John Boehner

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. We were hoping to do that Health IT bill next week. We have got some scoring issues and some what we believe are problems with CBO that we are trying to iron out. So I would expect hopefully those will be ironed out next week and possibly bring that bill up for the following week.

Mr. BOEHNER. I said Democrat Members have been involved on both sides of the Capitol.

Mr. BOEHNER. If the gentleman would yield.

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the whip for yielding. Next week we will convene on Monday at 12:30 for morning hour and 2 o'clock for legislative business. We will consider several measures under suspension of the rules. A list of those will be sent out by the end of today. Any votes called on these will be rolled until 5 p.m. on Monday. I want to repeat that: 5 p.m. we will vote on Monday. For the balance of the week, the House will consider on Tuesday, the Department of Defense appropriation bill; Wednesday, the Voting Rights Act, the reauthorization and several amendments; and on Thursday, we will do the legislative line item veto. I will remind Members there are no votes next Friday.

Mr. BOEHNER. The leadership on the Senate side and the House side have been engaged in this as well.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for yielding. This week the House has engaged in an important debate on the war in Iraq and how best to combat terrorism in a post-9/11 world. And there are major differences between those of us who support a strong national defense and national security policy and understand what we have at stake and those who would prefer to retreat from the world stage and attempt to manage the threat of terrorism and the danger that it poses. During the 1990s, the enemies of freedom used terror and violence in futile attempts to intimidate the United States and the cause of freedom. I will remind all of my colleagues that on February 26, 1993, we had the first World Trade Center bombing. It killed six people and injured more than 1,000 people. And on June 25, 1996, a U.S. facility in Saudi Arabia, the Khobar Towers, was bombed, killing 20 people and injuring some 372 more. On June 7, 1998, our embassy in Kenya was bombed, killed 213 people and injured 5,000 people. And on June 7, 1998, the same day, our embassy in Tanzania was bombed, killed 11 people, injured 68 more. On October 12, 2000, the USS Cole was bombed, killing 17 of our sailors and injuring 39 more. What was our response? During the 1990s, world leaders looked at the mounting threat of terrorism, looked up, looked away, and hoped the problem would go away. But what happened on September 11, 2001? 3,000 Americans were killed by these same terrorists. And in a post-9/11 world, looking up, looking away, and hoping the problem would go away is no longer the answer. That is why we are having this important debate here on the floor today. The American public deserves to hear how their elected leaders will respond to international terrorism and those enemies who seek to destroy our American way of life. Will we fight or will we retreat? That is the question that is posed to us. Some of my friends on the other side of the aisle often refer to Iraq as a distraction. They have called Operation Iraqi Freedom a war of choice that isn't part of the real war on terror. Someone should tell that to al Qaeda. Let's be clear here. Those who say this is a war of choice are nothing more than wrong. This is a war of necessity that we must fight. But you don't have to believe me. Just listen to al Qaeda's own leader, their number two leader. Ayman al Zawahiri knows how important the future of Iraq is to his cause. In a 6,000-word letter to al Qaeda's then commander in Iraq, the recently eliminated Zarqawi, he made clear that the terrorists view Iraq as a central battlefield in the global war on terror. For some reason, this brazen declaration from one of our nemesis about Iraq's importance hasn't registered with many opponents of the war who insist on conceding defeat and withdrawing. If the terrorists tell us directly they see Iraq as a central front on their violent ambitions across the globe, should we dismiss it? Should we dismiss their claims and simply wait for them to attack America? Operation Iraqi Freedom was hardly a war of choice. Saddam was already a menace and a threat to international order when he ordered several divisions of the Iraqi army into Kuwait in 1990. He routinely supported and openly encouraged acts of terrorism. He relentlessly persecuted and tortured his own civilian population, including Shiias, Sunnis, Kurds and others. He engaged in a multi-billion dollar scandal involving a number of our allies aimed at thwarting the sanctions that were put in place after the gulf war, and abusing the Oil-for-Food Program, thus causing even greater harm to his own people. He refused to disclose and foreswear his maniacal pursuit of weapons of mass destruction, and he ignored international sanctions and resolutions passed by the United Nations Security Council. Saddam made the case for his ouster better than anyone else could. President Bush said, on the eve of the American-led invasion, that we would meet the threat before it became imminent, so that we would not have to meet it later with armies of firefighters, police, doctors and others on the streets of our own cities. September 11 made it clear that we could no longer afford to ignore madmen who threaten our peace and stability. We can no longer let rogue regimes go unchecked and unchallenged. And because of the combination of modern technology and a murderous ideology, we can no longer count on vast oceans or our own military supremacy to keep America safe. The enemy we must confront does not accept political negotiations or coexistence. The aims of our enemies are clear, to destroy anyone who stands for values, beliefs or political systems which are contrary to their warped and repressive ideology. Their aims are to destroy the cause of freedom and democracy itself. That is why retreat is not an option in Iraq. As part of the global war on terror, the stakes for the American people are too great. The action we took in Iraq was in the best interests of the American people and the world community. The events of 9/11 demonstrated that we had to show our own resolve as the world's premier defender of freedom and liberty before such ideals were preyed upon rather than after standing witness to their demise at the hands of our enemies. Some of my friends on the other side have called the war in Iraq a failed effort. This is curious, given the constant drumbeat of progress