack Reed (RI) and Thad Cochran (MS) will also be introducing a companion measure today in the Senate. The LIBRARIAN Act of 2007, which is endorsed by the American Library Association, will offer much needed help to recruit and retain librarians in schools and public libraries located in low-income areas. We accomplish this by establishing a loan forgiveness program for college students who obtain a master's degree in library science and latter commit to serve as librarians in disadvantaged communities. The introduction of the LIBRARIAN Act is timely since today we celebrate National Library Workers Day. Our Nation's public and school libraries and the people who keep them open are national treasures. Every day, these libraries provide an invaluable public good to our communities. Together they offer crucial access to education, skills training and unique information. These services are particularly important in low-income communities where resources are often scarce. Unfortunately, libraries are losing their most valuable asset: librarians. According to a 2002 School Library Journal survey, 30 states and the District of Columbia reported either a severe or extremely severe librarian shortage. The librarian shortage is attributed to two principal factors. First, an alarming number of librarians have reached the age of retirement and the number is expected to increase dramatically in the next decade. The American Library Association, the oldest and largest library association in the world, projects that between 60 to 65 percent of currently practicing librarians will retire by the year 2020. The United States Bureau of Labor Statistics estimates that more than three out of five librarians are aged 45 years or older--many of these librarians will become eligible to retire in the next 10 years. The second factor causing the librarian shortage is that libraries are now in direct competition with highly salaried private sectors needing workers with librarian skills such as those in multimedia technology, database administration and systems analysis. Today it is not uncommon to encounter a librarian earning less than $29,000 annually, despite the fact that the position is highly specialized and requires a master's degree in library science. Not surprisingly, librarians are increasingly leaving their profession and using their invaluable education and experience in other more lucrative employment arenas. Sadly, low-income community libraries will suffer most from the coming librarian shortage. While well-funded suburban libraries can afford to recruit and retain librarians, low-income area libraries lack the resources to attract well qualified staff. Moreover, most librarians look to relocate to highly desirable areas creating an even greater difficulty for low-income area libraries to attract qualified candidates to fill job openings. Earlier this year, I received first-hand confirmation that if the LIBRARIAN Act passed we could attract more students to the profession. A young student in my district who had learned about the LIBRARIAN Act wrote to me stating that she would now consider a career as a librarian and gladly work in a low-income community. Previously, this student had not entertained the idea of becoming a librarian. There is strong precedent in law for canceling student loans under the Federal Perkins Loan program. Several categories of professionals who service low-income areas currently receive such a benefit. Teachers working in special education, Head Start and educationally disadvantaged schools under the Title I Program, special education and Head Start, as well as members of the armed services, law enforcement officers, Peace Corps volunteers, medical technicians and nurses can qualify for forgiveness of their Federal Perkins student loans. Specifically, the LIBRARIAN Act allows Federal Perkins loan cancellation for full-time librarians with a master's degree in library sciences who are employed in: a public library that serves a geographic area that contains one or more schools eligible for educationally disadvantaged school funding under Title I; or an elementary or secondary school library that is eligible for educationally disadvantaged school funding under Title 1. Librarians working full-time in these areas would qualify for up to 100 percent Federal Perkins loan forgiveness depending on their years of service as a librarian in the disadvantaged schools or public libraries. Specifically, they would qualify for: 15 percent loan forgiveness for each of the first and second years of such service; 20 percent loan forgiveness for each of the third and fourth years of such service; and 30 percent loan forgiveness for the fifth year of such service. Since loan forgiveness would apply to the years of services that are completed after the enactment of this Act, students entering a library sciences program and librarians with outstanding Federal Perkins loans stand to benefit. In the end, the susceptible communities that are detrimentally affected by a librarian shortage stand to benefit the most from this bill. Madam Speaker, it is time to take steps towards alleviating this shortage of librarians in America. The loan forgiveness provisions of the LIBRARIAN Act will be a valuable tool in attracting some of our brightest and best students to become tomorrow's educators in the communities where they are most needed. I urge my colleagues to join us in supporting the passage of this important legislation.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Democratic Caucus, I offer a privileged resolution (H. Res. 304) and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Madam Speaker, it is my privilege to rise today and acknowledge Jaime Hernandez, a friend and outstanding leader for working men and women in America. On March 31, 2007, community members and leaders throughout Los Angeles will gather to commend Jaime for his 38 years of dedication to the Laborers' International Union of North America, Local 300. Jaime was born to Antonio and Amalia Hernandez in Jalisco, Mexico in 1942. Like so many people, his parents moved the family to the United States in search of the American dream. He learned the value of union work early on from his father, who was a committed and passionate Laborer for 14 years. In this respect, Jaime and I are much alike. Just as Jaime's father spent many years as a proud Laborer, so did my father. Like Jaime, when I worked alongside my father as a young man, I learned from him the dignity and pride that comes from hard work. Whether digging ditches, laying cement, or raising manholes, I learned that if you work hard you deserve the American dream. I know Jaime and I both draw upon these lessons to this day. Since first joining the Laborers in 1969, Jaime has fought for greater opportunities for workers, better wages, expanded benefits, and safer work sites across California. Rising from the role of a rank-and- file member, he was appointed as a Laborers' Field Representative in 1987. Then in 1994, his peers acted on their recognition of his talents and commitment and elected him President and Executive Board Member of Laborers' Local 300. His subsequent re-elections in leadership roles resulted from Jaime having distinguished himself in the labor community as a true leader and advocate for working men and women. Jaime is now retiring as Secretary-Treasurer--a position he has held since 2000. A. Philip Randolph, a prominent civil rights and union leader, once said, ``The essence of trade unionism is social uplift. The labor movement has been the haven for the dispossessed, the despised, the neglected, the downtrodden, and the poor.'' Just as his parents sought a better life for their children through hard work, Jaime has worked to keep that opportunity available to people from all walks of life. Jaime has been an integral part of the Laborers' mission by bringing justice, honor, and a voice to hard working people across America. Jaime has been married to his high school sweetheart, Anita, for 44 years. Together, they have four children and nine grandchildren, all of whom have been raised with Jaime's understanding and reverence for social and economic justice. They have all seen Jaime work on behalf of non-profit organizations, charities, law enforcement agencies, and children's groups with the assistance of the union. Madam Speaker, it is with pride as a friend, a former member of the Laborers' Union (Local 187 in Sacramento), and an admirer of hard work that I ask my colleagues to join me today in recognizing Jaime Hernandez for his lifetime devotion to bringing dignity to the lives of every day Americans, and his loyal service to Local 300 of the Laborers' International Union of North America. On behalf of the countless Laborers, including me, to whom Jaime Hernandez has dedicated his career, and the entire labor community which has benefited immensely from his lifelong contributions, I say thank you and may you enjoy many more years of fruitful endeavors.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. This is a debt tax, what happens when you do deficit spending. Deficits do matter. Under the last 7 years of Republican leadership with these tax cuts that have gone principally to very wealthy people, this is what happens. You have interest payments of over one quarter trillion dollars, yet veterans and education programs are suffering. This is what happens when you do deficit spending. You end up spending over a quarter of a trillion dollars to pay interest on the debt. That does nothing to help anyone. Meanwhile, we have said we are going to focus money on veterans and education. We are not going to do it on interest payments. If you are fiscally responsible, you can do that.

