Howard Berman

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise in strong support of S. 1280, the Kate Puzey Peace Corps Volunteer Protection Act of 2011. Today marks an important step towards improving the safety and security of volunteers who serve in the Peace Corps. The Foreign Affairs Committee took up the issue of volunteer safety earlier this year after the broadcast of an extremely disturbing report on the ABC News program ``20/20.'' The segment detailed the experiences of a number of young volunteers who were sexually assaulted while serving overseas but who did not receive the care and support they needed from the Peace Corps. The show also examined the circumstances surrounding the tragic death of Kate Puzey, a volunteer in the west African country of Benin who was murdered after reporting that a fellow teacher was sexually abusing some of his students. In May we held a very useful hearing on these issues, with witnesses that included returned volunteers who were survivors of sexual assault, the Inspector General of the Peace Corps, and the Peace Corps Director. Based on the testimony we received at the hearing and in consultations with other interested parties, we drafted a bipartisan bill to improve the Peace Corps, and that legislation is reflected in the Senate bill we are taking up today. Some of the key provisions include requiring the agency to have comprehensive policies and training for volunteers and staff on risk reduction and response; the establishment of a victim support office to focus exclusively on supporting victims of sexual assault and other crimes; and completing a Memorandum of Understanding between the Peace Corps and the State Department, clarifying security-related responsibilities. I think it's important to point out that Peace Corps Director Aaron Williams has already taken a number of important steps to improve the support for victims of sexual assault and other crimes. For example, the Peace Corps has hired a victim's advocate, established a confidentiality policy, and started the process of rewriting and updating their sexual assault risk reduction and response policies and training. This bill codifies some of the important measures that Director Williams has put in place to ensure that they're retained by future Directors. On its 50th anniversary, the Peace Corps continues to perform a vital role in promoting community-based development in some of the world's poorest countries, sharing American values and enriching our own Nation by bringing knowledge of other countries and cultures back to the United States. No agency with such a modest budget has done more than the Peace Corps to extend America's presence in nearly every part of the world, and none has enjoyed such strong bipartisan support. This comprehensive, balanced, and bipartisan bill will strengthen the Peace Corps and help ensure that the agency can continue to do its important work well into the future. I want to thank Chairman Ros-Lehtinen and Senators Boxer and Isakson and their staffs and all our staffs for working so well together on these important issues. And I particularly want to single out Congressman Poe, because without his initial thrust, I don't think we would be at this point today. I think he deserves the appreciation of the entire body and of the people who are most impacted by this legislation for his efforts and for his willingness to work with us in such a cooperative fashion. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time; and with the urging that the body do pass this, and hopefully pass this unanimously, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, as the House considers the Korea, Colombia and Panama trade agreements, I would like to set forth my analysis of the effects that these agreements will have on my home state of California. In all three cases, the facts are overwhelming that California will benefit from these agreements. At the outset, it is important to note that these agreements are mis- labeled. They do not provide ``free trade'' in the sense of unfettered, unregulated commerce. In reality, these agreements are a set of detailed rules that provide for regulated commerce in terms that apply to both parties. They specify the tariffs that may apply, the non- tariff restrictions that may be imposed, the rules of origin to prevent third-countries from benefiting, and the enforcement and dispute resolution procedures that will provide discipline and order. Korea-U.S. Trade Agreement California Benefits With regard to the Korea-U.S. agreement (KORUS), California stands to benefit substantially. California already exports $8 billion a year to South Korea, accounting for one-fifth of all U.S. exports to that country. For California's 60,000 exporting companies, there is potential for growth; in 2010 only 6 percent of California's total $143 billion in exports went to South Korea. The U.S. International Trade Commission estimates that KORUS will lead to increases in 9 of the 10 products that now account for $6 billion of California's exports to South Korea. Of these, 5 categories are high value-added products, produced by skilled California workers: semiconductor manufacturing equipment, computers, electrical equipment, optical and other medical equipment and aircraft and aircraft engines. In addition, KORUS will increase exports of California-grown edible fruit and nuts, in particular walnuts and almonds. We will sell more chemicals. And, we will sell more reusable iron, steel and aluminum scrap. According to the U.S. Trade Representative, some 6,000 jobs are supported for every $1 