Howard Berman

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution and yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to support this resolution that notes the tragic poisoning of Alexander Litvinenko, expresses concern about the potential involvement of elements of the Russian Government in his death, and highlights the need to ensure the security of radioactive materials. And I'd like to thank my good friend and the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen of Florida, for introducing this important measure. In late November 2006, Americans joined with many around the world in watching with horror as a youthful, energetic Russian dissident and British citizen dramatically changed appearances within days. Who can forget the piercing blue eyes of the bald and gaunt man staring intently at the camera from a London hospital bed? After the completion of an autopsy, British health officials concluded that Alexander Litvinenko had died on November 23, 2006 of radiation poisoning caused by ingesting the radioactive element Polonium-210. British law enforcement officials classified his death as murder. Alexander Litvinenko was an agent in the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation at the time when Vladimir Putin ran the agency. Mr. Litvinenko was fired from the service in 1998, then was arrested and briefly held without conviction after accusing senior Security Service officials of assassination plots. Mr. Litvinenko successfully sought asylum in Britain, from where he continued to accuse the Security Service of involvement in illegal activities. The night before falling ill, Mr. Litvinenko reportedly dined with three Russian citizens, including former Federal Security Service Agent Andrei Lugovoi. On May 22, 2007, British authorities announced their intent to prosecute Mr. Lugovoi for the murder of Mr. Litvinenko. After Russia refused to extradite Mr. Lugovoi to Britain, a political dispute ensued between the two countries that resulted in the mutual expulsion of diplomats. The murder of Alexander Litvinenko clearly raises disturbing questions about how elements of the Russian Government appear to deal with their enemies and perceived threats. It also raises worrying questions about the security and proliferation of radioactive material. 97 percent of the world's legal production of Polonium-210 occurs at the Avangard nuclear facility in Russia, the country that is also the world's leading exporter of this substance for commercial purposes. If the Russian government is not responsible for Litvinenko's death, as President Putin has stated, then it should be urgently investigating the security of the production, storage, distribution and export of Polonium-210 to prevent grave threats to international security. The resolution calls on President Bush and Secretary Rice to urge President Putin and President-elect Medvedev to cooperate with British authorities in finding answers to ensure the safety and security of all our citizens. I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this resolution. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlelady from Nevada (Ms. Berkley).

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the sponsor of the resolution, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler).

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I would first like to commend my distinguished colleague, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler), for introducing this important resolution. When the state of Israel was founded in 1948, more than 150,000 Jews lived in Iraq. Iraq was truly a cradle of Jewish civilization, a site of Jewish learning from which one of Judaism's holiest books, the Talmud, emerged. For more than two millennia, as history books will attest, Jews also made vital contributions to wider Iraqi society. Indeed, like Jews throughout the Arab world, Iraqi Jews for most of that long era enjoyed a quality of life far better than that of most Jewish communities in Europe. That all changed for good in 1948, and in the years immediately preceding 1948, when the state of Israel declared its independence. Throughout the Arab world, Jews then became the objects of official scorn and often were fired from their jobs en masse. In many places, violence ensued against Jewish communities. Continuing to use Iraq as an example, that 150,000-strong community by 1952 had shrunk to a mere 30,000. The rest, the other 120,000, had effectively been forced out. Overall, approximately 850,000 Jewish residents of the Arab world were expelled or otherwise forced to leave their homes, abandoning possessions and patrimony, in the years following Israel's creation in 1948. Vibrant, generations-old communities withered to near-negligible numbers. That Iraqi community of 150,000 Jews in 1948 has dwindled to about ten today. In Egypt, a community of 75,000 in 1945 now numbers 50 to 100. In Aden, Yemen, a community of 63,000 in 1948 has shrunk to about 200 today. And 140,000 Jews lived in Tunisia in 1948; fewer than 100 remain. In Morocco, which is hailed today as the bastion of Jewish-Arab coexistence in the Arab world, a thriving community of more than a quarter million Jews lived their lives in peace before 1948. Today, there are perhaps 5,000 Jews residing in Morocco. Some left willingly; most felt they had no choice. For centuries, long before the advent of Islam and long after it, Jewish communities lived peacefully and often prosperously and productively in Arab lands, among Arab people. Their forced relocation and the material value they lost when they were compelled to abandon their homes and other property in Arab countries has never been redressed. Not one Jew from the Arab world has been compensated for his losses. Each one had to start over from scratch in his new land. Compare the Jewish refugee experience with the Palestinian refugee experience. Neither Jewish refugees themselves, nor Israel, which was an underdeveloped country at the time it hosted most of these refugees, sought international aid from United Nations organizations or other international organizations. Both refugees and hosts envisioned and sought full integration into the larger society. The Arab world, in contrast, demanded the international community foot the bill for the refugees, who were to be kept in camps that, to this day, breed frustration, hatred and dependence. The result of these contrasting approaches is this: While the plight of Palestinian refugees is well known throughout the world, has been the subject of numerous U.N. resolutions, and