Mr. BECERRA. It is $29,000 per person. A child born today is born with a birth tax of $29,000 he or she will owe.

Mr. BECERRA. Precisely. We are going to provide middle-class Americans with these targeted tax cuts, targeted tax relief; and, as you mentioned before, Mr. Doggett, we are also going to be able to balance the budget in 5 years and have a surplus by 2012.

Mr. BECERRA. If the gentleman would yield for a moment.

Mr. BECERRA. The real distinction comes here. Our tax cuts will be targeted towards the middle class, not towards the wealthiest. And, at the same time, we have priorities. We are going to balance this budget. We have committed to our PAYGO policies that we will pay for whatever we propose. But, at the same time, we are going to try to make sure that interest payments on the national debt don't consume everything, because today this is what happens when you do deficit spending.

Mr. BECERRA. I thank the gentleman for yielding. And I agree with my colleagues. As we discuss here what we are going to do in this Democratic budget resolution, I think the first thing we have to remember is we are going to pass a Democratic budget resolution. Guess what? Last year, the Republican majority did not pass a budget resolution so we had no guidepost, no blueprint to tell us how the Congress would spend its money. And does it surprise anyone to know that we went further into debt? Unfortunately, as we continue to hear our colleagues, our friends on the Republican side say they want to see further tax cuts, what they don't mention is all those tax cuts that they passed in the last several years, the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts that the President proposed, they paid this way. This is what they did. They took out this credit card. Because every single one of those years we have been in deficit. And after using up the Social Security trust fund dollars, because they had to use the entire amount that was preserved for Social Security to help pay for the tax cuts, they still were in debt. So, guess what? They had to pull out the credit card, and we have been deficit spending for the last 7 years to pay for these tax cuts that have principally gone not to the middle class but to the folks who are on the highest level of our income scale. This chart shows what happens, and it goes to the point of the gentleman from Oregon. What happens here is if you continue to extend the Republican tax cuts, you are going to help those that make over $1 million. The AMT, which the gentleman from Oregon pointed out, is going to hit folks that are making less than $200,000 or so most, the folks that were not helped by the Bush tax cuts. That is where we want to concentrate our tax cuts, right here, to help middle America.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 1591, the U.S. Troop Readiness, Veterans' Health, and Iraq Accountability Act. Today, Madam Speaker, we have a chance to take our country in a new direction to bring coherence and accountability to America's Iraq war policy. As we enter our fifth year in the Iraq war, Americans have paid a high price for our involvement. Over 3,200 U.S. troops have died, approximately 25,000 U.S. troops have been wounded, and President Bush has squandered more than $350 billion of taxpayer dollars with his misadventure. Our troops have been fighting and dying in Iraq longer than American soldiers did in World War II, World War I, the Korean war, or the Civil War. This important legislation imposes long overdue accountability on the administration's war policy and will bring an end to President Bush's commitment to an open-ended war. Specifically, the benchmarks and timelines contained in this legislation will hold both the president and the Iraqi Government accountable in how they conduct the war and the transition to a self- sufficient, democratic Iraq. This bill has taken into account both the administration's and experts' advice on how to proceed in Iraq. Many of the benchmarks are similar to provisions that President Bush has publicly supported. The bipartisan Iraq Study Group recommended many of the goals and target dates in H.R. 1591. Importantly, this bill protects our troops deployed in Iraq and Afghanistan and the troops and veterans returning home. H.R. 1591 provides sufficient funding to ensure that our troops have the equipment to protect themselves from harm while they defend many of the innocent citizens of Iraq. We should all agree that never again will America send its troops into battle without the best equipment to accomplish their mission. For our troops returning home, this legislation reverses years of neglect and moves us toward a comprehensive effort to address their needs. There is an extra $1.7 billion for military health care to be spent on military hospitals and a provision that prevents the closing of Walter Reed hospital--the first stop for so many of our wounded troops returning home. The bill also appropriates $1.7 billion additional funding for veterans' health care, $2.5 billion for improving the readiness of our stateside troops and $1.4 billion more for military housing allowances. Mr. Speaker, when an Iraqi Shiite soldier is ready to defend an Iraqi Sunni civilian and an Iraqi Sunni soldier is ready to defend an Iraqi Shiite civilian, then perhaps we will know that the people of Iraq are ready to live in peace with security. But until such time, our troops have no business sitting in the crosshairs of a bloody civil war. By creating benchmarks and timelines for U.S. troop involvement in Iraq, this bill sends a message to Iraqis that they need to resolve their conflicts at the negotiation table and not through violence. We can help, but they must first prove that they are willing and prepared to help themselves. I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 1591 and start the process of bringing our troops home. Our men and women in uniform have done all we have asked of them. They won the war against Saddam Hussein and fought valiantly and timelessly to secure the peace in Iraq. Now, it is time for us to do our job: remove our soldiers from the insanity of the Iraq civil war and return them home. Only then can we rededicate ourselves and refocus our efforts to fight against the threat of terrorism.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Madam Speaker, it is my privilege to rise today and recognize Judge Bruce J. Einhorn, a friend and champion who exemplifies the values of our great Nation. As a United States Immigration Judge in Los Angeles for over 15 years, Judge Einhorn worked diligently to protect the rights of individuals who seek residency in our country, and to preserve the human rights of those around the world. On March 8, 2007, community members and leaders throughout Los Angeles are joining together to honor Judge Bruce J. Einhorn in recognition of his years of service. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., once said, ``The hope of a secure and livable world lies with disciplined nonconformists who are dedicated to justice, peace and brotherhood.'' Judge Einhorn's jurisprudence, discipline, and refusal to simply conform to previous interpretations of the law when justice had not been served, makes him one of the most eminent and influential jurists of our time. Judge Einhorn was the first immigration judge to grant asylum to HIV-positive individuals and disabled children who faced socially-based persecution and the denial of medical treatment in their native countries. He has issued major decisions granting asylum to persecuted individuals: religious minorities, women facing ``honor killings,'' victims of female genital mutilation and of rape, racial and ethnic minorities, political dissidents, and gays and lesbians from many countries. Judge Einhorn has dedicated his entire career to maintaining the integrity of federal law and giving voice to those who deserve justice. Appropriately, Judge Einhorn was honored with the Daniel Ginsberg National Leadership Award in Civil Rights in 1999, and the award was presented to him at a ceremony at the Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta, Georgia--the home church of the late Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Before taking the bench as a judge, Bruce worked for the U.S. Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations (OSI) from 1979 to 1990. As a young lawyer he worked as the principal draftsperson of the Refugee Relief Act, which for the first time in our Nation's history, gave noncitizens the right to apply for asylum in the United States. His early career work on immigration policy complemented his later practices as a United States Immigration Judge adjudicating claims under the very statute which he helped draft. Also while at OSI, Bruce worked to identify and prosecute Nazi war criminals who resided illegally in the United States. In this work he traveled to far corners of our world to conduct eyewitness depositions. Whether in the drafting of a law, or the prosecution of a war criminal--from the earliest stages of his career Bruce determinedly sought justice. Even when away from the bench, Judge Einhorn never stops serving the public. Recently, as a leader within the Anti-Defamation League, he helped draft the Declaration of Los Angeles, which calls for a carefully balanced national policy of protecting homeland security and immigrant rights, and which has been adopted by the Los Angeles City Council, among other civil rights groups. Judge Einhorn is also a founding member of the ADL Latino-Jewish Roundtable of Los Angeles, and as Chair of the ADL's International Affairs Committee, he works with the Consuls General of Mexico, Germany, Canada, and Turkey on initiatives involving the international rights of women. In his quest not only to adjudicate, but also to impact and interpret humanitarian law for generations to come, Judge Einhorn has conducted continuing legal education seminars for the American Immigration Law Association and the Los Angeles County Bar Association. He is known for his extensive lecturing on the separation of church and state, and has lectured to federal district court judges on sentencing guidelines for those convicted of federally defined hate crimes. He has also served as an Adjunct Professor of International Human Rights Law and War Crimes Studies at the Pepperdine School of Law since 1991. As a founding member of both the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, DC, and of the Museum of Tolerance in Los Angeles, Bruce has proven his commitment to furthering the principles of justice and tolerance. It is no surprise that Judge Einhorn has already been recognized with numerous awards for his extraordinary commitment to protecting human rights. For his work at OSI, he received three Justice Department Special Achievement Awards, the Attorney General's Special Commendation Award, and the Distinguished Graduate Award of New York University School of Law. For his judicial work, Judge Einhorn received the Human Rights Award of the Bah'ai community in Southern California, a Certificate of Merit from the Arab-American and Iran-American Bar Associations of Southern California, and a Lifetime Professional Achievement Award from the State Bar of California. However, knowing Judge Einhorn is to know that these deserved and honored awards are not held as the greatest accomplishments of his career. His greatest achievements stem from the lives forever changed in his courtroom. Madam Speaker, I recognize the Honorable Bruce J. Einhorn today in the United States House of Representatives, for adjudicating the laws enacted by this body with the utmost integrity, the sharpest of intellect, and a compassionate heart. I ask that my colleagues join me in saluting this exceptional man who has made inspiring contributions in public service and the legal profession. On behalf of the countless individuals to whom Judge Einhorn has given a voice and the opportunity to exercise their basic human rights and civil liberties, I say thank you and God's speed in your future endeavors.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Mr. Speaker, on January 23 of this year, the President in his State of the Union address said, ``This is not the fight we entered in Iraq, but it is the fight we are in.'' Nearly 4 years after President Bush took us to war, 4 years, that is longer than our involvement in World War II, it is fair to say that this is not the debate we expected to have, but it is the debate we must have. We owe it to our troops who have fought honorably and valiantly, and we owe it to the American people. More than 3,100 American soldiers dead, more than 23,000 American soldiers injured, $500 billion in costs, 14,000 weapons that our Nation bought for the Iraqi Army missing, $9 billion in reconstruction funds missing. Mr. Speaker, stay-the-course has failed, and sending 20,000 more troops is no more than stay-the-course on steroids. The American people would know this had the previous Republican Congresses exercised their oversight responsibilities to tell the American people what was going on. They would have known, for example, that we have already tried three previous troop surges. In each case, between 17,000 to 21,000 troops. Have we seen the improvement? What are things like today? Where were the hearings to find out how those troop surges went? Where are the reports? Mr. Speaker, this is a debate long overdue. The truth is, Iraqis must take responsibility for their own future. When General John Abizaid met with commanders on the ground in Iraq, he was asked, ``If we get more troops, will we succeed?'' And here is what he told them: ``They all said no. And the reason is because we want the Iraqis to do more. It is easy for the Iraqis to rely upon us to do this work. I believe that more American forces prevent the Iraqis from doing more, from taking more responsibility for their own future.'' That, General Abizaid said on November 15, 2006. U.S. troops are sitting today in the crossfire of a civil war. We have no guarantee that an Iraqi Shi'a soldier will defend an Iraqi Sunni civilian and that an Iraqi Sunni soldier will defend an Iraqi Shi'a civilian. Iraqis must decide what future they want. Only Iraqis can save Iraq. Mr. Speaker, we need to redeploy our troops responsibly, to continue training Iraqi soldiers, and to refocus our efforts on counterterrorism. And we need a surge in diplomacy, not troops. The consequences of stay-the-course are real. Just yesterday, President Bush exhorted our allies to help us, not in Iraq, in Afghanistan. The U.S. is sending more troops and billions of dollars more. His words were telling yesterday. Quote, ``The Taliban and al Qaeda are preparing to launch new attacks.'' New attacks. ``Our strategy is not to be on the defensive but to go on the offensive.'' 1,985 days since the 9/11 attacks, and Usama bin Laden remains free, and we hope to go on the offensive in Afghanistan. Americans deserve to hear the truth and the consequences, not slogans. ``Mission accomplished'' wasn't true. ``Stay the course'' didn't work. And this new Congress will not be paralyzed by those who argue that we must stay the course in Iraq to support the troops. The troops didn't chart this course, the troops didn't ask to be plunged into the middle of a civil war, and the troops didn't under-man and under-equip. It is time that the buck for the debacle in Iraq stops where it belongs: Here in Washington, D.C. And if the President won't accept that reality, then guess what? This new Congress, this new Democratic leadership is prepared to stop the buck here. This is a debate we must have. This is a debate about us. Us, those of us here in this Chamber. Will we lead? Will we be responsible overseers of this war? Will we heed the call of the American people? Today, with this vote, Mr. Speaker, we will tell our troops, our generals, our beloved people: We hear you loud and clear. It is time for a new direction in Iraq.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. I thank the gentleman from California, a friend and one of the champions on these issues, Mr. Berman, for his time. And I also thank Mr. Issa, a gentleman from California and a friend, for his support and leadership on these issues as well. Mr. Speaker, I think we rise here because this is what America is about. We often make mistakes, but one of the beauties of this country and the reason so many people wish to come here is because we have a way of healing and making amends, and there is such power in redemption. And for that reason I hope all of my colleagues will support House Resolution 122, authored by a champion of this cause, Congressman Mike Honda from California, because he has been at this for quite some time. We talk about the healing that has to take place. I want to make sure I mention the strength and loyalty and commitment of the Japanese Americans, the Italian Americans, and the German Americans who never lost hope and faith in our country's values, what our Founding Fathers really meant this country to mean to the rest of the world. They are lights for the rest of us, because even in the darkest times they held out hope. And today, so many years later, 65 years later we are here to say it is a day that we will remember not because it was great but because we know how to do great things from things we did wrong. So I stand here proudly to say to Mr. Honda, thank you so much for your leadership in this cause. Let us continue forward. Let us not forget those who have not yet seen justice. There are about 2,300 Japanese Latin Americans who were in essence kidnapped by our U.S. Government in the 1940s, brought to this country, held here, and in many cases used as exchange for American prisoners who were caught by the Japanese during World War II. They never received any justice. And I hope that we will continue to turn the page toward more full justice for all of us here in this country.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Madam Speaker, I rise today with the hope of fixing what I believe to be a regulatory mistake--a mistake that at first glance may seem minor in scope, but upon further examination has dramatic, costly and harmful implications for every American. I speak of the practice of gene patenting, where private corporations, universities and even the Federal Government are granted a monopoly by the United States Patent and Trademark Office on significant sections of the human genome. It is my belief that this practice is wrong, ill-conceived and stunts scientific advancement. And it is for this reason that today I introduce the Genomic Research and Accessibility Act to put an immediate end to this practice. Fifty-four years ago this month James Watson and Francis Crick discovered the structure of Deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA), the molecule that contains the genetic information of nearly all living organisms. Few discoveries have matched theirs in the understanding of the make up of the human species. This discovery led to the 1990 founding of the Human Genome Project, a U.S.