billion in manufactured exports and some 4,500 jobs are supported for every $1 billion in services exports. Intellectual Property Protections KORUS has important benefits for California's entertainment industry. KORUS relaxes a number of Korean content quotas and should increase the U.S. motion picture and television industries' opportunities to compete in the Korean market. KORUS obligates South Korea to decrease the domestic content quota on films and animation products. KORUS improves the opportunity for U.S. ownership in the broadcast sector, by permitting U.S. firms that establish Korean subsidiaries to have 100 percent ownership of program providers, phased in over 3 years. In a side letter, South Korea has agreed to place a priority on enforcement against Internet piracy, aimed not only at direct infringement but also those who profit from services that induce infringement. KORUS also obligates South Korea to implement the World Intellectual Property Organization Internet Treaties and expands intellectual property protections and penalties against unlawful decoding of encrypted satellite TV signals. It also covers cable and satellite signals that are retransmitted without authorization of the signal distributor. Further, the side letter to KORUS ensures that copyright owners have the exclusive right to make their works available online. Los Angeles County Economic Development Corporation Analysis There have been many analyses and position statements issued for and against the Korea trade agreement. In particular, the analysis by the Los Angeles County Economic Development Corporation is persuasive. In its conclusion, the LACEDC said: ``KORUS would create multiple opportunities for both U.S. goods and services. On the goods side, the agreement opens the 12th largest economy's large middle class of consumers to American-made goods. On the services side, the agreement opens up South Korea's $560 billion services market to American and Los Angeles area based companies.'' ``The agreement also creates new opportunities for the U.S. manufacturing industry. And the manufacturing capital of the U.S. is Los Angeles County. Thus the local economy has a lot to look forward to in the coming years, as increased exports will boost economic growth and create new and well paid jobs in the Los Angeles region.'' Colombia-U.S. Trade Agreement There are compelling foreign policy reasons to pass the Colombia-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (FTA). Colombia is an important U.S. ally in the Western Hemisphere, and this agreement will help cement our relationship. The FTA will also increase American exports, providing a needed economic boost for the U.S. economy and the creation of new jobs here at home. I've listened very carefully to the debate on issues of human rights and labor rights in Colombia, the horrific levels of violence, and its deplorable track record in bringing to justice those accused of violating these rights. These issues are profoundly important to me and I will continue to work with the government of Colombia to ensure that the Labor Action Plan is fully implemented. I believe it is in the interests of both the United States and Colombia to subject this FTA to labor rights and human rights conditions. President Obama deserves credit as the first President to shine such a sharp spotlight on labor issues in Colombia, and it is fair to say that this FTA addresses labor issues more fully than any FTA before it. The Action Plan agreed to by the White House and the government of Colombia on April 7 was comprehensive and highlighted specific areas where it could improve its record on labor issues. And in his October 3 letter transmitting the FTA to Congress, the President pledged that he would not bring the agreement into force until key elements of the Action Plan are implemented. Results matter and the kinds of fundamental changes we seek from and wish for Colombia and its people will be a long term process. I have derived great comfort in the positive sea-change that President Santos has represented for Colombia, but I will be watching closely for progress and whether this transformative President fulfills his promises to change the labor and human rights environment in Colombia. Panama-U.S. Trade Agreement While Panama's trade with the U.S. is small, the U.S.-Panama trade agreement includes enforceable labor standards for Panamanian workers, compulsory Panamanian membership in multilateral environmental agreements--both included at the behest of the U.S. administration and Congress. Under this agreement, 88% of U.S. commercial and industrial exports would become duty-free upon implementation, with remaining tariffs phased out over a 10-year period. More than 50% of U.S. farm exports to Panama also would achieve immediate duty-free status, with tariffs and tariff rate quotas (TRQs) on select farm products to be phased out by year 17 of the agreement (year 20 for rice). The agreement also contains provisions on telecommunications, services trade, government procurement, investment, intellectual property rights and tax transparency--the latter to address Panama's significant problems with money laundering.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. According to the Congressional Research Service, article 2.8.4(a), explicitly permits the U.S. to prohibit imports from a third country, such as North Korea. The fact is, we pass KORUS, our North Korean embargo stands; we defeat KORUS, our embargo stands. There are legitimate issues to debate regarding KORUS, but one should not let a bogus argument determine our vote.

