Howard Berman

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 278) supporting Taiwan's fourth direct and democratic presidential elections in March 2008, as amended.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the concurrent resolution under consideration.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and yield myself 5 minutes. I would like first to thank the ranking member of the full committee, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, for introducing this important resolution. The United States' relationship with Taiwan speaks to the great importance of democracy in our foreign policy. Over the past 60 years, the U.S.-Taiwan relationship has undergone dramatic changes, but it is Taiwan's development of democracy that underpins the strong U.S.-Taiwan friendship we enjoy today. Initially our relations were defined by a shared strategic purpose of containing the spread of communism in Asia. This Cold War imperative served our strategic goals, but compelled us to cooperate with an authoritarian dictatorship in Taipei that failed to respect basic human rights. With the normalization of relations with Beijing in 1973, the Cold War's strategic landscape changed, and, over time, could have threatened to diminish the importance of the U.S.-Taiwan partnership. But Taiwan's commitment to democracy prevented such a split. As the PRC liberalized and opened up to the world economically, Taiwan's political system evolved from authoritarianism to one of the strongest democratic systems in Asia, and in the process the U.S.- Taiwan relationship transformed from one based solely on shared interest to one based on shared values. Today Taiwan is a flourishing, multiparty democracy that respects human rights, upholds the rule of law and holds competitive elections, including presidential elections in 1996, 2000, and 2004. This remarkable political evolution proves beyond any doubt that the notion of ``Asian values,'' which was used to justify one man or one party rule, is a complete fallacy. Democracy, freedom and human rights are universal values to which all human beings aspire. This resolution recognizes Taiwan's strong democratic system by supporting Taiwan's fourth democratic presidential election, which will take place in March of this year, and by encouraging delegations from around the world to visit Taiwan to witness the election process. It is important to note, however, that this resolution should not be construed as taking a position on the referendum regarding Taiwan's membership in the United Nations under the name Taiwan, which is also being held in conjunction with the presidential election. The purpose of this resolution is to honor the U.S.-Taiwan friendship by celebrating Taiwan's democracy. I strongly support this resolution and encourage my colleagues to do the same. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield to my friend from American Samoa, the chairman of the Asian Subcommittee, Mr. Faleomavaega, 5 minutes. (Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to my colleague, the gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Davis).