-initiated and funded undertaking through the Department of Energy and the National Institutes of Health and in collaboration with geneticists from China, France, Germany, Japan and the United Kingdom. Its goal was to code three billion nucleotides contained in the human genome and to identify all the genes present in it. This dramatic undertaking has given us a greater grasp of many of life's most basic--and tramatic--questions. The Project's efforts have led to the discovery of approximately 35,000 genes. Madam Speaker, 20 percent of these genes have already been patented. Put another way, one-fifth of the blueprint that makes you--me--our children--all of us--who we are is owned by someone else. And we have absolutely no say in what those patent holders do with our genes. This cannot be what Watson and Crick intended. Here are a few examples of the implications of gene patenting: 1. Gene patents interfere with research on diagnoses and cures. Half of all laboratories have stopped developing diagnostic tests because of concerns about infringing gene patents. One laboratory in four has had to abandon a clinical test in progress because of gene patents. 2. In countries where genes are not patented patients get better tests for genetic diseases than in the United States. 3. Forty-seven percent of geneticists have been denied requests from other faculty members for information, data, or materials regarding published research. The practice of withholding data detrimentally affects the training of the next generation of scientists. Almost one fourth of doctoral students and postdoctoral fellows reported they have been denied access to information, data and materials. 4. Disease-causing bacteria and viruses have now been patented. The genome of the virus that causes Hepatitis C, for example, is owned. This can lead to major problems, for if someone else wants to introduce inexpensive, timely public health testing for this (or another) common infectious disease, the patent holder can prevent it. 5. Few in this chamber would ever forget the SARS epidemic. From November 2002 to July 2003, this respiratory disease spread to 24 countries, killing 774 of the 8,096 people who contracted it. Scientists were apprehensive about vigorously studying the disease because three patent applications were pending and they were fearful of possibly facing charges of patent infringement and subsequent litigation. This is a serious problem and it is growing. My legislation, the Genomic Research and Accessibility Act, is straightforward: it ends the practice of gene patenting. It gives guidance to the United States Patent and Trademark Office (PTO) on what is not patentable--in this case, genetic material, naturally-occurring or modified. It is not retroactive--it does not rescind the patents already issued. But, fortunately, the Framers of our Constitution in their infinite wisdom made the point that any recognized invention deserved a monopoly for only a limited time. Congress has defined that scope of protected status to be 20 years from the point the patent application was filed. Thus, if we enact this bill into law quickly, we will reach balance in less than two decades--a patent-free genome that does not hinder scientific research, business enterprise, or human morality. I do not wish to lay blame on anyone who has sought out a gene patent, for they all saw an opportunity and capitalized on it. But that opportunity should never have existed in the first place, and thus, it is time that we as a legislative body put an end to this practice. Nor do I find fault with the Patent and Trademark Office. These days, it should not surprise anyone that innovative technology often outpaces innovative policies. Quite frankly, I don't know if the Patent and Trademark Office or anyone else for that matter had the technical expertise to fully understand the implications when the PTO granted the first gene patents. Those first patents set the precedent. The precedent created the practice. And the practice has now proliferated. This would not be the first time in our Nation's history where government has had to play catch up in order to properly understand technological innovation, and it certainly won't be the last. Madam Speaker, precedent does not and should not simply guarantee continued practice. Indeed, Congress has the constitutional right to proliferate and reward the advancement of invention, but it also has the responsibility to intervene should that advancement be misdirected or incorrect. Article I, Section 8 of the United States Constitution states that we must ``promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries.'' But implicit in those words is the power of discretion--Congress' charge to offer guidance on what exactly merits an exclusive right. I make the argument that the human genome was not created by man, but instead is the very blueprint that creates man. The genome and the approximately 35,000 genes it encompasses has existed for millions of years, predating the human species; and suffice to say that it will certainly post date us as well. If you agree with me that genes have existed beyond the full grasp of human knowledge and indeed before the dawn of human kind, then you must conclude as I have that they are a product of nature and thus not patentable. Patenting the gene for breast cancer or any other gene is the analogous equivalent to patenting water, air, birds or diamonds. But don't take my word for it, Madam Speaker. One need only read the Supreme Court's Diamond v. Chakrabarty decision of 1980 to receive guidance on what is truly not patentable. In this landmark decision, Chief Justice William Burger wrote that ``The laws of nature, physical phenomena, and abstract ideas have been held not patentable . . . Thus, a new mineral discovered in the earth or a new plant found in the wild is not patentable subject matter. Likewise, Einstein could not patent his celebrated law that E=mc \2\; nor could Newton have patented the law of gravity. Such discoveries are `manifestations of . . . nature, free to all men and reserved exclusively to none.' '' Proponents of gene patenting have said they are not patenting genes but instead are patenting ``isolated and purified'' genetic sequences. This is mere wordplay. In practice, these patents are patents on products of nature. For example, a patent on the supposedly isolated and purified breast cancer sequence prohibits a woman's doctor from looking for the breast cancer gene in her blood without paying $3,000 to the patent holder. It prohibits the same woman from donating her breast cancer gene to other researchers because the holder of the patent has the exclusive right to prevent anyone else from doing research on any individual's breast cancer gene. Such restrictions make clear that in effect, patents on isolated and purified sequences are patents on the actual genes found in nature. We have overstepped our bounds. We have made a regulatory mistake. We have allowed the patenting of a product of nature. Fortunately, we have the power to end the practice expeditiously and for the benefit of all. This bill will allow all doctors and researchers to have access to the genetic sequence, consisting of the chemical letters A (adenine), T (thymine), C (cytosine) and G (guanine). Just as we would never allow a patent on the alphabet that would permit the patent holder to charge people a royalty every time they spoke, we should not allow a patent on the genetic alphabet that comprises our common genome. I want to thank my friend, the Honorable Dr. Dave Weldon of Florida, for agreeing to join me in writing and introducing this critical piece of legislation. I am appreciative for the support that this legislation has found in the science and medical communities. The Medical Association, the College of American Pathologists, the American College of Medical Genetics, the American Society of Human Genetics, the Association for Molecular Pathology, the Academy of Clinical Laboratory Physicians and Scientists and a host of others have all made public their wish to see the practice of gene patenting come to an immediate end. I applaud their steadfast support and encourage them to stay vocal until such time as their wish becomes reality and the Genomic Research and Accessibility Act becomes law. Enacting the Genomic Research and Accessibility Act does not hamper invention, indeed, it encourages it. Medical innovation and economic advancement will occur if the study of genes is allowed to happen unabated. Incredible manifestations of intellectual property will result: medicines, machines, processes--most deserving of recognition, some potentially life-saving, and all worthy of a patent. Madam Speaker, let us take up and pass in short order the Genomic Research and Accessibility Act.