Mr. BERMAN. I thank my friend for yielding. I rise in support of the Korea trade agreement. The agreement will lead to increased California exports of manufactured goods, agricultural products and raw materials, thereby creating a large number of new jobs. It will also provide rigorous intellectual property protections for the creative industries in Los Angeles and throughout the Nation. I would like to use the remainder of my time to address the allegations that the agreement would undermine our sanctions against North Korea. There is no truth to those allegations. Under KORUS, we will continue to enforce our sanctions against North Korea just as we do now. The first allegation is that the agreement would allow North Korean goods produced at the Kaesong Industrial Complex in North Korea or elsewhere in that country to be imported into the United States. I raised this issue with Ambassador Kirk. His response in writing: ``Neither the rules of origin nor any other provision of KORUS changes U.S. sanctions on North Korea, including the prohibition on direct or indirect importation of goods, services and technology from North Korea.'' He went on to say: ``South Korean firms cannot avoid U.S. sanctions by including parts from North Korea in their exports to the U.S. and claiming preferential tariff treatment.'' The second allegation is that South Korean firms might have recourse against U.S. sanctions targeted at North Korea, either under KORUS or under the WTO. Kirk's response, ``U.S. sanctions are fully consistent with KORUS, and therefore, South Korea would not be able to obtain remedies against U.S. sanctions using KORUS dispute settlement procedures. Nor does KORUS provide South Korea with any recourse to the WTO.''

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Thank you, Mr. Andrews. Mr. Speaker, I would like the proponents of this legislation to look at this fact situation: Let's assume there was compelling evidence that an employer decided to move a production line from one part of the country to another part of the country because he wanted to find a workforce that was white and not African American or not Latino, or that was much more likely not to have women applying to work on that manufacturing line than where he was located. Would anyone here suggest there should be a bill that, notwithstanding Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, should let that employer, with a discriminatory motive and a racist intention, move his plant for that reason? This is not a bill about what an employer can or cannot do. This is a bill about motivation. The Civil Rights Act, 1964, the right of employees to organize, form unions, bargain collectively, and to prohibit employers from retaliating against that, 75 years ago. If you really want to have the job creators do whatever they want, as you like to say, get rid of the workers' right to choose, get rid of collective bargaining, remove the protections against discrimination, against unions, but don't pretend you're trying to do something for reasons that disguise the motivation for the reason.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise in strong support of H.R. 2867, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom Reform and Reauthorization Act of 2011. I would like to thank the sponsor of this legislation, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf), who has been a leader on this issue for, as my colleague Mr. Smith pointed out, well over a decade on the question of international religious freedom. We're fortunate to live in a country that was founded by religious refugees on principles of tolerance. We strive to adhere to article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states that ``everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion. This right includes freedom to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship, and observance.'' But elsewhere around the globe, religious freedom and human rights are routinely violated. Countless men, women, and children face violence, persecution, and discrimination because of their faith. Violent extremist attacks have taken place in the Middle East and South Asia. The regimes in North Korea and Iran actively repress religious freedom. Apostasy and blasphemy laws have fueled discrimination against religious minorities in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia. Other religious minorities like Tibetan Buddhists, Uighur Muslims, Ahmadis, Baha'is, Assyrian Christians in