has been a major element in every Arab-Israeli peace plan, the plight of Jewish refugees is rarely mentioned. Nevertheless, the rights and redress of Jewish refugees deserve recognition in any peace settlement. And, indeed, numerous international agreements pertaining to the Arab-Israeli conflict have been codified with the rights of Jewish refugees in mind. U.N. Security Council Resolution 242 calls for a ``just settlement to the refugee problem,'' without limiting that problem to Palestinians. Presidents Carter and Clinton each explicitly stated that the issue of Jewish refugees must be part of any comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace agreement. And lest there be any doubt about their status, let me point out this very important fact: The United Nations High Commission on Refugees in 1957 mandated that Jewish people who fled Arab countries are, indeed, ``refugees.'' The right of Jewish refugees from Middle Eastern lands to seek redress does not in any way conflict with the right of Palestinian refugees to seek redress, and the resolution before us states this explicitly. This resolution merely expresses the sense of Congress that Jewish refugees also should not be denied their legitimate rights. We are simply seeking to ensure that any comprehensive Middle East settlement is just and fully just to all the parties. That sentiment of basic fairness is one I fully embrace. I strongly support this resolution. And I again congratulate my colleague, Mr. Nadler, for offering it. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 185) expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding the creation of refugee populations in the Middle East, North Africa, and the Persian Gulf region as a result of human rights violations, as amended.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 997) expressing the strong support of the House of Representatives for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to enter into a Membership Action Plan with Georgia and Ukraine, as amended.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and yield myself such time as I may consume. I am pleased to support this resolution that expresses the House's backing for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to enter into a Membership Action Plan with Ukraine and Georgia at the NATO summit later this week. This resolution was originally introduced as Senate Resolution 439 by Senators Biden and Lugar, and was passed unanimously on February 14. I am grateful to my distinguished colleagues on the European Subcommittee, Chairman Wexler and Ranking Member Gallegly, for enabling the House to add its voice to the growing consensus in favor of extending MAP to two of our key allies, and particularly to Congressman Wexler, who, without his prodding, this resolution might not have appeared on the floor at this particular time. From April 2 to April 4, heads of state or governments from the 26 member countries of NATO will gather in Bucharest for the largest summit ever. Indeed, NATO has more than doubled in size since its founding by 12 states in 1949. The seven post-Communist countries that became members 3 years ago are now making significant contributions to the work of the Alliance. In addition to the crucial discussions about the future of NATO operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan, the Bucharest summit will address further enlargement of the Alliance. Decisions on full membership will be made about three Adriatic countries, Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia. Judgments will also be made about the extension of Membership Action Plans to Ukraine and Georgia. This resolution reaffirms that this is the right decision at the right time. It is important to note that Ukraine and Georgia both have taken the initiative of formally asking the NATO Secretary General for integration into the Membership Action Plan. Both countries have made considerable political, economic, legal, and defense reforms in the two decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Ukraine and Georgia have also been active participants in international efforts to preserve peace and stability, contributing to numerous peacekeeping missions around the world. Their continued democratic development and military initiative should be supported. While it is true that Ukraine and Georgia experienced domestic political crisis last year that raised some doubts about their readiness for MAP, it is equally true that both countries firmly maintained their commitment to pursuing a democratic path and strengthening their political institutions. We must continue to encourage them in this vitally important journey. Secondly, it is important to recognize that MAP does not confer NATO membership. Rather, it provides a structured reform program that offers support in a broad range of political and technical areas in order to prepare applicant countries for the responsibilities of membership. It is clear that both countries must complete significant reforms before they can be considered for membership. They, like all countries who have joined the Alliance before them, must be judged to have met all necessary criteria. Even then, all member countries must unanimously support their accession. In closing, I would like to briefly address the concern about the potential reaction of Russia to the extension of MAP to Georgia and Ukraine. While NATO was originally established as a military alliance to counter potential aggression by the Soviet Union, it now deals with a variety of security threats in Kosovo, Afghanistan, and elsewhere. The Alliance is clearly no longer aimed at Russia. In 1997, NATO and Russia agreed to work together to build a stable, secure, and undivided continent. This partnership was strengthened in 2002, with the creation of the NATO-Russia Council as a vehicle to facilitate joint action. Indeed, President Putin is expected to participate in this week's summit. While the Alliance is right to be cognizant of the geopolitical impact of its actions, it should focus its assessment about the extension of MAP on the merits of the countries concerned. The U.S. and our allies should continue to nurture and strengthen their relationships with Russia. No one, President Putin nor anyone in Russia, should have a veto power over potential NATO applicants. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 4 minutes to the chairman of the European Subcommittee, one of the two key authors of the resolution, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Wexler).