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 6 minutes. Mr. Speaker, I want to first thank our colleague and friend from California, a valuable member of the Appropriations Committee, an individual who has always had a long-term interest in the issue of capacity building in our international relations effort, Congressman Sam Farr, who introduced this vitally important legislation and who has an unwavering commitment to restoring the strength and expertise of U.S. civilian agencies. Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has been engaged in a stabilization or reconstruction operation once every 18 to 24 months. During the same period, the backbone of America's diplomatic and development might, the State Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development, has been substantially weakened by staff cuts, hiring freezes and consolidation. Despite new hires, there are only 6,600 professional Foreign Service officers in the State Department. According to Secretary of Defense Gates, this is less than the personnel of one carrier battle group, and allegedly less than the number of active military band members. Likewise, at a time when the United States is engaged in two massive stabilization and reconstruction efforts and countless other emergencies, USAID, America's premier development agency, barely has 1,000 Foreign Service officers. Compare that number to the height of the Cold War, when it had more than 4,500 Foreign Service officers with expertise in engineering, agricultural development, rule of law, and civil administration. In essence, we have created a situation where those who are best suited for complex stabilization missions simply aren't there. Mr. Speaker, this personnel imbalance is unacceptable and dangerously shortsighted. Stabilization operations require expertise in smart skills, such as job creation, rule of law programs, fortification of police forces, and good governance training, which lies within America's civilian agencies. Amazingly, at a time we need to call on this expertise the most, the U.S. Government capacity for these skills is at its weakest. We need look no further than Iraq to see the dangers of overburdening our military with stabilization and reconstruction activities for which they were not trained, nor for which they are best suited. As Secretary Gates aptly observed, ``Brave men and women in uniform have stepped up to the task, with field artillerymen and tankers building schools and mentoring city councils, usually in a language they don't speak. But it is no replacement for the real thing, civilian involvement and expertise.'' The U.S. needs experienced police officers to train local Iraqi counterparts. We need USAID personnel to assist with municipal administration, sewage treatment, banking, electricity, and thousands of other tasks. This bill aims to successfully address upcoming threats and prosecute the long-term fight against terror by fortifying the U.S. Government's civilian capacity to deal with instability, particularly in areas where terrorists thrive. The Reconstruction and Stabilization Civilian Management Act of 2008 authorizes the establishment of a Readiness Response Corps to plug the gap regarding civilian capacity. The corps will include active and standby components composed of Federal employees, and a reserve component made up of civilian experts from State and local governments and nongovernmental organizations. To effectively establish the corps, the bill includes several innovative personnel provisions which ensure that the State Department and other Federal employees will not be prejudiced by joining the corps and that the Secretary of State will have unambiguous authority to hire personnel appropriate for the corps, including experts from Federal, State and local agencies. The bill also authorizes the President to use up to $100 million in any given fiscal year for the purposes of furnishing assistance to stabilize and reconstruct a country or region at risk. Finally, the bill codifies the establishment of an Office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization within the Department of State. Mr. Speaker, we expect this bill to accomplish two key goals. In the short term, the bill will ease the burden on the Armed Forces by allowing the State Department to deploy civilians in crisis situations previously staffed by the military. In the long term, the bill will enable the U.S. Government to project ``smart power'' in situations that cry for such civilian expertise. For these reasons, I thank my colleague, Mr. Farr, for introducing this legislation, and I urge all of my colleagues to support this legislation. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 4 minutes to the chief sponsor of this legislation, the gentleman from California (Mr. Farr). (Mr. FARR asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to a gentleman who has been very interested in this whole process of capacity building, the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Snyder).

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 1084) to amend the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, the State Department Basic Authorities Act of 1956, and the Foreign Service Act of 1980 to build operational readiness in civilian agencies, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Berkley).

