Howard Berman

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I urge support for the legislation. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1464. I would like to thank the sponsor of this legislation, the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), as well as the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, for their leadership on this issue and for their work in supporting the plight of North Korean refugees. Despite North Korea's efforts to appear ``strong and prosperous'' this year to celebrate the 100th birthday of the country's founder, vast numbers of its people live in dire conditions. Sadly, the North Korean regime's misguided priorities, pouring hundreds of millions of dollars into its so-called ``space program,'' its nuclear programs, and its massive military only underscore its cold-hearted callousness and blatant disregard for its own citizens. Thousands of North Korean children do not have families to care for them and are threatened with starvation and disease if they remain in North Korea or as refugees in neighboring countries, especially China. Many of the children that have fled the north are hiding and live in mortal fear of being caught and sent back to North Korea where they would face severe punishment and even death. Equally terrifying is the prospect of being sold into bondage by human traffickers in China. As a beacon of hope for the rest of the world, the United States must do all it can to help these vulnerable and destitute children. That's why I'm proud to be a cosponsor of Mr. Royce's legislation, H.R. 1464, the North Korea Refugee Adoption Act. This bill calls on the Secretaries of State and Homeland Security to formulate and report to Congress on a strategy for facilitating the adoption of North Korean children by U.S. citizens. Passage of this bill will be the first step in helping the thousands of North Korean child refugees living alone in foreign lands, and it would provide a glimmer of hope to the American families who would welcome the opportunity to adopt North Korean orphans. The impending passage of this bill speaks to the broad bipartisan consensus in Congress regarding the atrocious human rights situation in North Korea. As innocent men, women, and children flee the repressive North Korean regime at great personal risk, we have a moral obligation to assist them. H.R. 1464 is not merely about adoption, but also an issue of human rights for the North Korean people. We must continue working to ensure that the North Korean people are not forgotten and that orphaned North Korean children will get the care and support they need. I urge my colleagues to support this bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. I have no further requests for time. If the gentlelady is prepared to close, I am prepared to relinquish my remaining time. Mr. Speaker, I urge support for the legislation, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 1410, as amended, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. I'd like to thank the sponsor of this legislation, Mr. Smith of New Jersey, and the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Ms. Ros- Lehtinen, for their leadership on human rights and on this particular issue. Despite Vietnam's transition to a more open economy, political and religious freedoms for the people of Vietnam remain severely curtailed. The bilateral relationship between Washington and Hanoi has deepened since diplomatic ties were established over 15 years ago, but lack of greater progress in protecting basic rights and civil liberties will limit closer cooperation in the future. In a speech last year on the Obama administration's Asia policy, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton stated: We have made it clear to Vietnam that if we are to develop a strategic partnership, as both nations desire, Vietnam must do more to respect and protect its citizens' rights. The United States must use both diplomatic and economic leverage with Vietnam to promote political openness and improve human rights. This bill, the Vietnam Human Rights Act of 2011, takes an important step in the right direction by prohibiting an increase in nonhumanitarian assistance to Vietnam above fiscal year 2011 levels unless Hanoi makes significant progress on these critical issues. The bill makes it clear to Vietnam that the only factor limiting aid is positive action by the Vietnamese Government on political, human, and religious rights. The Government of Vietnam has an important choice to make. Will it protect human rights and provide religious and political freedom to its citizens, or will it shirk these responsibilities and forsake the closer relationship that it wants with the United States? I urge my colleagues to support this legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentlelady from California (Mrs. Davis).