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I rise today to call to the attention of my colleagues the 50th anniversary of the European Parliament--the legislative body of the European Union. It is a great pleasure to celebrate this very special day in the history of the European Union. Seldom in so short a period as 50 years do we have the opportunity to witness the birth and evolution of such an important democratic institution. In the 25 years that I have served as a Member of the United States Congress, the European Parliament has undergone a dramatic transformation. It began as an institution whose members were appointed by national parliaments, and it played a minor role in the policy- making process. Today. the European Parliament is a truly democratic legislature whose members are elected by the popular vote of the people in all member states of the European Union. Furthermore, it has a key role in approving the members of the European Commission and in adopting the EU budget. As the United States Congress, the European Parliament also has significant responsibility for conducting oversight of EU executive governmental institutions. Madam Speaker, the first half of the 20th century was marked by two bloody World Wars that devastated the European continent and produced deep divisions between European countries. World War I produced sharp national differences among the Europeans, which continued to fester even after that war was concluded. At the end of World War II. Europe was divided by the ``Iron Curtain,'' which ideologically, and politically separated the continent's peoples. During the era of the Cold War, the unification of the Western and Eastern Germany seemed like an impossible dream let alone the unification of Western and I astern Europe. however, the last half-century has seen the remarkable growth of an ever closer union of people and states. Indeed, the success of the European Union has produced significant changes in the make up of Europe. The European Union began as an institution for economic cooperation among six Western European nations in 1951, but it has evoked into a political and economic union that now embraces 27 European nations, including 10 former communist states of Central and Eastern Europe. The European Union has brought peace, stability and prosperity to almost 500 million people. In 1951, Madam Speaker, the Treaty of Paris, which created the European Coal and Steel Community provided a minor rule for a Parliamentary Assembly. This body evolved and was institutionalized as the European Parliamentary Assembly in the Treat of Rome that was signed seven years later. the Assembly held its first meeting on March 19, 1951, under the leadership of its first president and one of Europe's great visionaries, Robert Schuman. At that time the parliament was only a consultative body composed of 142 members appointed by the national parliaments of the member states. The members conducted their business in four official languages. In 1962, the body became the European Parliament, and in 1979, its members were chosen for the first time through direct elections. Over time, treaty revisions have expanded the powers of the European Parliament over legislation, the budget and executive oversight. The European Parliament now has 785 members who work in 23 official languages, and it represents the 492 million citizens of the 27 member states of the European Union. Madam Speaker, I am delighted that the United States House of Representatives has a cooperative working relationship with the European Parliament. For the last three decades. delegations of our respective legislatures have met twice a year to discuss our common goals and have endeavored to bring the United States and the European Union ever closer together. Currently this exchange--the Trans-Atlantic Legislators Dialog, TLD--is led on the United States side by Chairwoman Shelly Berkley of Nevada and Vice Chairmen Cliff Stearns of Florida and Jim Costa of Californina. The European Parliament delegation is ably led by Jonathan Evans, a member of the European Parliament from the United Kingdom. Over the last half-century, Madam Speaker, the United States has worked with our European allies to promote democracy, the rule of law, free market economies and human rights around the world. The 50th anniversary of the European Parliament provides an excellent occasion for all of us to reflect upon our friendship with our colleagues in the European Parliament and to celebrate with them this successful trans- Atlantic cooperation. The ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon and the parliamentary elections in June 2009 should further reinforce the European Parliament's critical role in the European Union decision- making process. I congratulate the European Parliament on its first half-century and look forward to continued collaboration in the future.