since the toppling of the Hussein regime. More children are going to school now in Iraq than at any point in their country's history. The Iraqis have held successful elections, drafted and ratified a national constitution, and have put together the first sovereign, free and unified government in Iraq's history. Just in the past week we have seen several positive developments in Iraq and the global war on terror. The U.S. military forces eliminated the terrorist al Zarqawi, al Qaeda's top commander in Iraq, and a cold- blooded killer. The Iraqi Government named new Interior, Defense and Security Ministers as part of their new government's continued progress. And President Bush traveled to Baghdad to meet the newly appointed Prime Minister, Mr. Maliki, to discuss our growing partnership with our new democratic ally. Yes, there have been some setbacks. No war is easy, but an honest account of our effort must acknowledge the staying power of the insurgency and the support it has received from foreign forces. But the effort and savagery of these insurgents and their sponsors only underscores our progress and the importance of this effort in the global war on terror. If we had adopted the irrational policies of those who lack commitment to winning this fight, the terrorist, al Zarqawi, would still be alive and plotting attacks against Iraqis and Americans. Defeating repressive, radical terrorists and their allies is our defining task of the 21st century. Crushing their deadly and poisonous ideology, freeing from tyranny the millions threatened with its bondage, is an effort which the United States and her allies are uniquely suited. We are the primary target of radical terrorists, and the leader of nations with the capability and fortitude to wage a prolonged fight against these people. In my view, we must not shy away, if only so our children and their children may live in peace. The American people are understandably concerned about our mission in a post-Saddam Iraq. There have been many tough days since Iraq's liberation and transition to a sovereign democracy. Advancing freedom and building democracies in a part of the world that has known nothing but tyranny is a difficult task. But achieving victory there and gaining a democratic ally in the region will be the best gift of security we can give to future generations of Americans and Iraqi people who have longed to rid themselves of tyranny and oppression. The world scoffed at Ronald Reagan when he said, tear down this wall. They said communism could never be replaced by freedom. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Reagan was right. And the editorial writers and many in Congress back then were wrong. It is that same faith in humanity, that same faith in freedom that compels us to win in Iraq and to win the global war on terror. Freedom wins. And we will win, because Ronald Reagan noted at the Brandenburg Gate, freedom trumps those ancient hatreds. The freedom to raise your family, the freedom to walk your kids to school, the freedom to live in peace. As Ronald Reagan said, it is always freedom that is the victor. President John Kennedy said once so eloquently, the cost of freedom is always high, but Americans have always paid it. And one path we shall never choose, and that is the path of surrender or submission. This week's debate has given all of us an opportunity to answer a fundamental question, are we going to confront the threat of terrorism and defeat it, or will we relent and retreat in the hope that it just goes away? Achieving victory is our only option. And for the sake of the American people and our kids and theirs, we have no choice but to confront these terrorists, win the war on terror, and spread freedom and democracy around the world.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the business in order under the Calendar Wednesday rule be dispensed with on Wednesday next.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that, during consideration of H.R. 5576 pursuant to House Resolution 865, the Chair may reduce to 2 minutes the minimum time for electronic voting under clause 6 of rule XVIII and clause 9 of rule XX.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, let me thank my colleague from Oklahoma for yielding. I rise today in strong support of the conference report on the supplemental spending bill. I want to applaud the work of Chairman Lewis, his cardinals, Mr. Obey and others, who worked hard to bring this bill together. They spent countless hours trying to hammer this out, and they did this at the same time when they were also passing seven appropriation bills here on the floor of the House. On behalf of myself and my colleagues, let me just say to Mr. Lewis, Mr. Obey, and others, thank you, a job well done. Mr. Speaker, our support of this conference report boils down to three groups of people: the first and foremost, our troops. It ensures that our fighting men and women have all the equipment and resources necessary to successfully win the global war on terror. Overall, it provides $65.8 billion for Operations Iraqi Freedom and Enduring Freedom, and it also provides some $4.85 billion to train and equip security forces in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as almost $2 billion to prevent IED attacks. Second, the conference report helps those most impacted by last year's devastating hurricane season by providing $19.8 billion to rebuild the gulf coast. This is important, and those folks in the gulf coast region that have been devastated by these hurricanes last summer are doing well, they are improving; but they have got a long, long way to go. Finally, it does all of this by keeping an eye out for the American taxpayer and his or her wallet. At the start of this conference, House Republicans made clear that we would not consider an emergency supplemental package that spends $1 more than what the President requested. We made good on this promise by rejecting some $14 billion in unnecessary, nonemergency spending added by the other body. So, Mr. Speaker, on behalf of our troops fighting in Afghanistan and Iraq, our fellow citizens working to rebuild the gulf coast, and the American taxpayer, I urge all my colleagues to support this bill.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the business in order under the Calendar Wednesday rule be dispensed with on Wednesday next.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. I do not expect that the Treasury, Transportation and HUD appropriation bill will be finished on Tuesday. It could be finished on Wednesday, but that will even be a push, especially considering the commitments that Members have on Tuesday evening.