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I'm prepared, if you're prepared to close, to yield back the balance of my time, and I will yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I have no further requests for time. And I'd like to just raise a couple of the issues that my friends, Mr. Paul from Texas and Mr. Kucinich from Ohio, have put forth in the context of opposition to this bill. This is not the next step to war. This is the alternative to war. Iran having a nuclear weapon is unacceptable for many, many reasons: It means the end of the nonproliferation regime; It means countries all through that part of the world will seek their own nuclear weapons; It raises the specter of nuclear weapons being passed on and dirty bombs being passed on to terrorists, and there is nothing in the comments of the regime that could let one relax and think they would never be the first to use those nuclear weapons. That is unacceptable. Our alternatives are either war or finding a diplomatic resolution of their nuclear weapons program, the end of that program. They've been found, not by the White House, not by some Vulcans in foreign policy, but by the IAEA and the U.N. Security Council, over and over again, to have violated their obligations under the nonproliferation treaty to which they are a signatory. They don't ratify the additional protocols. They move ahead with enrichment plants that they don't need for a peaceful weapons program. They do not have a right to enrich. You could argue they have a right to a nuclear energy program, but not a right to enrich. They conceal information in violation of their treaty obligations. This is, hopefully, the final step, but if not we will have to intensify the sanctions to achieve that diplomatic program. And Iran is not some bucolic, peace-loving state that has never done anything against its neighbors. Everyone knows that Hezbollah is a direct foreign agent of Iran that gets its funding, its training, and its sponsorship and its directions from Iran. We know what they've done to the marines in Lebanon. We've known what they tried to do to the Saudi Ambassador here in Washington. We know that in Delhi and in Bulgaria and a number of other capitals around the world, their effort to commit terrorist acts against Israeli diplomats and Israeli citizens. Their record as a state sponsor of terror is the largest and most impactful in the world. They are pursuing a nuclear weapons capability. It is our obligation to do every measure we have to stop them from getting that, and we want to do it peacefully. This strategy that we are embarked on is an effort to find a way to do this without resorting to war, and I urge my colleagues to stand strongly behind this bill. This is the alternative. It is the only feasible alternative. Otherwise, we are faced with two very dismal prospects: a military action or an Iran with nuclear weapons and all that means. I urge an ``aye'' vote. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. In this case, I'm pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the ranking member of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee, a longtime member and leader on the Foreign Affairs Committee and a very active legislator on the issue before us today--that is, the effort to stop Iran from getting a nuclear weapon--my friend from New York (Mr. Engel).

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, could I get another indication of the time remaining?

Mr. BERMAN. I'm very pleased to yield 1 minute to a former member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, my friend from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to my friend from Florida (Mr. Deutch), a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee and the author of the bill which declares Iran's energy sector a zone of proliferation.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I'm very pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman who organized the Iran Working Group 7 or 8 years ago to focus congressional attention on the looming threat of a nuclear Iran, my friend from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews). (Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I'm pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman), the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Terrorism and Nonproliferation and Trade.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 750, and I yield myself 2\1/2\ minutes. The bill before us today marks a significant step forward in our sanctions effort against the Iranian regime and its illicit nuclear program, the sanctions effort which even Tehran acknowledges is already having a stressful impact on Iran's economy. I want to commend my colleague, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, for her work on this legislation; and I'm proud to be the bill's chief cosponsor in the House. Building on previous sanctions, this bill adds to what the gentlelady and I set out to do when we introduced it. For example, through further limiting transitions with the Central Bank of Iran, an initiative I originated, this legislation restricts Iran's ability to repatriate the revenue it receives from its diminishing oil sales. It includes provisions that clamp down on Iran's oil exports by targeting the National Iranian Oil Company and the National Iranian Tanker Company; and it expands sanctions on Iranian shipping, insurance, and financing in the energy sector. The bill also increases sanctions on transactions with Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the spearhead of Iran's nuclear proliferation and terrorism effort and the dominant player in the Iranian economy. Further, at my suggestion, this bill now includes a measure which expands CISADA sanctions beyond financial institutions to include more than 200 additional individuals and companies that have been linked to Iran's nuclear weapons of mass destruction and terrorism programs. And of critical importance, this bill vastly strengthens sanctions on both Iranian and Syrian human rights abusers. These provisions are very important, but the Iranians should not be fooled into thinking this is the last word on sanctions. Far from it. Finally, Mr. Speaker, I want to call on the administration to implement the authorities we have given them, fully and without delay. Iran's nuclear clock is ticking, and time is not on our side. The actions the executive branch took yesterday, including the first-ever CISADA sanctions on foreign banks--more than 2 years after CISADA became law--are a good beginning, but Iran's nuclear weapons program continues apace. Every day, it is enriching more uranium and at higher levels. The only hope we have for a peaceful solution is to apply enough pressure to ensure that Iran ends its nuclear weapons program. The bill before us and the action the administration has taken applies significantly more pressure; but let there be no doubt, there is more we can do and more that we will do if Iran doesn't end its nuclear weapons program verifiably and completely. We have more work to do. Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons List Search (Updated: 6/25/2012)

Mr. BERMAN. I am pleased to yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I would also yield 5 minutes of my time to the gentleman from Ohio and ask unanimous consent that he be allowed to control those 5 minutes.

Mr. BERMAN. At the point where I am recognized, I will be also seeking unanimous consent for the same kind of referral of time to your control.

Mr. BERMAN. Will the gentleman yield?