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution and I yield myself as much time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, when this resolution came before the Foreign Affairs Committee last week, the situation in Gaza was deteriorating, and that deterioration continued apace. We have since amended this measure to reflect the latest facts, but the fundamental realities remain the same: Israel has a right to exist free from terror. Terrorist Hamas, which controls Gaza, does not accept this right. The United States will now and always stand firmly by Israel's side, committed to its survival; and we oppose all forms of terrorism and incitement meant to undermine the quest for peace. Nearly every day, shrapnel-filled rockets launched from Gaza rain down on Israeli communities, shocking the residents with their explosive power and expanded range. Israel has answered the deadly downpour by placing pressure on the Hamas leadership and their henchmen who launch these missiles. But because these thugs cravenly place the men, women, and children in Gaza in harm's way by using civilian communities as a base, counterstrikes have lamentably caused civilian injuries and deaths, along with the deaths of the terrorists. The casualties are far too numerous, since even one innocent life lost is one too many. And so, as we show our support with this resolution for the people of Israel, we also express our sympathy with the overwhelming majority of Gazans who only want a decent life but whose terrorist leaders have contemptuously sentenced them to mayhem. In August 2005, the Israeli Government removed all Jewish settlements from the Gaza Strip and evicted Israeli families from their homes in hopes of injecting life into a moribund peace process. Israel's hope, and the hope of all who wish for peace in the region, was that Gaza would prove to be the fertile ground from which Palestinian statehood would emerge. But since that time, Hamas has seized control of Gaza. It responded to good-faith efforts at peace not with reciprocal concessions or conciliatory gestures but with a relentless terrorist offensive. In more than 2 years of rocket attacks, Israel has suffered countless casualties, including more than a dozen deaths, and serious damage to property and infrastructure. But perhaps worst of all has been the untold psychological trauma and interruption of all aspects of daily life. Reportedly, 90 percent of the children in the community of Sderot have suffered from post-traumatic stress syndrome. The beachside city of Ashkelon, until recently out of range for the simple rockets that Hamas could muster, has now been slammed by more than a dozen sophisticated missiles, next to the city hall, in the marina, leaving craters and shattered lives all around. This is a city of 120,000 people. The range of the rockets is increasing, and if the terrorists are not stopped, we all know that casualties likewise will increase. For now the attacks are continuing unabated, and they are destroying what hopes remain of an Israeli-Palestinian peace. That is why this resolution unambiguously recognizes and reaffirms Israel's sovereign right to defend its citizens and territory. We need also to recognize that Hamas and other Palestinian terrorist groups are not operating in a vacuum. They rely on the material and logistical support of nations like Iran and Syria. The international community must condemn Iranian and Syrian behavior and take all possible steps to halt it. Much of the material for these rockets is smuggled into the Gaza Strip through Egyptian territory. We must prevail upon our friend Egypt, which has made invaluable contributions to peace in the years past, to do much more to end this smuggling. This resolution therefore calls on all nations, including Egypt, to take affirmative, transparent and verifiable steps to stop the flow of rockets and related materials to the Palestinian territories. Mr. Speaker, we can only condemn the policy of Hamas and its supporters to continue the brutal, cynical, and unprovoked attacks on Israel, and we must recognize this policy for the terrorist crime it is. I commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Garrett) for introducing this resolution, and his cosponsors as well, and I urge my colleagues to vote ``aye.'' Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Berkley).

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), the chairman of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 951) condemning the ongoing Palestinian rocket attacks on Israeli civilians, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 278) supporting Taiwan's fourth direct and democratic presidential elections in March 2008, as amended.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 1084) to amend the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, the State Department Basic Authorities Act of 1956, and the Foreign Service Act of 1980 to build operational readiness in civilian agencies, and for other purposes, as amended.