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Mr. Speaker, I would like to begin by thanking the committees of jurisdiction for helping move this legislation forward quickly. Last session what we found was that we just ran out of time. This bill passed unanimously out of the House of Representatives, not a single opposing vote, and we came very, very close in the Senate to having this actually go to the desk of the President, where I am sure he would have signed it. Unfortunately, time became the enemy. And I hope that now, moving this quickly through the process, we will be able to give the Senate the time it needs to move through its process as well. I want to thank my colleague and friend from Florida, Ms. Ileana Ros- Lehtinen, for her tireless efforts on behalf of this legislation. She and I have served as a, I hope, dynamic duo in trying to move this forward with all our colleagues who were supporting this legislation. Many us believe that there is no place on this Earth like the National Mall that we have here in Washington, D.C. If anyone from Mars were to come and ask what is it like to be an American, I would send them directly to the National Mall and say, go through the museums that we have at the Smithsonian. Take a look at the various artifacts that give you a sense of our culture, our history, our heritage as a Nation; and you will have a better sense of what it means to be an American after that walk. It would probably take you a few weeks if you want to go through all the different museums, but you will have a better sense of what it means to be an American than, I think, if you go anywhere else in this world. The only problem I have, and the only disappointment I have, is that you don't get the full picture of what it has meant to be an American. We have moved forward to try to take care of that over the years. We have a museum that recently opened in the last 4 or 5 years that will help us better understand what it has meant to be a Native American in this country. We are going to put shovel in ground very soon in trying to help America understand the history and the plight of many Americans of African descent who have come into this country and the generations that have followed, and what it means to be African American in this country. I hope, at some point, this commission will report back to us on what best we can do as a Nation to make sure that when someone does walk through the Mall of the Capital and visits those precious museums that we have, that they will have that symphony and that understanding that comes from visiting those tremendous facilities of what it means to be an American and what it is to be proud of our American history and culture. This legislation, which has the support, I am very glad to say, of a bipartisan group of Members in the House, should help us get a sense from the experts, not politicians, not people who have no real understanding of this, but from the experts of whether or not there is value in moving forward the idea of trying to have a place where we have resided within it, the culture, the experience, the history, the art, the heritage of Americans of Latino descent. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Arizona for yielding me the time; thank the two committees of jurisdiction and certainly all the cosponsors of this legislation, but principally to my colleague in crime here, the Congresswoman from Florida, Ms. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Madam Speaker, I rise today to introduce the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Latin Americans of Japanese Descent Act. This bill would create a commission to review and determine facts and circumstances surrounding the relocation, internment, and deportation of Japanese Latin Americans, and subsequently recommend appropriate remedies. This year marks the 65th anniversary of the day that then President D. Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066 that led to the internment of 120,000 persons of Japanese ancestry. With the stroke of a pen, innocent men, women, and children became prisoners and were branded disloyal to the nation they called home. Lives were disrupted and homes were broken as these Americans were uprooted from their communities and locked behind barbed wire fences. Over the past years, the anniversary of this date has been nationally observed with educational events to increase public awareness about the World War II experience, recognize the unjust action, and to provide an opportunity for all people to reflect on the importance of justice and civil liberties during times of crisis and war. The 1981 Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians concluded that the internment was the result of racism and wartime hysteria. Five years after publishing its findings, then President Ronald Reagan signed the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 that provided an official apology and financial redress to most of the Japanese Americans who were subjected to wrongdoing and confined in U.S. internment camps during World War II. Those loyal Americans were vindicated by the fact that not a single documented case of sabotage or espionage was committed by a Japanese American during that time. The Civil Liberties Act was the culmination of a half century of struggle to bring justice to those for whom it was denied. I am proud that our nation did the right thing. But 19 years after the passage of this act, there still remains unfinished work to completely rectify and close this regrettable chapter in our nation's history. Between December 1941 and February 1945, approximately 2,300 men, women, and children of Japanese ancestry became the victims of mass abduction and forcible deportation from 13 Latin American countries to the United States. The U.S. government orchestrated and financed the deportation of Japanese Latin Americans to be used as hostages in exchange for Americans held by Japan. Over 800 individuals were included in two prisoner of war exchanges between the U.S. and Japan, where many were deported to a foreign country that they had never set foot on since their ancestors' immigration to Latin America. The remaining Japanese Latin Americans were imprisoned in internment camps without the benefit of due process rights until after the end of the war. Further study of the events surrounding the deportation and incarceration of Japanese Latin Americans is both merited and necessary. The 1981 Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians acknowledged the federal actions in detaining and interning civilians of enemy or foreign nationality, particularly of Japanese ancestry, but the commission had not thoroughly researched the historical documents that exist in distant archives pertaining to Japanese Latin Americans. It is for all these reasons, Madam Speaker, that I rise today to introduce the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Latin Americans of Japanese Descent Act. We must review directives of the United States military forces and the State Department requiring the relocation, detention in internment camps, and deportation of Japanese Latin Americans to Axis countries and recommend appropriate remedies based upon preliminary findings by the original commission and new discoveries. It is the right thing to do to affirm our commitment to democracy and the rule of law. I am proud that there are many Members of Congress and community activists who have come together in this continuous fight for justice. I especially thank Representatives Dan Lungren, Mike Honda, and Chris Cannon for their commitment to this issue and joining me in this effort. The Campaign for Justice and the Japanese American Citizens League have been the vanguard organizations driving this effort. Madam Speaker, let us renew our resolve to build a better future for our community by dedicating ourselves to remembering how we compromised liberty in the past by passing the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Latin Americans of Japanese Descent Act. Doing so will help us guard it more closely in the future and help us commit ourselves to justice.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. Mr. Speaker, from the sound of it from our colleagues on the other side of the aisle, you would think that prescription drug prices were a great deal. They say it is working; the system ain't broke, so no need to do anything. Well, I did a little bit of research. And it is my own research, so I took a look at a couple of very popular drugs: Clarinex, which is for allergies; Lipitor, which is for cholesterol. I figured out the average prices out there at any pharmacy for those drugs per gram, and that turns out to be about $733 per gram for Clarinex and about $279 per gram for Lipitor. And I said, wait a minute. These are good deals. Right? So let's find out what an illicit drug on the street costs today. And, again, this is all my research. I couldn't tell you that I know for a fact what cocaine costs on the street or heroin, but I did some research. The U.N. Report of 2006 on Drugs and Crime says that cocaine has a street value of about $112 per gram, heroin about $95 per gram. So if you take a look at what is going on today, it is a great price that you pay four or five times more for a drug to help save a senior's life than you have to pay for a drug that you abuse on the streets today in America. Our drug prices are not okay. The system is broken. We do need to change it. And all we are saying is let's try to reduce the price. It doesn't hurt to try. Anyone here bought a house, bought a car, a truck? Did you pay sticker price, or did you try to negotiate the price down? You may not have been able to; it may have been a very popular model car or truck, or home. But that is what we are saying, let's try to negotiate the price down. It is like telling a football team you get one down to get to the goal, and if you don't, you have got to punt. Or telling the batter, you go to the batter's box and you get one strike. Let's give America four downs, let's give America three strikes to try to reduce the price of these drugs. We should do it. Pass this bill.