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), a national leader on the issue of nonproliferation and human rights and particularly our efforts to stop Iran's nuclear weapons program, the Democratic whip of the House.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to H.R. 2362, the Indian Tribal Trade and Investment Demonstration Project Act of 2011. My reasons for opposing this ill-conceived and unnecessary legislation are spelled out in a dear colleague I issued with several of my colleagues, and which I submit for the record. I urge all of my colleagues to vote ``no'' on H.R. 2362. Vote No on H.R. 2362 Dear Colleague: We urge you to oppose H.R. 2362, the Indian Tribal Trade and Investment Demonstration Project Act of 2011, when it is considered on the House floor today. This bill provides for investment activities by WTO member nations in a select number of Indian tribal lands, with implied special consideration for Turkish businesses. Although the bill ostensibly applies equally to all WTO member nations, its Findings section exclusively discusses Turkey's relations with Native Americans, alleging that Turkey has ``demonstrated a unique interest in bolstering cultural, political, and economic relationships with Indian tribes and tribal members''--without explaining the nature of this ``unique interest.'' Moreover, in both the operative and non- operative sections of the bill, the concept of ``all WTO member nations'' is expressed as ``Turkey and other World Trade Organization member nations''--an odd description that, if adopted by Congress, would suggest that the United States, for no apparent reason, prefers Turkish investment in tribal areas over that from other WTO member nations. Turkey is an important NATO ally, but we are concerned about the prospect of singling out Turkey for special consideration at a time when Ankara is pursuing so many objectionable policies. For example: Turkey recognizes the terrorist Hamas government in Gaza and even received its leader in the Turkish parliament earlier this year--disturbing hypocrisy from a state that receives U.S. support for its own fight against terrorism. Turkey also demands that Israel end its naval blockade of Gaza, despite the deadly security threat Hamas poses to Israel. Turkey's repeated, flagrant criticism of Israel is particularly troubling and potentially destabilizing. As a member of the UN Security Council two years ago, Turkey voted against sanctions on Iran. For 38 years, Turkey has illegally occupied the northern third of the island Republic of Cyprus, a member of the European Union. More recently, Turkey has threatened the use of force to stop Texas-based Noble Energy from drilling for oil and gas off the shores of EU-member Cyprus and to blacklist any businesses that work with Cyprus for natural resource extraction. Turkey continues to deny the Armenian Genocide during which 1.5 million Armenians perished and has threatened punitive measures against the United States if Congress recognizes this tragic event. Since 1993 Turkey has maintained a destabilizing blockade of Armenia. On July 19, Congress sent H.R. 205 to the President for signature into law. That bill, known as the HEARTH Act, provides that all Native American tribes, not just a few, would have the right to lease tribal lands for economic development purposes to any party, domestic or foreign--not just to Turkish parties. H.R. 205 would also maintain traditional federal government oversight of economic use of tribal lands; in contrast, H.R. 2362 would limit that oversight for the tribal lands to which it would apply. But, even at it is best, H.R. 2362--with its focus on only a few tribal areas and its implied preference for Turkish investment--is redundant and an unusual, unprecedented, and unnecessary endorsement of a state that, though an ally, continues to pursue problematic policies. We encourage you to vote no on H.R. 2362. Howard L. Berman. Gary Ackerman. Eliot Engel. Shelley Berkley.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am honored to pay tribute to my dear friend Dolores Huerta, who recently received the Presidential Medal of Freedom. This coveted honor is the highest civilian award for service to the nation. It recognizes individuals who have made an especially meritorious contribution to the security or national interests of the United States, world peace, cultural or other significant public or private endeavors. Dolores is a world renowned activist and is regarded as the most prominent Chicana labor leader in the United States. She is currently the President of the Dolores Huerta Foundation, whose mission is to build active communities in disadvantaged areas and to work towards fair and equal access to healthcare, housing, education, jobs, civic participation and economic resources with an emphasis on women and youth. Dolores gives a voice to the voiceless and countless Americans owe a debt of immense gratitude to her for making their causes her own. I met Dolores in 1972 when I was a member of the California State Legislature and she was the vice president and co-founder of the United Farm Workers of America. Over the last forty years, I have had the pleasure of working with her on many issues. In 1955, when she was only twenty-five years old, she found her calling as an organizer while serving in the leadership of the Stockton Community Service Organization (CSO), a grass roots organization that battled segregation and police brutality, led voter registration drives, pushed for improved public services, and fought to enact new legislation. Through her tireless lobbying efforts, she succeeded in getting the citizenship requirements removed from pension and public assistance programs. She was the leading force in the passage of legislation allowing voters to vote in Spanish, and the right to take the driver's license examination in their native language. She has been arrested twenty-two times for participating in non- violent civil disobedience activities and strikes to protect farmers and women, which has resulted in great benefit to both groups. Due to her solid support for the grape strikes, farm workers won health and benefit plans for the first time, and those who had lived, worked, and paid taxes in the United States for many years were granted amnesty. Dolores fought tirelessly to provide a better working environment and stop the abuse of female immigrants across the U.S.