Member of Congress

John Boehner

Role
Former Representative
State
OH
Party
Republican

Speeches

LEGISLATIVE PROGRAM2006-07-13

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Probably.

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SCIENCE, STATE, JUSTICE, COMMERCE, AND RELATED AGENCIES APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 20072006-06-29

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Chairman, I want to give all the Members an idea of what the schedule for the day is. After the passage of this bill, we will move to the rule on the Deep Water Recovery Act, the OCS bill, and the rule on the resolution with regard to the disclosure of the SWIFT Program. Once those two rules have been considered, there will be votes, and then we will move to the OCS bill and then finally to the resolution. We expect to complete our week's work by 6 or 6:15 this evening. I am trying to give everyone as much notice as we can. That is the schedule as I see it. Announcement by the Chairman

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PERMISSION TO REDUCE TIME FOR ELECTRONIC VOTING DURING CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 5672, SCIENCE, STATE, JUSTICE, COMMERCE, AND RELATED AGENCIES APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 20072006-06-27

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that, during consideration of H.R. 5672 pursuant to House Resolution 890, the Chair may reduce to 2 minutes the minimum time for electronic voting under clause 6 of rule XVIII and clause 9 of rule XX.

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LEGISLATIVE PROGRAM2006-06-22

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. If it does come up, it will be under suspension of the rules. I would like to see it on the floor next week, and we are discussing that with Chairman Sensenbrenner. I would hope that it is up next week. If I could continue, the gentleman was kind enough not to ask me the question that he has asked me for the last 3 months, and that is the status of the pension bill, so I thought I would just do it on my own. We have made a lot of progress this week, and I have talked to Democrat Members here in the House and in the Senate, as well as my Republican colleagues. We are very close, I believe, to an agreement that will receive the kind of broad bipartisan support we saw of the pension bill when it left the House and the Senate last year. So I am not sure that the conference report will be ready for the floor next week, but it is possible.

Mr. BOEHNER. I will take that into consideration.

Mr. BOEHNER. I didn't say that. It is just not on the schedule next week.

Mr. BOEHNER. I thank my colleague for yielding. I can announce to the House that we do not expect to have votes on Friday, July 14. We will have votes on that Monday preceding that, but I expect that we will have no votes on the 14th. It is also my expectation that by the close of business next Thursday we will have a firmed-up schedule for July. The schedule that we are operating under was developed last December, and I think it is incumbent upon us to review that. And so by the end of next week, we will have a revised schedule. If there are any other times available, we will have that out to Members by the end of next week.

Mr. BOEHNER. I sure did.

Mr. BOEHNER. The Voting Rights Act is a very important piece of legislation. It is a very important piece of the legislation done in the 1960s. It is an important part of our civil rights protections. As we reauthorize this bill, I think we need to remember it is not due to expire until July of next year. And we have Members who have different interpretations of what some of the words say in the bill that came out of committee. There has been some concerns raised. We are trying to clarify some issues for Members. When we get it resolved, we will bring it to the floor. I would just say, having been my open and honest self so many times here on time frames and then to have them come back and bite me, I am a bit reluctant to suggest to you when this will occur, but as soon as we clarify these issues to the satisfaction of Members, we will bring it up.

Mr. BOEHNER. Will the gentleman yield?

Mr. BOEHNER. It is not on the schedule next week.

Mr. BOEHNER. I thank my colleague for yielding. Next week, Mr. Speaker, the House will convene on Monday at 12:30 p.m. for morning hour, and 2 p.m. for legislative business. We will have some suspensions on the floor on Monday. A final list of those bills will be distributed by the end of the week. For the balance of the week, the House will consider, on Tuesday, the flood insurance reform program. We are hopeful that the State, Science, Justice and Commerce appropriations bill could come up as early as Tuesday evening. The rest of the week, H.R. 4761, the Deep Ocean Energy Resources Act, and any possible conference reports that might be available. I don't want anyone to misinterpret what I am going to say about next week's schedule. I am trying my best to make sure that we are finished by next Thursday evening. I think the congressional baseball game is next Thursday evening. I would like for us to complete our work before then. Now, I want to make it perfectly clear that I am not committing myself to that. We have work that we need to get finished next week, but I am hopeful that our work leading into the July 4 District Work Period will be completed by then.

Mr. BOEHNER. Do these questions get any easier? The Health IT bill has shared jurisdiction between the Ways and Means Committee and the Energy and Commerce Committee. There are some issues. They are trying to resolve those issues. The chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, as you are probably aware, was preoccupied with two other projects this week, and I do not believe that the issues have been resolved. I do expect it will be up early in July, but I am not sure that we are going to be able to resolve those differences by next week.

Mr. BOEHNER. That is correct.