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. Mr. Speaker, it is a new day, a new Congress, and a new direction for America. The previous Congress could have increased the minimum wage, but it didn't. The Congress before that could have, but it didn't. Every day, over 6 million Americans choose work at $5.15 an hour over welfare. For 10 years, the old Congress chose to do nothing to reward the labor and dedication of those Americans who do some of the hardest work for the lowest pay. $5.15 an hour, that is less than $900 each month. How much do you pay every month just on your mortgage or your rent, your car payment? Today, compared to 1997, we pay 25 percent more for a loaf of bread, 77 percent more for college, 97 percent more for health insurance, and 130 percent more for a gallon of gas. But, for those 10 years, the minimum wage has not changed. Mr. Speaker, every American worker who works hard full time all year should escape the grasp of poverty. The time for excuses expired 10 years ago. It is time to increase the minimum wage for hardworking Americans. This new Congress will deliver for America's workers.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Mr. Speaker, on December 5 and 6, 2006, I was unable to cast my floor vote on rollcall numbers 524, 525, 526 and 527. The votes I missed included a motion to suspend the rules and agree to as amended, H. Res. 1070; a motion to suspend the rules and pass, as amended H.R. 1176; a motion to suspend the rules and pass H.R. 6099; and a motion to suspend the rules and agree to H. Res. 1082. Had I been present for the votes, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall votes 524 and 527, and ``nay'' on rollcall votes 525 and 526.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Mr. Speaker, here we are on December 8 talking about legislation that we had discussed in prior months this year before this Congress was set to adjourn officially on September 30. We find today a circumstance where we have some very good provisions that are lumped together in this legislation. We have provisions in this bill that would promote the cleanup of brownfields. Those are contaminated sites throughout this country that are lying empty because they are too contaminated to use and too expensive to clean up. We are going to promote the cleanup of those brownfields. We are going to provide a better way to have environmental settlements occur so we have funds in place that will then be used to help pay for cleanup of environmental degradation. We have the very important research and development tax credit which so much of American business needs to know about so they can make sound investments into the future about what to devote their next 10-20 years' worth of money into in terms of research and development. We have the welfare-to-work tax credit to get folks on welfare back to work. We have the extension of the American Jobs Creation Act for Puerto Rico manufacturing; but we have a lot of other things as well that don't belong here. It is one of those circumstances where you are looking at a great baby that just took a bath and you are wondering how you can get rid of the bath water without getting rid of the baby. Unfortunately, it is a circumstance where many Members are probably going to wait until the time of the vote to decide if it is worth throwing away the bath water and not jeopardizing the baby. I must say, it is good to know we are at December 8 with a vote having taken place in November, with the American public having told us enough is enough, we want a new direction and a new way of doing things. I hope come 2007 this Congress will behave itself in a way that makes the American people proud of what it has so we don't have circumstances where a lot of Members say there is some great stuff here, and a lot of bad stuff, too. At the end of the day, this will be a vote that no one will be too proud of, but hopefully will move us forward.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to congratulate Paquito D'Rivera who has been selected as Artistic Director for this year's Duke Ellington Jazz Festival. In celebration of Hispanic Heritage Month, we salute the festival's acknowledgement of the contributions made by Latino artists. Paquito D'Rivera is a world-renowned jazz instrumentalist who embodies the diverse soul of today's modem musician. His ability to fuse South American and Caribbean sounds with that of American jazz is creative, unique and inspirational to all of us. Mr. D'Rivera's proclivity toward music was apparent at a young age. Raised in Cuba, his father was his music instructor. By the age of 10, he was performing with the National Theater Orchestra of Havana. He continued making his mark in Cuba, playing both the clarinet and saxophone with the Cuban National Symphony Orchestra and co-founding the Orchestra Cubana de Musica Moderna and the group Irakere, a Cuban jazz band known for its mixture of Latin sounds and musical improvisation. Irakere impressed jazz enthusiasts across the world with its ground-breaking style, going on to win a Grammy in 1979 for Best Latin Recording. So that he could fully express his musical talent, Mr. D'Rivera defected to the United States in 1981. With the assistance of fellow jazz musicians such as Dizzy Gillespie, he began performing in New York City and released his first album Paquito Blowin in 1981 and Mariel in 1982. The success of these two albums launched him into the national spotlight. His career blossomed and in 1988, Mr. D'Rivera was invited to join the United Nations Orchestra to perform jazz fused with Latin rhythms and sounds. Paquito D'Rivera is truly a diverse musician. With commissions as a classical composer, he continues to be involved in a wide range of projects and music. In 1989, he composed ``New York Suite'' for the Gerald Danovich Saxophone Quartet and ``Aires Tropicales'' for the Aspen Wind Quintet. In 1999, D'Rivera participated in a series of programs in collaboration with Germany's Chamber Orchestra Werneck entitled ``D'Rivera Meets Mozart''. He continues to play with the Paquito D'Rivera Big Band and is an Artist in Residence at the New Jersey Performing Arts Center. For over a decade, Mr. D'Rivera has been the Artistic Director of the Festival International de Jazz en el Tambo in Uruguay. In 2003, Mr. D'Rivera received a Doctorate Honoris Causa in Music from the Berklee College of Music and made history when he became the first artist to win a Latin Grammy in both Classical and Latin Jazz categories. He has amassed seven Grammy awards to date and has over 30 solo albums. Additionally, his many solo performances include performances with the National Symphony Orchestra, the Brooklyn Philharmonic, and the St. Luke's Chamber Orchestra. Internationally, he has performed with the London Royal Symphony, the Costa Rican National Symphony, and the Simon Bolivar Symphony Orchestra, among others. Paquito D'Rivera is a gifted writer and the author of his autobiography, ``My Sax Life, a Memoir.'' In his autobiography, Mr. D'Rivera gives us a glimpse of the world through the eyes of a gifted jazz artist. Introduced to literature by his father, he also penned the novel ``Oh, La Habana.'' In 2005 he was awarded the National Medal of Arts, the nation's highest honor for artistic excellence. In January of 2005, Mr. D'Rivera celebrated 50 years in the music industry and 24 years in the United States. He continues to inspire jazz musicians in the U.S. and throughout the world. Mr. Speaker, during this Hispanic Heritage month, as we celebrate the valuable contributions Latinos make to this nation, we thank Mr. D'Rivera today for his brilliant work and tireless efforts to ensure that the Second Annual Duke Ellington Jazz Festival continues to successfully bring jazz to the Nation's Capitol.