Mr. BOEHNER. The resolution is coming together. The Committees on International Relations, Armed Services, and Intelligence, all three of those committees were consulted and worked to put the resolution together. That debate will begin on Thursday morning. And I expect that there will be blocks of time available assigned to all three committees. What the length of that debate is is still uncertain. I would expect it will be at least all day Thursday, and, as I said earlier, could likely consume Friday morning as well.

Mr. BOEHNER. We consult with the committees. How the chairmen and ranking members relate to each other is above my pay grade.

Mr. BOEHNER. It is likely at this point that we will, in fact, have votes on Friday.

Mr. BOEHNER. I thank my colleague for yielding. Mr. Speaker, next week the House will convene on Monday at 12:30 for morning hour, and 2 p.m. for legislative business. We will have a number of measures considered under suspension of the rules. A final list of those bills will be sent to Members' offices this afternoon. Any votes called on those measures will be rolled until 6:30 on Monday evening. Also on Monday, we will consider the rule to H.R. 4939, the Emergency Supplemental Appropriations Act for Defense, the Global War on Terror, and Hurricane Recovery. We will likely debate the bill Monday night with final passage on Tuesday. For the balance of the week, we will do the Transportation, Treasury, and Housing and Urban Development appropriations bill on Tuesday and Wednesday. And the resolution on the Global War on Terror and Iraq we expect to be considered on Thursday and probably spilling into Friday morning. And so I would expect that there will be votes next Friday.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that when the House adjourns today, it adjourn to meet at 12:30 p.m. on Monday next for morning hour debate; and further, when the House adjourns on that day, it adjourn to meet at 9:30 a.m. on Tuesday, June 13, 2006, for morning hour debate.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that during further consideration of H.R. 5522 pursuant to House Resolution 851, the Chair may reduce to 2 minutes the minimum time for electronic voting under clause 6 of rule XVIII and clause 9 of rule XX.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that, during consideration of H.R. 5441 pursuant to House Resolution 836, the Chair may reduce to 2 minutes the minimum time for electronic voting under clause 6 of rule XVIII and clause 9 of rule XX.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate my colleagues' indulgence. It has become clear that we will probably, in all likelihood, finish our business by Thursday night. I wanted to give Members a heads-up that we do not expect to be in on Friday. I can't give you a firm time for what time we will be out tomorrow evening, but it is not expected that we will be in on Friday.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee do now rise.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, just for the Members who may not have heard, a seventh vote in this series was added, the Gutknecht amendment, that must be completed before we can proceed with the bill. So there are seven votes in the ongoing series. It is the expectation that the 2-minute voting will not begin until a subsequent series of votes.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that during further consideration of H.R. 5384, pursuant to House Resolution 830, the Chair may reduce to 2 minutes the minimum time for electronic voting under clause 6 of rule XVIII and clause 9 of rule XX. Mr. Speaker, I further ask unanimous consent that the intervention of these proceedings in the House not affect the continuation of 5-minute voting on the pending series of votes in the Committee of the Whole.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. I wish I could be clearer in terms of what it would look like and how it would be considered; but as soon as those decisions are made, we will pass them on.

Mr. BOEHNER. I will do the easy one first. With the pension conference, there are conversations going on. There has been a lot of shuttle diplomacy, if you will, between offices, both Democrat and Republican, trying to bring this bill together. I do believe that we are making progress. We are relatively close. But considering the complexity of this issue and the necessity that it be correct, I am hopeful we will have an agreement next week, but I have got my doubts whether it can be put together in time to be brought to the floor. But my overall point is that I think we are getting close. On the supplemental, I have made it very clear that the House will not consider a conference report on the supplemental spending bill that spends any more money than what the President called for for Katrina and the war in Iraq. And, secondly, I have made it clear that we ought to remember that the word ``emergency'' ought to be put back into the emergency spending bill. And so I think that the appropriators on both sides of the Capitol have their marching orders. I know they have had conversations. It is hard for me to gauge at this point the chances of whether this bill will be up next week. I hope that it is, but I think they have a big job ahead of them.