Mr. BOEHNER. Yes. The bill came out of committee, but typically the rules of the House don't allow Members to legislate on an appropriation bill, and I think there are a lot of people who believe that is legislation on an appropriation bill. So there are some concerns about it. And let me be fair. There are other issues with the bill beyond the provision that was authored by my friend from Maryland.

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DISPENSING WITH CALENDAR WEDNESDAY BUSINESS ON WEDNESDAY NEXT2006-06-22

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the business in order under the Calendar Wednesday rule be dispensed with on Wednesday next.

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ADJOURNMENT TO MONDAY, JUNE 26, 20062006-06-22

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that when the House adjourns today, it adjourn to meet at 12:30 p.m. on Monday next for morning hour debate.

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PERMISSION TO REDUCE TIME FOR ELECTRONIC VOTING DURING CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 5631, DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 20072006-06-20

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that during consideration of the bill H.R. 5631, pursuant to House Resolution 877, the Chair may reduce to 2 minutes the minimum time for electronic voting under clause 6 of rule XVIII and clause 9 of rule XX.

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DECLARING THAT THE UNITED STATES WILL PREVAIL IN THE GLOBAL WAR ON TERROR2006-06-16

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for yielding. This week the House has engaged in an important debate on the war in Iraq and how best to combat terrorism in a post-9/11 world. And there are major differences between those of us who support a strong national defense and national security policy and understand what we have at stake and those who would prefer to retreat from the world stage and attempt to manage the threat of terrorism and the danger that it poses. During the 1990s, the enemies of freedom used terror and violence in futile attempts to intimidate the United States and the cause of freedom. I will remind all of my colleagues that on February 26, 1993, we had the first World Trade Center bombing. It killed six people and injured more than 1,000 people. And on June 25, 1996, a U.S. facility in Saudi Arabia, the Khobar Towers, was bombed, killing 20 people and injuring some 372 more. On June 7, 1998, our embassy in Kenya was bombed, killed 213 people and injured 5,000 people. And on June 7, 1998, the same day, our embassy in Tanzania was bombed, killed 11 people, injured 68 more. On October 12, 2000, the USS Cole was bombed, killing 17 of our sailors and injuring 39 more. What was our response? During the 1990s, world leaders looked at the mounting threat of terrorism, looked up, looked away, and hoped the problem would go away. But what happened on September 11, 2001? 3,000 Americans were killed by these same terrorists. And in a post-9/11 world, looking up, looking away, and hoping the problem would go away is no longer the answer. That is why we are having this important debate here on the floor today. The American public deserves to hear how their elected leaders will respond to international terrorism and those enemies who seek to destroy our American way of life. Will we fight or will we retreat? That is the question that is posed to us. Some of my friends on the other side of the aisle often refer to Iraq as a distraction. They have called Operation Iraqi Freedom a war of choice that isn't part of the real war on terror. Someone should tell that to al Qaeda. Let's be clear here. Those who say this is a war of choice are nothing more than wrong. This is a war of necessity that we must fight. But you don't have to believe me. Just listen to al Qaeda's own leader, their number two leader. Ayman al Zawahiri knows how important the future of Iraq is to his cause. In a 6,000-word letter to al Qaeda's then commander in Iraq, the recently eliminated Zarqawi, he made clear that the terrorists view Iraq as a central battlefield in the global war on terror. For some reason, this brazen declaration from one of our nemesis about Iraq's importance hasn't registered with many opponents of the war who insist on conceding defeat and withdrawing. If the terrorists tell us directly they see Iraq as a central front on their violent ambitions across the globe, should we dismiss it? Should we dismiss their claims and simply wait for them to attack America? Operation Iraqi Freedom was hardly a war of choice. Saddam was already a menace and a threat to international order when he ordered several divisions of the Iraqi army into Kuwait in 1990. He routinely supported and openly encouraged acts of terrorism. He relentlessly persecuted and tortured his own civilian population, including Shiias, Sunnis, Kurds and others. He engaged in a multi-billion dollar scandal involving a number of our allies aimed at thwarting the sanctions that were put in place after the gulf war, and abusing the Oil-for-Food Program, thus causing even greater harm to his own people. He refused to disclose and foreswear his maniacal pursuit of weapons of mass destruction, and he ignored international sanctions and resolutions passed by the United Nations Security Council. Saddam made the case for his ouster better than anyone else could. President Bush said, on the eve of the American-led invasion, that we would meet the threat before it became imminent, so that we would not have to meet it later with armies of firefighters, police, doctors and others on the streets of our own cities. September 11 made it clear that we could no longer afford to ignore madmen who threaten our peace and stability. We can no longer let rogue regimes go unchecked and unchallenged. And because of the combination of modern technology and a murderous ideology, we can no longer count on vast oceans or our own military supremacy to keep America safe. The enemy we must confront does not accept political negotiations or coexistence. The aims of our enemies are clear, to destroy anyone who stands for values, beliefs or political systems which are contrary to their warped and repressive ideology. Their aims are to destroy the cause of freedom and democracy itself. That is why retreat is not an option in Iraq. As part of the global war on terror, the stakes for the American people are too great. The action we took in Iraq was in the best interests of the American people and the world community. The events of 9/11 demonstrated that we had to show our own resolve as the world's premier defender of freedom and liberty before such ideals were preyed upon rather than after standing witness to their demise at the hands of our enemies. Some of my friends on the other side have called the war in Iraq a failed effort. This is curious, given the constant drumbeat of progress since the toppling of the Hussein regime. More children are going to school now in Iraq than at any point in their country's history. The Iraqis have held successful elections, drafted and ratified a national constitution, and have put together the first sovereign, free and unified government in Iraq's history. Just in the past week we have seen several positive developments in Iraq and the global war on terror. The U.S. military forces eliminated the terrorist al Zarqawi, al Qaeda's top commander in Iraq, and a cold- blooded killer. The Iraqi Government named new Interior, Defense and Security Ministers as part of their new government's continued progress. And President Bush traveled to Baghdad to meet the newly appointed Prime Minister, Mr. Maliki, to discuss our growing partnership with our new democratic ally. Yes, there have been some setbacks. No war is easy, but an honest account of our effort must acknowledge the staying power of the insurgency and the support it has received from foreign forces. But the effort and savagery of these insurgents and their sponsors only underscores our progress and the importance of this effort in the global war on terror. If we had adopted the irrational policies of those who lack commitment to winning this fight, the terrorist, al Zarqawi, would still be alive and plotting attacks against Iraqis and Americans. Defeating repressive, radical terrorists and their allies is our defining task of the 21st century. Crushing their deadly and poisonous ideology, freeing from tyranny the millions threatened with its bondage, is an effort which the United States and her allies are uniquely suited. We are the primary target of radical terrorists, and the leader of nations with the capability and fortitude to wage a prolonged fight against these people. In my view, we must not shy away, if only so our children and their children may live in peace. The American people are understandably concerned about our mission in a post-Saddam Iraq. There have been many tough days since Iraq's liberation and transition to a sovereign democracy. Advancing freedom and building democracies in a part of the world that has known nothing but tyranny is a difficult task. But achieving victory there and gaining a democratic ally in the region will be the best gift of security we can give to future generations of Americans and Iraqi people who have longed to rid themselves of tyranny and oppression. The world scoffed at Ronald Reagan when he said, tear down this wall. They said communism could never be replaced by freedom. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Reagan was right. And the editorial writers and many in Congress back then were wrong. It is that same faith in humanity, that same faith in freedom that compels us to win in Iraq and to win the global war on terror. Freedom wins. And we will win, because Ronald Reagan noted at the Brandenburg Gate, freedom trumps those ancient hatreds. The freedom to raise your family, the freedom to walk your kids to school, the freedom to live in peace. As Ronald Reagan said, it is always freedom that is the victor. President John Kennedy said once so eloquently, the cost of freedom is always high, but Americans have always paid it. And one path we shall never choose, and that is the path of surrender or submission. This week's debate has given all of us an opportunity to answer a fundamental question, are we going to confront the threat of terrorism and defeat it, or will we relent and retreat in the hope that it just goes away? Achieving victory is our only option. And for the sake of the American people and our kids and theirs, we have no choice but to confront these terrorists, win the war on terror, and spread freedom and democracy around the world.