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution and I yield myself as much time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, when this resolution came before the Foreign Affairs Committee last week, the situation in Gaza was deteriorating, and that deterioration continued apace. We have since amended this measure to reflect the latest facts, but the fundamental realities remain the same: Israel has a right to exist free from terror. Terrorist Hamas, which controls Gaza, does not accept this right. The United States will now and always stand firmly by Israel's side, committed to its survival; and we oppose all forms of terrorism and incitement meant to undermine the quest for peace. Nearly every day, shrapnel-filled rockets launched from Gaza rain down on Israeli communities, shocking the residents with their explosive power and expanded range. Israel has answered the deadly downpour by placing pressure on the Hamas leadership and their henchmen who launch these missiles. But because these thugs cravenly place the men, women, and children in Gaza in harm's way by using civilian communities as a base, counterstrikes have lamentably caused civilian injuries and deaths, along with the deaths of the terrorists. The casualties are far too numerous, since even one innocent life lost is one too many. And so, as we show our support with this resolution for the people of Israel, we also express our sympathy with the overwhelming majority of Gazans who only want a decent life but whose terrorist leaders have contemptuously sentenced them to mayhem. In August 2005, the Israeli Government removed all Jewish settlements from the Gaza Strip and evicted Israeli families from their homes in hopes of injecting life into a moribund peace process. Israel's hope, and the hope of all who wish for peace in the region, was that Gaza would prove to be the fertile ground from which Palestinian statehood would emerge. But since that time, Hamas has seized control of Gaza. It responded to good-faith efforts at peace not with reciprocal concessions or conciliatory gestures but with a relentless terrorist offensive. In more than 2 years of rocket attacks, Israel has suffered countless casualties, including more than a dozen deaths, and serious damage to property and infrastructure. But perhaps worst of all has been the untold psychological trauma and interruption of all aspects of daily life. Reportedly, 90 percent of the children in the community of Sderot have suffered from post-traumatic stress syndrome. The beachside city of Ashkelon, until recently out of range for the simple rockets that Hamas could muster, has now been slammed by more than a dozen sophisticated missiles, next to the city hall, in the marina, leaving craters and shattered lives all around. This is a city of 120,000 people. The range of the rockets is increasing, and if the terrorists are not stopped, we all know that casualties likewise will increase. For now the attacks are continuing unabated, and they are destroying what hopes remain of an Israeli-Palestinian peace. That is why this resolution unambiguously recognizes and reaffirms Israel's sovereign right to defend its citizens and territory. We need also to recognize that Hamas and other Palestinian terrorist groups are not operating in a vacuum. They rely on the material and logistical support of nations like Iran and Syria. The international community must condemn Iranian and Syrian behavior and take all possible steps to halt it. Much of the material for these rockets is smuggled into the Gaza Strip through Egyptian territory. We must prevail upon our friend Egypt, which has made invaluable contributions to peace in the years past, to do much more to end this smuggling. This resolution therefore calls on all nations, including Egypt, to take affirmative, transparent and verifiable steps to stop the flow of rockets and related materials to the Palestinian territories. Mr. Speaker, we can only condemn the policy of Hamas and its supporters to continue the brutal, cynical, and unprovoked attacks on Israel, and we must recognize this policy for the terrorist crime it is. I commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Garrett) for introducing this resolution, and his cosponsors as well, and I urge my colleagues to vote ``aye.'' Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, my colleague, Henry Waxman, and I rise to pay tribute to Elliott Broidy, recipient of the prestigious Raoul Wallenberg Award. This Award is give td individuals who exhibit courage, selflessness and success against great odds. Elliott Broidy's civic duty and philanthropy have earned him this great honor. On February 27, 2008, the Raoul Wallenberg Committee and the Gateways Organization will host a special dinner recognizing his outstanding achievements. Elliott Broidy has helped strengthen the beloved country of his birth, the United States, and his spiritual home, the State of Israel. In 2001, when the Second Intifada threatened Israel's security, Mr. Broidy formed Markstone Capital Partners with the intent of providing a superior return to its investors while strengthening Israel's economic viability. Markstone is Israel's largest private equity fund. To date, the fund has invested nearly half a billion dollars in Israeli companies, creating hundreds of new jobs and helping to build a strong economy for Israel. In our community, Elliot Broidy has dedicated himself to countless humanitarian causes and foundations, including the Jewish Federation of Los Angeles, Aviva Family and Children's Service, Hebrew Union College and the University of Southern California. He serves as a member of the United States Homeland Security Advisory Council, the Board of Trustees of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts in Washington, DC, the Los Angeles Police Foundation and the Board of Governors of Cedars-Sinai Medical Center. For the last 5 years, he has served as a Commissioner of the Los Angeles Fire and Police Pension Fund. He is also a member of the Young Presidents Organization and the Board of Advisors for the USC Marshall School Center for Investment Studies. Prior to founding Broidy Capital Management, Elliott Broidy had a successful career in money management. He is a Certified Public Accountant and received a B.S. in accounting and finance from the University of Southern California. He lives in Los Angeles with his wife, Robin, and their three children. Throughout the years, Robin has worked alongside her husband in many worthy organizations and causes that have greatly benefited thousands of children and families in Los Angeles. We ask our colleagues to join us in saluting Elliott Broidy for his longtime service to the State of Israel and to our community.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. Many Americans are frustrated and angry because they believe that this administration is not being held to account for its actions. Now, after 7 years, much of the public turns this frustration at Congress because it is the branch with the responsibility for oversight. Last year, the House Judiciary Committee undertook a very serious investigation into allegations that a number of key law enforcement officers in our country--United States attorneys--were being fired for their unwillingness to respond to political pressure in various cases. This led to information about other actions that were clearly politicizing the work of the Department of Justice. You will hear people on the other side talk about the investigation wasting time. This was no fishing expedition. The fact is that the revelations from this investigation led to the resignation of the Attorney General of the United States. We are here today because this administration responded to a legitimate investigation--the exercise of our oversight duty--by stonewalling in the extreme. The disrespect shown to this body has been stunning, culminating in the fact that when the committee subpoenaed the testimony of Harriet Miers, neither she nor her attorney bothered to even show up to assert the privilege she claimed. To justify the administration's behavior, the President has asserted an astonishingly broad theory of executive privilege which claims that any document or information from any individual who has ever worked for the President is covered and therefore immune from being compelled to testify before Congress. This view of executive privilege may be unprecedented in our history, and if accepted, it would chill any meaningful oversight of the executive branch and grant near limitless power to the President to hide information from Congress, the courts, and the American people. The utter contempt shown by this administration toward Congress and its constitutional duties is unacceptable, and to permit these actions to stand unchallenged would be an abrogation of our constitutional responsibility. Approving these contempt resolutions would send a strong message to the administration that Congress will not be ignored. At the end of the day, whether civil or criminal action is successful, our most important goal should be getting to the truth. If we do not respond to the administration's disregard of the legislative branch, we risk rendering permanent damage to our own institution and to this country's cherished system of checks and balances. Failure to act will also set a dangerous precedent that future administrations will almost assuredly seek to exploit. To my colleagues on the other side who are trying to dismiss these resolutions as partisan--I urge you not to be shortsighted. This is not a partisan issue. It is a matter that strikes at the heart of our democracy and the checks and balances on which it depends. Congress has been eminently patient in awaiting the President to provide information on the U.S. attorneys scandal. Yet, rather than work with us to get to the bottom of wrongdoing in his administration, the President has continued his pattern of actively hiding possible evidence of illegal behavior by high-ranking officials in his Government and stonewalling any inquiries to get to the truth. Because it is each Member's very responsibility to support and defend the Constitution, we have absolutely no other choice than to pursue this action against the President's Chief of Staff and his former chief legal counsel. I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes.''