Iraq, Copts in Egypt face violence and government restrictions. And anti-Semitism is still prevalent around the world. Just yesterday, Secretary Clinton designated Burma, China, Eritrea, Iran, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and Uzbekistan as countries of particular concern that have ``engaged in or tolerated particularly severe violations of religious freedom.'' While these may be the worst offenders, we have serious concerns about religious freedom in many other countries around the world. More than ever, we need the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom to continue its important work. The bipartisan bill before us today reauthorizes the Commission, also known as USCIRF, which is set to expire at the end of the month. The bill also contains some sensible reforms that will strengthen USCIRF's efforts to monitor and report on the status of freedom of religion abroad. These reforms include the process of selecting the chair, terms of service for members of the Commission, and a GAO study on improving the effectiveness and coordination of all U.S. Government bodies that focus on international religious freedom. In particular, I would like to thank Mr. Wolf for agreeing to include a provision that clarifies that USCIRF is subject to the same workplace restrictions and civil rights laws as the rest of the Federal Government. Congress has long provided that the Federal Government, including the executive and legislative branches, is subject to laws intended to keep the American workplace safe and free from discrimination, including the Family and Medical Leave Act, Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, the Americans with Disabilities Act, OSHA, and workplace protections for veterans. However, under current law, it is unclear whether USCIRF's employees could resolve disputes over workplace protections through the procedures designed for executive branch workers or under the procedures that apply to legislative branch employees through the Congressional Accountability Act. This legislation will ensure that all claims will now be resolved under the procedures created by the Congressional Accountability Act. USCIRF supports this clarifying position. I urge my colleagues to support this bipartisan legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise to pay tribute to my dear friends, Irena and Mike Medavoy, who are being honored with the prestigious Humanitarian Torch of Learning Award by The American Friends of the Hebrew University. Their commitment to philanthropic and humanitarian causes has been of great benefit to children, Israel, and the global Jewish community, and they are well deserving of this recognition. I know firsthand of the outstanding contributions that Irena and Mike have made in our community. Irena is the Executive Vice-Chair of Cedars-Sinai Hospital's C.O.A.C.H. program, and dedicates her time to a clinic on wheels that provides free primary health care services for low-income children and their families. She is also the founder of ``Team Safe-T,'' an emergency preparedness program for California's public school system, which teaches age-appropriate emergency information and preparedness skills for students in grades K-12. Mike, as chairman and co-Founder of Phoenix Pictures, has helped create and produce numerous films, including recent blockbusters, Shutter Island and Black Swan. He dedicates much of his time to policy issues and is currently a member of both the Council on Foreign Relations and the Homeland Security Advisory Council. He also serves on the advisory board of the University of Southern California's Center on Public Diplomacy. He has authored the bestselling book ``You're Only As Good As Your Next One [. . .]'' and with co-author Nathan Gardels, he wrote a thoughtful assessment on the impact of the media on U.S. foreign policy, ``American Idol After Iraq: Competing for Hearts and Minds in the Global Media Age.'' Mike has been the recipient of numerous awards and recognitions, including the Lifetime Achievement Award (1998) at the Cannes Film Festival, Chevalier of the French Government's Legion of Honor, the UCLA School of Theater, Film and Television and Producers Guild of America Vision Award. He was also inducted into the Hollywood Walk of Fame and received a star on Hollywood Boulevard. His intellectual curiosity and sophisticated analysis of current events and history has made him a valued advisor to me on issues I grapple with on the Foreign Affairs Committee. The Medavoys have given generously of their time and energy to political, humanitarian and philanthropic causes in Los Angeles. Through their tireless work with many charities and non-governmental organizations, the Medavoys have made an indelible mark on our worldwide community. Irena and Mike are among the most dedicated and valuable leaders in our society. Mr. Speaker and distinguished colleagues, I ask you to join me in recognizing Irena and Mike Medavoy for their many contributions and to congratulate them on receiving this honor from the American Friends of The Hebrew University.