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Mr. Speaker, it is with utmost pleasure and privilege that I rise today to pay tribute to Sister Diane Donoghue, a uniquely committed individual who has contributed over 50 years of her talents and passion toward helping others. On October 5, 2006, community members and leaders throughout Los Angeles will be honoring Sister Diane at a ``Legacy Celebration'' in recognition of her retirement from the Esperanza Community Housing Corporation. ``Esperanza''--a Spanish word that rolls off the tongue with a powerful vibration--in English means ``hope.'' Throughout the scope of her public service career, Sister Diane has looked into the eyes of those losing hope--teenagers struggling with mental health issues, heroin-addicted women, ailing garment workers without health insurance, and parents with housing eviction notices--and offered the gift of hope. But, as Sister Diane personally knows, offering the gift of hope is not an easy or simple task--it's a grave and serious responsibility that demands the hard work of collaboratively developing real, feasible solutions and tools for success. Diane Catherine Donoghue entered the Sisters of Social Service in 1955 and began her journey of challenging unjust social and economic forces that has now spanned over 50 years. Her journey led her to the heart of my congressional district and in 1985 Sister Diane became the community organizer for St. Vincent de Paul Catholic Church at Adams Boulevard and Figueroa Street in South Central Los Angeles. When she heard the plea of a family who was about to be evicted to make room for another garment factory, and she listened to other families' troubles finding safe and affordable housing, she took action. Sister Diane worked with the local community to form the Esperanza Community Housing Corporation and within 9 years they completed a $6.5 million project, Villa Esperanza Apartments, which offers 33 units of affordable housing for large families, a community center, and an onsite Head Start program. Nine additional housing projects, now totaling 165 units of safe, affordable housing, followed as a result of the work of Sister Diane and the Esperanza Community Housing Corporation. Building on its success, the Esperanza Community Housing Corporation expanded its mission to become a multipurpose social service agency featuring five program areas that address the neighborhood's most pressing needs: affordable housing, community health, education, arts and science, and economic development. As an economic development project, Sister Diane and Esperanza undertook the task of creating the Mercado la Paloma in South Los Angeles. This dynamic neighborhood-based public market site allows close to 20 low-income entrepreneurs to realize the dream of owning their own business, gives 110 individuals jobs, and provides community gathering space and offices for local non-profits. The Mercado today functions as a vibrant neighborhood center and marketplace because of the leadership and efforts of Sister Diane. The Mercado provides a fitting location to hold her Legacy Celebration. Not surprisingly, Sister Diane's 50-year public service career has been marked by numerous awards: the Lifetime Achievement Award from the Southern California Association of Non-Profit Housing, the UCLA Alumni Award for Community Service, the Empowerment Award from the Los Angeles Archdiocese, an Honorary Doctorate from Occidental College, and the Courage in Community A ward from the McAuley Institute. I would argue though that her greatest achievements are not marked by awards, but by the vastly improved living conditions of those she has served in the community. Her greatest awards are not plaques, but the faces you see entering the Villa Esperanza apartment complex or behind the counter at a shop within the Mercado. Mr. Speaker, it is with great admiration and pride that I ask my colleagues to join me today to salute this exceptional woman. Romans iv.18 states, ``Who against hope believed in hope.'' Sister Diane Donoghue and her legacy embody this New Testament scripture. Throughout her 50-year public service career, when faced with the needs of the destitute and downtrodden, she believed in hope, helped others believe in hope, and created a path toward positive change in countless lives.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Mr. Seymour Robinson, a passionate advocate, a loving family man, and a good friend who passed away on Wednesday, September 13, 2006. Family and friends will be gathering for a memorial service on October 1 in Los Angeles to honor Seymour's long and full life, which was marked by a remarkable family, dedicated community service, and incredible friendships. When an email came through from ``SEYNITA@aol.com,'' you always knew you were in for a treat. Seymour reached out to so many of us on so many days--with emails containing an interesting article, a good joke, a personal observation, or a call to action. His email distribution list included members of Congress, community and business leaders, neighbors, friends, and just about anyone who was willing to sign up. So when the message arrived not long ago from SEYNITA@aol.com with the subject line ``Seymour Robinson memorial service,'' everyone from our Nation's leaders to faraway friends stopped in our tracks. Even when our loved ones and friends reach the amazing age of 90, we are still unprepared and deeply struck by their deaths. We come to rely on them to always be there, so that they might bestow upon us the strength and wisdom that we both need and appreciate. Seymour brought contagious energy and vigor to his life's activities. A tireless advocate who was always there to roll up his sleeves and fight, Seymour fought as a labor organizer for living wages, as a community organizer for racial integration and harmony, and as a political coordinator for AARP/Vote. While serving on the Mayor's Advisory Committee, he helped former Los Angeles Mayor Richard Riordan govern better. During my tenure here in this body, he has helped me serve the interests of our seniors better through his AARP/Vote advocacy. And a special note about Seymour's service to our country during World War II. Seymour received the Croix de Guerre for his contributions during the D-Day invasion and the liberation of Paris. Our country owes a debt of gratitude to veterans like Seymour who fought on the battlefields of yesteryear for the freedoms we hold today. Our deepest sympathies are extended to his beloved wife of 60 years, Anita Robinson; children: David, Lorraine, and Billy Robinson; and his granddaughters: Rachel and Mara Woods-Robinson. Rarely do partnerships like Anita and Seymour's achieve the depth of commitment they had. To see Seymour light up when sharing a story about their travels was to see a man so passionately in love with his wife and so proud and content with their life together. Mr. Speaker, it is with heart-felt sorrow, yet great pride and admiration that I ask my colleagues to join me today in saluting Seymour Robinson. And though we are all comforted knowing that Seymour rests in peace, we also know that we have marching orders and must continue fighting for social justice in his honor.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Madam Speaker, I would like to first begin by thanking our managers of the time for their patience and indulgence in moving forward so many good pieces of legislation. I want to thank, first and foremost, the principal co-chair of this legislation, Ms. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen of Florida, for her efforts in trying to help move this legislation forward. And while I have a written statement, which I will submit for the Record, I also want to thank the work of the committee chairman and ranking members here, not only the full committee members, Mr. Pombo, and Mr. Rahall, the ranking member, but also our National Parks chairman, Mr. Pearce, and ranking member Mrs. Christensen for their work in moving this bill through the Resources Committee. And, of course, the chairman, Mr. Ehlers, and ranking member, Ms. Millender-McDonald, from the Committee on House Administration for also moving the bill through their committee. I certainly want to thank them very much for the work of the leadership to place this bill on the suspension calendar. Madam Speaker, I thank my colleagues, the gentleman from New Mexico (Mr. Pearce) and the gentlewoman from the Virgin Islands (Ms. Christensen) for their work in support of H.R. 2134, the National American Latino Heritage Museum Commission Act. I am also grateful to the leadership and members of the House Committee on Resources and the Committee on House Administration for bringing this legislation to the floor today. I first sponsored this legislation with my good friend, Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, during Hispanic Heritage Month nearly three years ago. Since then, we have been hearing from many supporters, not just in the Latino community, but throughout the nation. The Senate version of this bill was sponsored by Senator Ken Salazar and Senator Mel Martinez. We have a good, bipartisan group of co-sponsors, but I would like to emphasize that this is non-partisan legislation that will benefit all Americans. Our national museums have great influence over what Americans know and believe about our collective history and cultural life. When the children of America visit the capital to learn what our museums have to teach them, they go home believing that they have an understanding about what it means to be an American. H.R. 2134 would bring light to the issue of whether our national museums are doing all they can to provide future generations a more complete portrayal of American Latino contributions to American life, by showing that American Latinos are and always have been a part of the American experience. The bipartisan Commission created by this bill (``Commission'') would be charged with examining and reporting to Congress and the President their recommendations on whether and how to establish a new museum dedicated to the art, history, and culture of the American Latino population of the United States. The Commission would be comprised of experts from the national art and museum communities as well as individuals with experience in administration and development of cultural institutions. Commissioners would be appointed in a bipartisan manner by the President and the leaders of the House and Senate. Along with the question of whether a new museum is warranted, the Commission would examine such issues as the capacity for fundraising for a new museum, the availability of a collection to exhibit, whether a new museum should be part of the Smithsonian Institution or independent, the cost of establishing