Doug Bereuter

Mr. BEREUTER

Mr. BEREUTER. I yield to the gentlewoman from North Carolina.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, the amendment that this Member is offering is virtually identical to a provision included in last year's Agriculture appropriations measure. This Member has taken a strong interest in rural housing programs, and has been successful in efforts in the Banking Committee to authorize new, more cost-effective approaches to rural housing development. One such initiative, which the distinguished chairman of the subcommittee, Mr. Skeen, and the distinguished ranking Member, Mr. Durbin, have helped to make a reality, was the highly successful Section 502 Middle Income Loan Guarantee Program. This Member is pleased that this measure contains $1.5 billion in guarantee authority for that program. Now, this Member is seeking support to help make a new multifamily loan guarantee program a reality. In the 103d Congress this Member introduced legislation to create a new multifamily loan guarantee program. That legislation would create a demonstration for a new Federal loan guarantee program for the construction of multifamily rental housing units. That legislation passed the House in the 103d Congress as part of H.R. 3838, the Housing and Community Development Act of 1994, passed July 22, 1994. Because H.R. 3838 died when the Senate failed to act on it in the last hours of the 103d Congress, this Member reintroduced the legislation, which was passed by the Housing Subcommittee as part of H.R. 1691, and is now awaiting further action by the full House. Also, with bipartisan support on the Appropriations Committee, we were successful in including $1 million funding for this program in the Department of Agriculture appropriation for fiscal 1995, making it possible to finance approximately $25 million in guarantees, contingent upon the authorization of the demonstration program. Unfortunately, because the Senate never passed an authorization bill, that $1 million was never used. As this Member fully expects that the demonstration program will gain an authorization this year, this Member is offering this amendment to H.R. 1976 to allow $1 million of the credit subsidy allocation to be used to fund the new multifamily loan guarantee program, contingent upon that authorization. This amendment is similar to the final language adopted in the 103d Congress. This Member's staff has discussed this amendment with the distinguished Chairman's, Mr. Skeen's, staff, and this Member understands that he is supportive. This Member greatly appreciates that support, and asks that the amendment be accepted.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.

Mr. BEREUTER

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from California [Mr. Dreier], the distinguished gentleman who has worked very hard on Sino-American relations and trade issues.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas [Mr. Stockman].

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida [Ms. Ros-Lehtinen].