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill, and I yield myself as much time as I may consume. This bipartisan legislation creates a special envoy to promote religious freedom of religious minorities in the Near East and South Central Asia. Housed at the State Department, the special envoy would be responsible for monitoring and combating acts of religious intolerance, engaging with foreign governments to address laws that discriminate against religious minorities, and working to ensure that the unique needs of religious minority communities are being addressed. This bill is important because religious minority communities all around the world, but particularly in the Near East and South Central Asia, are facing increased attacks and increased persecution. For example, Iraq used to have a significant number of religious minorities, including Christians, Yazidis, Sabean Mandaeans, Baha'is, Shabaks, Kaka'is, and a small number of Jews. These groups have been subject to escalating violence, persecution, and discrimination for their religious beliefs, and today they comprise only about 3 percent of Iraq's population. By some estimates, half of Iraq's Christian population has fled since 2003. In November of 2010, a Pakistani court sentenced Aasia Bibi, a Christian and mother of five, to death under the country's blasphemy law. And what was her offense? In June 2009, she was asked to get water for herself and a group of women working in the fields with her. The other laborers objected to a non-Muslim touching the water bowl and an argument ensued. That group of women later falsely accused Aasia of speaking ill of the prophet Mohammed in order to settle a personal score against her. Aasia remains in prison awaiting review of her death sentence. When Punjab's Governor Salman Taseer had the courage to demand that Aasia be pardoned, one of his own bodyguards killed him. Two months later, when Pakistan's Minister for Minorities, Shahbaz Bhatti, condemned the blasphemy law, militants executed him in broad daylight. In Egypt, as the gentleman from New Jersey has stated, 23 men, women, and children were killed in a bombing at an Alexandria church in Egypt on New Year's Eve. Just last May, extremists attacked Christians at St. Mina Church in Cairo, leaving 12 dead and hundreds wounded. I wish these were isolated cases, but I could provide countless other examples, from Afghanistan, to India, to Saudi Arabia. We're fortunate to live in a country that was founded by religious refugees on principles of tolerance, but it is important that we do everything we can to ensure that religious minorities elsewhere in the world enjoy the freedoms and protections they deserve, the freedoms and protections enjoyed by all Americans. Appointing this special envoy will be an important step in that direction, and I urge my colleagues to support this bill. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Eshoo), who brought this bill to my attention and has worked with the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) to put it together and bring it to this point. She is deeply committed on this issue and a very great Member of Congress.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I simply ask the House to pass what is I think an important bill because we only have to read what is going on recently to understand this is a rapidly increasing and severe problem that affects those countries deeply in terms of the conflict's intentions. I think much good can come from having someone focused on these issues in that region. I urge an ``aye'' vote, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. I yield the gentlelady 2 additional minutes.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky), who both here and abroad fights against persecution and discrimination against religious minorities.

Mr. BERMAN. I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Peters).