-Mexican border, and she lobbied law enforcement agencies in both countries to stop the brutal rape and the murder of these immigrants. Dolores was given the Outstanding Labor Leader Award in 1984 by the California State Senate. In 1993, she was inducted into the National Women's Hall of Fame. That same year she received the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) Roger Baldwin Medal of Liberty Award; and the Eugene V. Debs Foundation Outstanding American Award, and the Ellis Island Medal of Freedom Award. She is also the recipient of the Consumers' Union Trumpeter's Award. In 1998, she was one of three Ms. Magazine, ``Women of the Year'', and the Ladies Home Journal's, ``100 Most Important Women of the 20th Century.'' She received three honorary doctorate degrees for her extraordinary life work. Mr. Speaker and distinguished colleagues, I ask you to join me in honoring Dolores Huerta for her outstanding contribution to our community. Few Americans in our history have done more to protect workers and safeguard women's rights than Dolores Huerta. We are a better country because Dolores continues to play a vital role in shaping our laws and values.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise to join my distinguished colleagues in welcoming the delegates and participants for the nineteenth annual International AIDS Conference, which will convene here in Washington from July 22nd to 27th. This is the first time that the conference has been held in the United States since 1985--a return made possible by our bipartisan efforts to remove travel and immigration restrictions against persons infected with HIV. This international conference is important not just because of the issues it will highlight and the people it will bring together, but because of the scientific and informational exchange it will make possible. AIDS 2012, as it has been billed, is recognized as the premier gathering for individuals working in the HIV/AIDS field, as well as policymakers, advocates, care providers, people living with HIV/AIDS, and others committed to ending the HIV/AIDS epidemic. It offers a unique opportunity to change the course of the epidemic by capitalizing on scientific advances in treatment and prevention, building consensus to improve service delivery and maximize outcomes, facilitating global civil society engagement, and accelerating momentum toward a cure. Even today, the magnitude of the challenge posed by HIV/AIDS is difficult to fathom. Despite the fact that the disease is easily preventable and treatable, almost 2 million people die each year from AIDS-related causes. At last count an estimated 34 million people were living with HIV/AIDS, including 3.4 million children. Sub-Saharan Africa continues to bear the brunt of the disease, accounting for 68 percent of those living with HIV/AIDS -- 59 percent of whom are women. Here in the United States, as many as 1 in 5 individuals living with HIV/AIDS is unaware of being infected, and significant disparities persist across different communities and populations with regard to incidence of infection, access to treatment, and health outcomes. Our nation's capital has an HIV prevalence rate of nearly 3 percent, which is comparable to the rate in many parts of the developing world. The enormity of the challenge calls for a sustained, coordinated and robust response. In 2003, President George W. Bush launched the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, known as PEPFAR, which received bipartisan support in Congress. It represents the largest commitment by any nation to combat a single disease and has saved the lives of millions of people around the world by establishing and expanding the infrastructure necessary to deliver prevention, care, and treatment services in low-resource settings. In 2008, I worked with my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to enact the Tom Lantos and Henry J. Hyde United States Global Leadership Against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria Reauthorization Act. That bill, which passed the House by an overwhelming margin of 308 to 116, authorized up to $48 billion over 5 years to combat those three diseases. The authorization will expire next year, and it's time for us to renew the same spirit of bipartisan cooperation that led to this record of success. With the help of PEPFAR and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, the world has seen truly remarkable advances in AIDS research, prevention and treatment over the past decade. What was once seen as a death sentence is now, for those with access to treatment, a manageable illness, and large numbers of people in even the poorest countries are receiving treatment that once seemed out of reach. By the end of 2011, the Global Fund alone had supported anti- retroviral treatment for 3.3 million HIV-positive people, anti- tuberculosis treatment for 8.6 million, and 230 million insecticide- treated nets for the prevention of malaria, in all saving about 7.7 million lives. Recently the Fund has begun making comprehensive reforms to its structure and program to ensure that funds are spent in the most efficient, effective and accountable way. President Obama has articulated a global vision of an AIDS-free generation, which means virtual elimination of new pediatric HIV infections by 2015, as well as a domestic goal of cutting new infections in the United States by 25% by 2015. As the eyes of the world are turned on our nation for the conference, we have an opportunity to step up to the plate and endorse these goals, not just in principle but also by making a commitment to provide the resources that are necessary to achieve it. We can't do it all by ourselves--each country needs to do its part, with the help of the private sector and civil society organizations--but neither can it happen without us.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. After what we just heard, I would not suggest any further speakers, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, may I ask how much time is remaining on each side.

Mr. BERMAN. I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to the gentleman representing American Samoa and the ranking Democrat on the Asia and the Pacific Subcommittee of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Faleomavaega. (Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)