and maintaining a museum, and where a museum might be located in Washington, D.C. or its environs. Congress then may choose whether to act on the recommendations as it sees fit. American Latinos will play an ever increasing role in the whole of our society. Americans of Latino heritage are a very youthful population and are projected to be more integral to the nation's economy, workforce, and electorate. Almost half of American Latinos are under the age of 25. American Latinos have a higher proportion of preschool aged children among their population then any other group. Similarly, 11 percent of the Latino population is under the age of five. Among our nation's school-age population, about every fifth student is Latino. In fact, the Census Bureau tells us that every fifth child born today in the United States is an American of Latino heritage. Americans of Latino heritage have been part of American history since before the founding of the United States. They were present on the American continent for more than two centuries prior to the Declaration of Independence. Spanish colonists founded the first permanent settlement in the territorial United States in St. Augustine, Florida in 1565, four decades before Jamestown and Plymouth Rock. The first church in North America was constructed by the Spanish in 1598 at San Juan Pueblo, 30 miles north of Santa Fe. One of the sixteen windows in the Colorado State Capitol depicts Casimiro Barela, a Hispano and former Governor and member of the state senate from 1876 to 1914, who was instrumental in the state's decision to publish all laws in English, German and Spanish. During the American Revolutionary War, General Washington's army was successful at Yorktown in part because of support from a multiethnic army led by Spanish General Bernardo de Galvez on a southern front against the British, driving them out of the Gulf of Mexico, fighting them on the Mississippi and in Florida. The town of Galveston, Texas is named for him. In every subsequent military conflict, American Latino soldiers fought alongside their American brethren. One of the first U.S. soldiers to die in Iraq, Jose Gutierrez, was an orphaned Guatemalan who at the time of his death was not even an American citizen. American Latino participation in our armed forces is not a new phenomenon. More than 10,000 Americans of Latino heritage fought for both the North and the South during the civil war. It has been estimated that anywhere from 250,000 to 500,000 American Latinos served in the armed forces during World War II. Over 53,000 Puerto Ricans served in World War II during the period 1940-1946. According to the Pew Hispanic Center, while Latinos make up 9.5 percent of the actively enlisted forces, they are over-represented in the categories that get the most dangerous assignments (infantry, gun crews and seamanship) and make up over 17.5 percent of the front lines. This is likely the reason why, as a proportion of their total numbers, American Latinos have earned more Congressional Medals of Honor than any other ethnic group. Presently, Latinos have one of the highest retention rates in military service. Their dedication is rooted in their deep belief in protecting American values demonstrated by post enlistment surveys which illustrate that Latino recruits note ``patriotism'' and ``service to country'' as the top two reasons for joining, as well as ``duty'' and ``honor.'' The richness of American culture also has benefited greatly from contributions made by the American Latino community. New Orleans jazz legend Jelly Roll Morton said that our quintessential American music, jazz, was born with a ``Spanish tinge.'' The famous jazz saxophonist Stan Getz released several albums in the 1950s that integrated Brazilian samba into traditional jazz, and used the paintings of a Latina, Olga Abizu, for his album covers. Many of our old American icons were also influenced by American Latino culture. The term ``buckaroo'' is derived form the Spanish word ``vaquero'' or cowman, from which we also got the word ``cowboy.'' Cowboy garb, boots and wide brimmed hats are all derived from the traditions of the northern Mexican charros and caballeros. In science, the ground-controlled radar systems used for aircraft landings, and the meteorite theory of dinosaur extinction were both discovered by an American Latino, Californian Luis Walter Alvarez. Without American Latino ingenuity in bringing large-scale irrigation systems, or acequias, to the Southwest, the semi-arid climate would not have supported the crops that allowed colonization. The earliest acequias in Texas were dug by Pueblo Indians in 1680, portions of this system which were still in use in the early 1990s. The civil rights era was a time in which American Latinos also made contributions. Before Brown v. Board of Education, California schools were desegregated by Mendez v. Westminster School District, a federal lawsuit brought by the parents of Mexican American students. American Latinos also are investing mightily in the American economy. American Latino purchasing power nationally will top $1.08 trillion by 2010, up 413 percent from $212 billion in 1990--a gain far greater than the 177 percent increase in the buying power of all U.S. consumers in the same period. From 1997-2002, the number of businesses owned by American Latinos grew by 31 percent, three times the national average. These are indicators that American Latinos will be increasingly vital to the nation's economic well-being. These examples show that the American Latino experience is integral to the nation's past and future. Yet scarcely any of the exhibits in our national museums in the nation's capital portray American Latino contributions to American life. H.R. 2134 would take the next step toward ensuring that the lessons taught by our premier institutions for the arts, humanities, and American history include a better representation of Latino contributions. We hope that we will soon be able to say that the nation's capital truly exhibits America's rich cultural diversity. I urge all of my colleagues to support this legislation.

Mr. BECERRA

Mr. BECERRA. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the time and for his leadership. Mr. Speaker, with 5 days left in this session, with the failure of this House to pass comprehensive immigration reform to accept the challenge posed by the Senate which did pass comprehensive immigration reform, we are now left with a campaign stunt to try to pass something out of this House so that it can appear that as Members of Congress go home to campaign that we have done something on the issue of our broken immigration system. Unfortunately, this legislation, like the previous bills that we are debating on this floor, fail to do one very important thing, and that was, ask the very people who this bill would impact most. And that is our local and State law enforcement officers what they think about this. Because if you would have talked to them, they would tell you, please do not do this. We have had sufficient experience with what the Federal Government wishes to do when it comes to its Federal laws on immigration, and that is, it passes the buck without passing the money. This bill is no different. This passes the buck, but offers not a single cent to enforce the immigration laws that are a Federal responsibility. For years our State and local governments have been asking Congress to fix the broken immigration laws that we have. Instead, this bill asks State and local police officers to pick up the tab, pick up the slack where the Feds have failed. Mr. Speaker, you do not need to look very far for proof of that. Take a look at the State Criminal Alien Assistance Program. That is the Federal Government's effort to try to help States deal with the incarceration of criminal aliens. The President's budget included not a single dime of funding to help States offset the cost of having to incarcerate criminal aliens. The Congress did a little bit better, but still is funding that program for all 50 States at less than one-third of what they are currently spending to incarcerate aliens who should be deported but committed crimes in our country. What else? Take a look at the Federal Government's enforcement of our laws that prohibit individuals in this country from fraudulently hiring people who do not have permission to work in this country. How many enforcement actions did this government, this Federal Government, take against people who are abusing the laws and taking advantage of the fact that American citizens would like to take those jobs? Three enforcement actions in all of 2004. State and local law enforcement officers know what happens when those bills are passed: the buck gets passed with it, and no money gets passed along. Mr. Speaker, police officers are also telling us why would we want to have to enforce Federal immigration laws when we have to enforce the local laws to protect our citizenry. If a crime is committed, why would an immigrant who is already living in the shadows come out of the shadows to report a crime that he or she witnessed, if he or she knows that now we will pick them up on an immigration infraction? This is crazy. But this is what we are left with these last final days. Mr. Speaker, we can have comprehensive immigration reform. The Senate did it. It is a shame that the House has not decided to follow suit. I would urge Members to vote against this legislation.