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LEGISLATIVE PROGRAM2006-06-16

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman would yield.

Mr. BOEHNER. The leadership on the Senate side and the House side have been engaged in this as well.

Mr. BOEHNER. As the gentleman knows, I do several media events every week where members of the press routinely ask me every Tuesday and every Thursday the same question, and as you know, this is a very difficult issue. Protecting Americans' pensions and the commitments that have been made to them by their employers is very important, and trying to strengthen the funding rules over these plans is critically important. I can tell you that there are some issues that we are hung up on. We have had a lot of conversations. We are continuing to have conversations. I am a little more optimistic today than I was yesterday, but we are not there yet. There are Democrat Members who have been involved in at least informal conversations on both sides of the Capitol with regard to how we would proceed, but no timeline yet.

Mr. BOEHNER. I said Democrat Members have been involved on both sides of the Capitol.

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DISPENSING WITH CALENDAR WEDNESDAY BUSINESS ON WEDNESDAY NEXT2006-06-16

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the business in order under the Calendar Wednesday rule be dispensed with on Wednesday next.

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ADJOURNMENT TO MONDAY, JUNE 19, 2006 AND HOUR OF MEETING ON TUESDAY, JUNE 20, 20062006-06-16

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that when the House adjourns today, it adjourn to meet at 12:30 p.m. on Monday next for morning hour debate; and further, when the House adjourns on that day, it adjourn to meet at 9:30 a.m. on Tuesday, June 20, 2006, for morning hour debate.

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