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, as I said before, China has millions more dissidents than those who openly brave the hard suppression of human rights. The one thing that unites the people in China with a narrow leadership clique, however, is the memory of the destruction of China's sovereignty during the last two centuries and the imposition of unequal treaties and other indignities on the part of first the Western powers and then Japan. I tell my colleagues a certainty, that as nothing else the denial of normal trade status will unite China's people behind their Government and identify the United States as hostile to their interests. On the other hand, the legislation before us today recognizes the importance of China while specifying the deep concerns of the American people about the PRC and then requiring diplomatic conduct from the Presidency, and reports and Radio Free Asia. A number of well-known China dissidents, for example, including Chi Ling and Won Won To have warned that the denial of MFN status will endanger China's current economic opening and close off current widening exposure of Chinese to the outside world. The dissident movement exists in China precisely because growing foreign investment and China's expanding foreign trade have created a fast burgeoning middle class with the same expectations as middle classes throughout the world. It thrives on a freer flow of information brought about by the introduction of Western telecommunications technology and access to the international media. Mr. Speaker, the denial of MFN will set back the democracy movement in China even more than it sets back the Chinese economy and chokes off the prosperity of Hong Kong. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the distinguished gentleman from California [Mr. Dornan], a member of the Committee on National Security.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, it has been a pleasure to work with the gentlewoman from California [Ms. Pelosi], and she is correct in reminding about the reporting requirements and I could say Radio Free Asia. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Wolf], the other gentleman that I worked with who has been invaluable in working with me. (Mr. WOLF asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from California [Mr. Rohrabacher], a member of the Committee on International Relations.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. Roth], who is chairman of the Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from California [Mr. Gallegly], a distinguished and active member of the Committee on International Relations.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Washington [Mr. White], who has already become very active on trade issues in the Congress.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. Funderburk], a member of the Committee on International Relations and a former Ambassador.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Washington [Ms. Dunn], who has been very active on trade issues.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentleman from Indiana for his excellent statement and for his help. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes and 30 seconds to the gentleman from Arizona [Mr. Kolbe], one of the great experts in the Congress of the United States.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Smith], a member of the Committee on International Relations.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York [Mr. Gilman], the distinguished chairman of the Committee on International Relations. (Mr. GILMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Arizona, Mr. Matt Salmon, a new member of the Committee on International Relations, who not only has lived in China for a substantial period of time, but speaks Chinese.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, my colleagues, make no mistake about it. United States relations with the People's Republic of China have deteriorated to a very troubled level. Currently, United States-China relations are cool and formal, and are dominated by a series of disputes. In this environment, animosities and grievances--on both sides--could boil over and cause an irreparable breach. Indeed, a new cold war, this time with the PRC, is not entirely impossible--but it is avoidable. We must all approach this debate today with a deep sense of gravity and care regarding the long-term importance and fragility of Sino-American relations. Clearly, Mr. Speaker, a further, unnecessary deterioration in Chinese-American relations is not in the United States national interest. It would not serve our security goals; nor would it serve our human rights objectives. It would not advance our trade and economic objectives. Simply put, I emphasize to my colleagues today that what we do here today should not aim to isolate or demonize China or foster the attitude in this country that China is an enemy. They are not an enemy. We should have the objective of improving the Chinese-American relationship while, at the same time, always acting in our national interest. These goals are not incompatible. Having said that however, this Member steadfastly believes that the United States must remain engaged with China. This does not mean that we should ignore the many legitimate differences between our two nations. It is entirely proper that we make weapons proliferation, human rights, and the proper treatment of U.S. nationals, such as Harry Wu, our foreign policy objectives of the highest order. H.R. 2058, the China Policy Act of 1995, does precisely that. It fills a crucial gap by setting forth both clear policy objectives for the United States- China relationship and appropriate directions to the executive branch. Mr. Speaker, this Member has carefully and painstakingly worked to draft legislation that accurately and comprehensively describes the House of Representatives' objectives and our concerns with regard to the Government of the People's Republic of China. With significant contributions from the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Wolf], the gentlewoman from California [Ms. Pelosi], and with the support of the House leadership as well as bipartisan staff assistance from the House International Relations Committee, we have crafted bipartisan legislation that nearly every Member, in good conscience, can support. The China Policy Act of 1995 concisely states the United States' foreign policy grievances with the People's Republic of China. This legislation very specifically calls upon the President of the United States to undertake the following diplomatic initiatives, to report on their progress, and to use every available diplomatic means to cause China to accomplish the following reforms: First, permit freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom of press, and freedom of religion. Second, end arbitrary detention, torture, forced labor, and other mistreatment of prisoner. Third, release all political prisoners, including Harry Wu, and dismantle the Chinese gulag and forced labor system. Fourth, end coercive birth control practices. Fifth, respect the legitimate rights of ethnic minorities and the people of Tibet. Sixth, curtail excessive modernization and expansion of China's military capabilities. Seventh, halt provocative military actions in the South China Sea. Eighth, implement, and enforce international trade agreements. Ninth, comply with prohibitions on all forced labor exports to the United States. Tenth, reduce tensions with Taiwan. Finally, this legislation commends the petition and democracy movement in China of brave men and women who are committed to the promotion of political, economic, and religious freedom. And, it also attempts to assist them and all Chinese in their endeavors by requiring the speedy implementation of the already authorized Radio Free Asia initiative. Mr. Speaker, this legislation is both an alternative to a damaging MFN denial for China and also a positive statement of congressional concerns. It is the beginning, hopefully, of a process of formulating a clearer and more comprehensive policy toward China. Since we don't have a clear statement of policy emanating from the executive branch, we will begin the U.S. effort here today. Of course, this legislation and the criticisms of China that it outlines, will not be welcomed by Beijing's leaders, but it will give hope to millions of Chinese who suffer from a denial of fundamental rights. Moreover, it states U.S. concerns forthrightly. Unlike a denial of normal trade status, which is really what MFN treatment entails, this legislation is not as likely to fuel the recent downward cycle of action and reaction that has gravely endangered U.S. interests. Mr. Speaker, China is in the midst of a prolonged succession struggle. This power struggle has enormous implications for China's future and its relations with the United States, and for global security and the world economy. Since the triumph of the Communists in 1949 China had been dominated by two leaders, Mao Tse-tung and Dung Xiaoping. What leader or what collective leadership will next succeed to that mantle of power in the PRC? What will be their ideology, values, and policies? We cannot discern or determine that, but we can and must make sure that we do not give advantage to those who would take China backward economically or make it more aggressive and assertive internationally. By extending normal trade status while simultaneously stating and acting upon our serious concerns with the practices and policies of the People's Republic of China we are making several very important points. First, we want to see a prosperous Chinese people. The American system of free enterprise is the envy of the world, including China. In fact, many dissidents in China support extension of most favored nation or normal trade status to China because they know that economic freedom often precedes other freedoms as well. In Taiwan, for example many people will soon vote for a President for the first time. In other Asian countries, political freedoms following economic liberalization has been the norm rather than the exception. Second, we support the development of a Chinese Government that can protect the civil and political rights of its own people with stable and accountable institutions. Fragmentation or chaos of the Chinese Government is neither in the interest of the United States or the people of China. Human rights abuses occur in China not only because of failed official policies of the Chinese government but also because of the corruption and lack of respect for the rule of law. Stable institutions which abide by the rule of law are essential to provide the proper protection that the Chinese people necessarily demand and should enjoy. Third, we respect a China that can defend itself, but we must demand a China that adheres to its international commitments to coexist peacefully, respect international legal norms, and refrain from aggressive military action. As chairman of the Asia and Pacific Subcommittee of the House International Relations Committee, this Member would note that cooperation with China has been an important key to preventing an explosive, perhaps nuclear, confrontation with North Korea. And while we have very grave concerns about a number of China's transactions with countries like Iran and Pakistan, it is important to note that we have been actively engaged with the PRC on proliferation issues. We have succeeded in preventing a number of dangerous sales, and we continue to press on other matters of concerns. I would tell my colleagues--no, I warn my colleagues--that if we disengage from China, we will have absolutely no influence over what China exports, or to whom. In closing, Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to pause for a moment to consider the importance of our long-term interests with China. Let me remind everyone, in all candor, that China will be one of the two or three most important strategic relationships this Nation will have in the coming decades. China will be one of the two or three most important countries in the world early in the next century. Quite simply, China is too big, and too dynamic, and too strategically important to ignore or push to an enemy status. I raise this point not to alarm this body, for we should never be intimidated from promoting human rights and market economies. At the same time, however, we must focus on building a positive relationship with the Chinese people and their Government. We must not let our very real and substantial current problems with the PRC damage the fundamentally friendly attitude of the Chinese people toward the United States. The people of China are favorably predisposed toward the United States, and they share a general desire to embrace our freedoms. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to speak out forthrightly about our concerns, but to do it in a fashion that will ultimately bring us closer to the desired goals of freedom and human rights for all people, and a growing rapport and trust between our two governments. It must be clear that we speak with deep and serious conviction, but with friendship and constructive ends. I urge adoption of H.R. 2058, the China Policy Act of 1995, and yield back the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 7\1/2\ minutes. (Mr. BEREUTER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 193, I call up the bill (H.R. 2058) establishing United States policy toward China, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. BEREUTER

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as she may consume to the distinguished gentlewoman from California [Ms. Pelosi].

Mr. BEREUTER

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. Volkmer].