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor my good friend Hal David on the occasion of his 90th birthday. Hal is being honored by his many colleagues, family and friends for his ability to touch the lives of others through the art of songwriting. Hal is a first-generation American, born in Brooklyn to immigrant parents. One of his earliest ventures in using his musical talents to help others occurred when he served in the U.S. Army Entertainment Section during World War II, along with his colleagues Carl Reiner and Werner Klemperer. Four years after the conclusion of the war, Hal-- along with Don Rodney--co-wrote his first hit record, ``The Four Winds and the Seven Seas'' recorded by Vic Damone. Hal continued to write hits, including ``Bell Bottom Blues'' for Teresa Brewer, ``Brokenhearted Melody'' for Sarah Vaughan and ``Johnny Get Angry'' for Joanie Sommers. Hal then began his legendary collaboration with composer Burt Bacharach. The two comprised one of the best-known songwriting teams of the 50's and 60's. The incredibly prolific duo Hal and Burt wrote four songs that were nominated for Academy Awards, with ``Raindrops'' from the 1969 film Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid winning the Oscar for ``Best Song.'' The two also co-wrote the score for the hit 1968 Broadway musical Promises, Promises, for which the original cast recording won a Grammy Award. The show was revived last year with Hal's original lyrics. In addition to his career as a lyricist, Hal also served as President of the American Society of Composers, Authors and Publishers. I was fortunate enough to meet and work with him during these years. Hal's devotion to his art was apparent as he led the battle against source licensing efforts and today he continues to serve on ASCAP's Board of Directors. Hal also spent ten years as the Chairman and CEO of the Songwriters Hall of Fame. During his tenure, the Songwriters Hall of Fame established an important digital presence and launched a gallery at the Grammy Museum in Los Angeles. As a result of his professional accomplishments, Hal has been inducted into both the Songwriters Hall of Fame and the Nashville Songwriters Hall of Fame. He has also received the prestigious Songwriters Hall of Fame Towering Song Award and its Johnny Mercer Award. Hal has also been honored with The Recording Academy's Grammy Trustees Award and the British Performing Rights Society's Ivor Novello Award, becoming the first American citizen ever to receive that award. He is also listed as a ``Distinguished Patron of the Arts'' at the Los Angeles Music Center and serves as a member of the Board of Governors at Cedars Sinai Medical Center. Mr. Speaker and distinguished colleagues, I ask that you join me in thanking Hal for the joy his music has brought to our lives, and in wishing him a happy birthday and many happy returns.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, today I am introducing the Antiboycott Act, the first major update and improvement of the 35-year-old law that prohibits U.S. persons and firms from cooperating with demands from the Arab League governments to refrain from doing business with Israel. This legislation rectifies a long-standing weakness in the U.S. antiboycott policy: the lack of a permanent and legally-sound statutory provision to combat the Arab League's boycott, as well as any other boycott that might be imposed against other U.S. friends and allies in the future. In 1977, in reaction to the Arab League's expansion of its boycott of Israel, Congress made it illegal for U.S. persons and companies to cooperate with secondary boycotts. It imposed civil and criminal penalties for violations. Those provisions were added to the Export Administration Act, EAA, of 1977 and the enforcement was assigned to what is now known as the Bureau of Industry and Security, which also administers our dual-use export controls. An office in that bureau is dedicated full-time to enforcing the antiboycott law and regulations. However, in 1994, the EAA expired and, with the exception of one 12- month period in 2000-2001, the antiboycott law has been kept in effect by a series of Executive Orders issued under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, IEEPA, the President's emergency authority. The President's annual declaration of emergency for export controls and antiboycott describes the national emergency as the failure of Congress to act. This has been the situation for 16 of the past 17 years. The use of IEEPA to continue the EAA--for both antiboycott and export controls--has been challenged in a series of lawsuits. Over the past decade, two of those lawsuits reached the federal appeals courts and were decided in the government's favor by split decisions. There is a risk that some day the government will lose. The Arab League continues to try to pressure U.S. firms into cooperating with their boycott. In FY 2010 alone, U.S. firms reported 950 demands from governments to comply. The Bureau of Industry and Security counseled 1,020 U.S. firms on what their legal obligations are to resist. In FY 2010, BIS closed 14 cases against violators, up from 3 in the previous year. However, it is the preventive counseling, plus the threat of heavy penalties, that are deterring U.S. firms from complying with the secondary boycott. The Antiboycott Act would provide a permanent and strengthened statute. It includes findings and a statement of U.S. policy that the President should take vigorous action to end both the primary and secondary Arab League boycott aimed at Israel. In furtherance of those findings and policy, the bill would give the President the authority, for the first time since the original law was enacted in 1977, to restrict or prohibit U.S. firms from participating in the primary