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, as part of the Gulf Security Dialogue between the Gulf States and the United States, the President has proposed the commercial sale of a number of significant U.S-produced weapon systems that the President believes will contribute to U.S. national security in the Gulf Region. There has been a good deal of controversy surrounding these proposed arms sales included in the Gulf Security Dialogue, and, in particular, the sale of Joint Direct Attack Munitions (JDAMs) to Saudi Arabia. The Foreign Affairs Committee has taken the reported concerns seriously. The Committee has held four highly classified briefings on the Gulf Security Dialogue. As part of this ongoing dialogue, Chairman Lantos asked the Secretary of State to provide to the Committee, in writing, additional assurances that can be released publicly that this sale will not threaten our interests or those of our friends in the region. Chairman Lantos received a letter with these assurances from the Secretary of State. Madam Speaker, as the Acting Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I ask that this letter be printed in full in the Record so that all of our colleagues in the Congress can be aware of the assurances which the Committee has received. The Secretary of State, Washington, DC, February 6, 2008. Dear Mr. Chairman: I am writing to you regarding the proposed sale of Joint Direct Attack Munitions (JDAMs) to Saudi Arabia under the rubric of the Gulf Security Dialogue. Over the last year, we have consulted closely with Congress and our partners in the region on the proposed sale. This sale is important to U.S. national interests in the Gulf region. It will strengthen our relationship with Saudi Arabia and will enhance regional security and stability. The United States has offered for sale a number of military goods to friendly governments in the region to support U.S. interests. In preparing these sales, we have worked closely with our friends in the region to ensure the proposed transfers strengthen stability and security regarding potential challenges from Iran or other threats in the region. We have consulted closely about this sale with Israel and remain committed to the preservation of Israel's qualitative military edge. I can assure you that the sale of JDAMs to Saudi Arabia will not affect Israel's qualitative military edge. The Government of Israel understands the reasons for this sale and does not object to it. We are mindful of the sensitivity of some of the technology being transferred, and will continue to keep Congress informed on the details of this sale, particularly of any changes in the arrangements we have briefed the committee. We have had, and will continue to have, thorough discussions with the Government of Saudi Arabia regarding its obligations resulting from this sale. As a result of these discussions, we are confident that the Government of Saudi Arabia will undertake all necessary measures to secure these weapons and to assure their use only in ways which we support. In particular, the Government of Saudi Arabia will provide adequate security for the JDAMs such that these weapons will not fall into the hands of other nations or groups. Moreover, the Government of Saudi Arabia will ensure that these weapons will not be used against U.S. forces or the forces of U.S. allies. I hope this resolves any concerns that might exist about this sale. We would be happy to discuss further with you, if you desire. We look forward to working with you to secure the advancement of U.S. interests in the Gulf region. Sincerely, Condoleezza Rice.