boycott, as well as reauthorizing the long-standing prohibition on cooperation with the secondary boycott. This would be an important new tool to use in seeking an end to the Arab League boycott. This authority would apply to any other boycott that is imposed against U.S. friends and allies. Finally, the bill would update the penalties under the antiboycott law to reflect the current civil and criminal penalties that are now temporarily applied to antiboycott violations under IEEPA. Civil fines are authorized up to $250,000 per violation. Authority is granted to cancel export licenses and to deny a violator's right to export from the U.S. Criminal violations, that is ``knowing'' violations, would be punished by fines up to $1 million and up to 20 years in prison. Ending the Arab League boycott of Israel is in the interest of the people of all Middle East and North African countries, in order to foster trade, investment, economic growth and peace. The Antiboycott Act is a contribution to achieving that goal.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in honor of an outstanding resident of the district I proudly represent, Gal Sitty. Mr. Sitty has worked hard to raise awareness of kidnapped Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit's plight and the ongoing effort to secure his release. Mr. Sitty launched a successful effort to raise $10,000 for the placement of a billboard near the United Nations headquarters in New York City. The billboard featuring a picture of Gilad Shalit will ensure that the captured soldier is not forgotten. It also encourages UN leaders to assist in facilitating his release. Mr. Sitty was motivated to undertake this effort because he understands that during the five years since Shalit's capture, Gilad and his family have been suffering and living a nightmare. Mr. Sitty's efforts have undoubtedly provided Gilad Shalit's family comfort because they know that the American people stand behind them ready to help. I commend Mr. Sitty for his advocacy on Gilad Shalit's behalf and thank him for his outstanding efforts to keep the world focused on this tragedy. Mr. Sitty's hard work plays an important role in the effort to return Gilad home to his family. In conclusion Mr. Speaker, I would like to draw the attention of the House to the following article published in the May 8th addition of the Jerusalem Post--``Angeleno Launches Drive for Shalit Billboard Near UN'', and I ask that it be published in the Congressional Record. [From the Jerusalem Post, May 8, 2011] Angeleno Launches Drive for Shalit Billboard Near UN (By Debra Kamin) June 25 of this year will mark five years in captivity for Gilad Shalit, and one American is determined to make sure that this anniversary does not go unnoticed. Gal Sitty, a 28-year-old Los Angeles native, has started a campaign on epicstep.com to fund and erect a billboard near the Manhattan headquarters of the United Nations imploring leaders to take steps to free the captive soldier. ``In [the past] five years I've gone to grad school, had numerous jobs, spent many holidays with my family, had good times with friends and so forth,'' Sitty said to The Jerusalem Post when asked about his motivations. ``Meanwhile, Gilad Shalit and his family have had none of that. They have been suffering, living a nightmare.'' Epicstep was founded earlier this year by Lev Reys and brothers Gene and Eugene Vekslar. The site works as a fundraising platform for creating billboards--users choose the issue they feel compelled to promote and supporters log on and donate until the final cost, which varies per billboard but for Sitty's campaign is $10,000, is reached. Supporters' credit cards are not charged until the fundraising goal is reached, so if the campaign to create a billboard fails, no pledges are lost. Sitty was born in Israel and raised in a Hebrew-speaking home. He is quick to admit that this is an issue that is close to his heart. ``The recent Fatah-Hamas reconciliation agreement makes no mention of Gilad Shalit. This means that Fatah and the Palestinian Authority are now complicit in this crime,'' he said. ``I think getting this billboard up keeps the pressure on . . . leaders of the world to not overlook this human tragedy.'' Sitty, who holds a master's degree in public policy, still lives in Los Angeles, where he works as a researcher for the Broad Foundation. He selected New York City as the site for his billboard, however, because he believes that no one needs to hear his message more than the delegates at the United Nations. ``Soon the world's diplomats will be assembling at the UN to discuss recognition of a Palestinian state and it is very important that we remind them of Shalit so that the whole world does not become complicit in such crimes,'' he said. ``If the UN endorses a Palestinian state with Hamas in the government, then the UN indirectly endorses crimes against humanity and puts many more at risk of being kidnapped by terrorist organizations. We cannot allow this to happen.'' What the actual impact of a placard bearing Shalit's face will be remains to be seen. But Sitty is pragmatic when he describes his motivations. ``I know that I don't have the power to actually free him,'' he said of Shalit, ``but by getting this billboard up I think it keeps the pressure on the policy makers.'' And while Gilad will not know about the campaign, Sitty is also eager to help two other important figures--Noam and Aviva Shalit. ``I hope that many people, Israelis and non-Israelis, Jews and non-Jews, from all over the world contribute to this campaign and show the Shalit family that we haven't forgotten them, haven't forgotten their son, and will never forget about their suffering,'' Sitty said. ``We will continue to stand beside them and do whatever we can to help them.''