Mr. BERMAN

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to Tom's colleague from California, and the subcommittee chair on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Congressman Brad Sherman.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to another colleague of Tom's from California, the gentlelady from California, Barbara Lee.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time and thank my colleagues.

Mr. BERMAN. I thank the gentlewoman very much for doing that and appreciate her and all the comments of our colleagues from that side of the aisle. I think they were a fitting tribute to Tom and his bipartisan approach to foreign affairs and to issues that go far beyond party divisions. I am pleased to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to another of Tom's colleagues from California and the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Ambassador Diane Watson.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman representing the State that Tom had such close connections to, the gentleman from New Hampshire (Mr. Hodes).

Mr. BERMAN. I thank the Speaker. A great deal has been said about Tom Lantos this evening, wonderful, eloquent words that captured just the profound effect that he had on this institution. Many serve in this institution. Some leave a mark on their districts of their presence here; some leave a lasting mark on the institution. It's hard for me to think of anyone who left such a mark around the world as Chairman Lantos did in so many different areas. You read that statement that David Dreier read earlier, and I'm going to read it again because it captures his love of this country. He and Annette, they were the greatest Americans because they knew what the alternative had been, and they paid back with their work and with their gratitude what America offered them. This is Tom Lantos' words after he is diagnosed with a very advanced stage of esophageal cancer, ``It is only in the United States that a penniless survivor of the Holocaust and a fighter in the anti-Nazi underground could have received an education, raised a family, and had the privilege of serving the last three decades of his life as a Member of Congress. I will never be able to express fully my profoundly felt gratitude to this great country.'' He not only loved America; he hated tyranny and oppression. And I served with Tom on the committee for 26 of his 28 years in the Congress, and that anger and hostility and willingness to fight against dictatorship and tyranny covered the dictatorships of the communist regimes, and it covered the dictatorships and the oppression of the rightwing authoritarian regimes. He wasn't one side or the other; he was against tyranny for human rights. Stood firm. It's very easy for us to attack forces that have no direct impacts on our district; it doesn't take that much courage to do that. Tom Lantos, notwithstanding what some company in his district might be making in terms of sales to a particularly oppressive country, stood firm and constantly dealt with the pressures coming back from his own constituents about our livelihood, our jobs, because he couldn't tolerate the notion that, in effect, American companies, American individual interests, American corporate interests were giving governments around the world the tools of that repression. In closing, I just want to tell one story. It was a profound experience for me, I'll never forget. I had the opportunity to see Tom a few weeks ago at his home here in Washington with Annette, with Katrina, with their granddaughter and with a baby grandson, which, by the way, was one part of what gave him his strength was this unbelievable family structure. And he looked much better than he had looked in his last few weeks here, and he talked about being at peace. Yes, he would have loved to have been able to be here a few years longer, but for him, he felt what a wonderful life he had had, what a wonderful family, what a country, the colleagues. He was at peace with what awaited him. And there was a serenity and a strength there that just was stunning to me. I'll never forget it. To the family, to Annette, our prayers are with you. And you know that the work he did, the lives he affected around the world, his presence will be maintained long after his passing.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself 3 minutes.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlelady from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee). (Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Mr. BERMAN. I am pleased to recognize the gentleman from Missouri, Mr. Russ Carnahan, for 2 minutes.

Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I am very pleased to yield to Tom's good friend, chairman of the Asia Subcommittee of House Foreign Affairs Committee, Eni Faleomavaega from American Samoa, 2 minutes.