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. I thank the gentleman. I yield back the balance of my time. Amendment No. 64 Offered by Mr. Michaud

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Chair, I move to strike the last word.

Mr. BERMAN. I rise to engage Mr. Dicks in a colloquy regarding an important area of funding for the Department of Defense. For more than a decade, the Department of Defense has funded programs to support established university programs that promote region-wide informal conferences and task forces on arms control, regional security, and related topics to the Middle East for Arab, Israeli, and other officials and experts. These programs serve an important national security objective-- fostering an alternative means of dialogue and engagement in an area of unparalleled significance to the United States. I know of one such program in Los Angeles, and I urge the Department to continue funding such programs. I yield to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Dicks), the ranking member, for his thoughts on this issue.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. I yield the gentleman 1 additional minute.

Mr. BERMAN. I rise in strong support of H. Res. 268, the Cantor-Hoyer resolution, and I yield myself 4 minutes. Madam Speaker, I believe negotiations are the only path to a two- state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. For this reason, the United States Congress has every reason to be concerned about efforts by the Palestinian Authority leadership to attain recognition of statehood while bypassing the accepted negotiation process. These efforts run counter to the Palestinians' own internationally witnessed commitments at the 1991 Madrid Conference and under the 1993 Oslo agreement and the 2003 Roadmap. That is but one reason I am deeply disappointed by the Palestinian leadership's recent push to seek recognition of an independent state at the United Nations. Indeed, even some Palestinian officials have acknowledged that such U.N. recognition of statehood gives the Palestinians nothing but an empty symbolic victory. One thing is clear: There will be no recognition of Palestinian statehood by the Security Council, where I feel confident that the United States would use its veto, just as it has in the past, to prevent the passage of an unbalanced, anti-Israel resolution. And what exactly would the U.N. General Assembly recognition of a Palestinian state do for the Palestinians? Absolutely nothing. It would not solve the Palestinians' need for recognized borders nor would it solve sensitive issues like the status of Jerusalem, water rights, or Palestinian refugees. It would not enhance their prospect for successful negotiations. In fact, it would be seen by Israel and many others as an act of bad faith, creating yet another obstacle to successful talks. As President Obama said in May, ``For the Palestinians, efforts to delegitimize Israel will end in failure. Symbolic actions to isolate Israel at the United Nations in September won't create an independent state.'' A glance at recent history shows that he's right. In 1988, Yasser Arafat declared a state and garnered recognition from more than 100 nations. Now, 23 years later, there is still no Palestinian state. The Palestinian people don't want a bunch of declarations of statehood; they want a state--and they should have one through the only means possible for attaining one, negotiations with Israel. I believe that Palestinian Authority President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad are committed to a peaceful resolution of their conflict with Israel. So I hope they will return to the negotiating table and abandon their flawed U.N. strategy. The Congress has been very generous in its support of the Palestinian Authority's worthy efforts to build institutions and the economy in the West Bank. In fact, I believe we are the most generous nation in the world in that regard. So I think our Palestinian friends should understand that if they persist in pursuing a unilateralist path, inevitably, and however regrettably, there will be consequences for U.S.-Palestinian relationships. Madam Speaker, I encourage all of my colleagues to support this important pro-negotiations, pro-peace resolution. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the minority whip, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).

Mr. BERMAN. I am very pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler).