John Boehner

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Let me say good morning to all of you and welcome back. I see a lot of familiar faces here. Let me also congratulate John Warner on receiving the Distinguished Service Award. John and I obviously worked together over the years, about 16 of them or so, and he is truly deserving of this honor. You have probably recognized over the course of this first 6 months in the new Congress that we are trying to run the House a little differently--a novel concept of allowing the House to work its will, more open debate, more amendments, and respecting the work of the committees. And I have to tell you, so far it has gone very well. I think Members on both sides of the aisle are appreciative of how the process is working. As someone who came up through the committee ranks, who was a committee chair, I feel pretty strongly that the House works best when the House is allowed to work its will. I know a lot of people don't really believe that, but I'm going to tell you, just continue to watch because I just think everybody ought to have a chance to participate. Every one of us represents 650,000-700,000 constituents, and I think every Member should have the ability to play a part in this process. So, so far so good. We have a ways to go, but I am proud of the start that we have made. In addition to that, I think all of you know that our economy is not doing well. The American people are continuing to ask the question: Where are the jobs? At least in my opinion, we don't have many options available to us. We all know that we have big mandatory spending programs that aren't sustainable in their current form. Something has to be done. We all know what the problems are. Why don't we just go fix them? I have had this same conversation with the President over the course of the last 5 months, and I really do think that this is the moment, this is the time for us to deal with these problems like adults: look at the problem and go solve it. You know, the problem around here, as you are all aware, is that the next election always kind of gets in the way of having the courage to do the right thing. So I have encouraged the President: forget about the next election. We know what the problems are; let's just go address them. So it is going to be something, I think, a little different than anybody has ever seen when this agreement comes together. It is hard to tell you at this point what it is going to look like; but I am going to tell you this, this is the moment. This is the opportunity to address these big, looming problems; and I don't want to allow this opportunity to pass by. So let me say, welcome back. I would hope that you would also work on getting more of our former colleagues back here. This is a big day for all of you, and I am proud of you, proud of the service you gave this institution, and I am proud of the opportunity I had to work with many of you over the years. Welcome.

Mr. BOEHNER. There is always tomorrow.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Let me thank my colleague for yielding. In March, when the President committed our troops to NATO's mission in Libya, I said that he had a responsibility to the American people to define the mission, to explain what America's role was in achieving that mission and lay out how it was to be accomplished. He has not effectively done so. The American people and the Members of this House have questions and concerns that have gone unanswered. The President of the United States is our Commander in Chief, and I have always believed combat decisions should be left to the Commander in Chief and to the generals on the ground. But the House also has an obligation to heed the concerns of our constituents and to carry out our constitutional responsibilities. The resolution I have put forward expresses the will of the people in a responsible way that reflects our commitments to our troops and to our allies. Let me lay out exactly what this resolution does. First, it establishes that the President has not asked for and that the Congress has not granted authorization for the introduction or continued involvement of our troops in Libya. Second, it reasserts Congress' constitutional role to fund our troops. Third, it requires the President to provide, within 14 days, information on that mission that should have been provided from the start. And, lastly, it reaffirms the vote that we took last week that says that there should be no troops on the ground in Libya. I hope the President will recognize his obligations outlined in this resolution and provide this information to Congress and, in doing so, better communicate to the American people what our mission in Libya is and how it will be achieved. The resolution offered by my colleague from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich) conveys the concerns of the American people, but it also mandates a precipitous withdrawal from our role in supporting our NATO allies in Libya. In my opinion, that would undermine our troops and our allies, which could have serious consequences for our broader national security. In my view, the gentleman's resolution goes too far. We may have differences regarding how we got here, but we cannot turn our backs on our troops and our NATO partners who have stuck by us over the last 10 years. In 1991 in my first vote as a Member of this body, I voted to authorize the use of force in the first Gulf War. It was a consequential time, but I think we did the right thing. And today is no different. On behalf of the American people and our country, we have an obligation to support our troops in harm's way and to support our allies. This resolution puts the President on notice. He has a chance to get this right; and if he doesn't, Congress will exercise its constitutional authority and we will make it right. I urge a ``yes'' on the Boehner resolution and a ``no'' on the Kucinich resolution.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize and thank Peter G. LeFevre, Law Revision Counsel of the House of Representatives, who will retire on June 1, 2011, after 30 years of distinguished service to the House and 34 years with the Federal government. Throughout his years with the Office of the Law Revision Counsel, Peter has worked tirelessly to ensure the accuracy and reliability of the United States Code. Peter has technical familiarity with practically every law enacted by Congress over the past quarter century. His expertise, hard work, integrity, and commitment to quality have benefitted the House and earned him the deep regard of his colleagues. As Law Revision Counsel, Peter has significantly improved the procedures for preparing and publishing the Code. He has been instrumental in upgrading the technology used to produce and access the Code. During his tenure, the Office website has been revitalized and the Code has become much more current in its annual supplement updates. The recent introduction of USCprelim, an advance posting of selected Code titles, has further improved public access to codified Federal legislation. Peter has also been responsible for overseeing the enactment of several non-positive law titles into positive law, a significant accomplishment enhancing the quality and organization of the Code. On behalf of the House, I would like to commend Peter for his years of dedication and his many contributions to the Federal government, and in particular to the House of Representatives. Peter's diligent service day after day will be an example to those who serve after him. Peter has been a valuable asset to this institution and to his country. We will miss him.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, one of the most important members of the House community is not a Member of the House. Upon its inception, the House elected a chaplain to deliver the opening prayer, continuing a tradition started by the First Continental Congress. As the House has grown, so has the role of the chaplain, who Members, officers, and staff look to for advice and counsel. The chaplain also sees to the well-being of this institution, which serves people of all faiths, and a Nation that has always put its trust in God. Our national motto is an echo of the 16th Psalm, which in part says: ``Preserve me, O God, for in thee do I put my trust.'' In many ways, the chaplain is the anchor of the House. So it was with regret that we bid farewell to Father Coughlin, who retired after 11 years of distinguished service. But always looking out for us, Father Dan left behind one last blessing. He recommended someone who he felt would be a worthy successor. And to no surprise, Father Dan was right. Father Pat Conroy comes to us from the Northwest. He was born and raised in Washington State and has spent much of his priesthood in Oregon. Next month, he will mark his 28th year as a Jesuit priest. Father Pat also served here in our capital city. He was chaplain at Georgetown University for a total of 10 years. He has a deep appreciation for public service. Before being called into the priesthood, Father Pat had thought he had a calling into politics, specifically the United States Senate. Father, something tells me that you'll fit in just fine right here. I think it's important to give the House a sense of Father Pat's character. This is from a letter he wrote expressing his willingness to serve as chaplain: ``As a Jesuit, I believe it a part of my calling to find God in all things and to discover the spirit of God present in the people I encounter and whom I serve. I wish to say that I am ready and willing should those to be served deem me worthy of this ministry. Though true of any ministry, the position would call me to a radical reliance upon the grace of God, which would also be God's gift.'' I think it's clear this loyal servant of the faithful is uniquely suited to serve as chaplain of the people's House. Leader Pelosi and I have gotten a chance to know Father Pat, and we are honored that he has accepted our invitation to serve as chaplain. We're blessed, I think, to have his guidance and his wisdom as we discharge our duties and fulfill our obligations to current and future generations of Americans. Please join me in welcoming and congratulating the 60th chaplain of the House of Representatives, Father Pat Conroy. (Ms. PELOSI asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute.)

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in honor of my friend and my constituent Dorothy Roth, who sadly passed away on Monday. Dorothy's life was a testament to the innate goodness of human nature; a demonstration of the overwhelming positive effect one person can have on the community; and a reflection of the can-do spirit of America. She will be deeply missed by countless people. Throughout her 81 years, Dorothy lived life to the fullest, with endless enthusiasm, an unmistakable grace, and an unwavering commitment to others. Her leadership challenged others to achieve more. Whether it was her work on behalf of the West Chester Liberty Chamber Alliance, Friends of the West Chester Library, Partners in Prime, The Community Foundation, the West Chester Historical Society, or the local Republican Party, Dorothy always gave more than she ever asked or received. It is little wonder that in 1999 the West Chester Liberty Chamber Alliance designated its annual award as the Dorothy and Art Roth Citizen of the Year Award, in honor of Dorothy and her late husband Art. And it is also little wonder that in 2005 Dorothy received the Chamber's Lifetime Member Award. As deserving as the awards and accolades were, the true hallmarks of Dorothy's life were the small things she did day in and day out for people across our community, and for the organizations that work each day to make West Chester a wonderful place to live, work and raise a family. Dorothy's infectious smile in a time of need; her wit and energy to boost one's day; her never-give-up attitude; and her ability to see the best in people changed our community for the better . . . one person, one group, one smile, one laugh, one encouraging comment at a time. Dorothy Roth's life was a testament to the American ethos, to the spirit of community and of devotion to others. I consider it an honor to have represented Dorothy in Congress. She was a friend and a citizen in the truest sense of the word. Her passing is a loss for our community, but her life is an example for us all to follow so that we can continue the work she so deeply loved. May God watch over my dear friend Dorothy Roth.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Let me thank my colleague for yielding and express my support for H.R. 3, the No Taxpayer Funding for Abortion Act. This commonsense bipartisan legislation codifies the Hyde amendment and similar policies by permanently applying a ban on taxpayer funding of abortion across all Federal programs. Last year we listened to the American people through our America Speaking Out project, and they spoke out on this issue loudly and clearly. We included it in our Pledge to America, and today we are taking another step toward meeting that commitment and keeping our word. A ban on taxpayer funding of abortion is the will of the American people and ought to be the law of the land. But the law, particularly as it is currently enforced, does not reflect the will of the American people. This has created additional uncertainty, given that Americans are concerned not just about how much we are spending but how we are spending it. Enacting this legislation would provide the American people with the assurance that their hard-earned tax dollars will not be used to fund abortions. And I want to commend the leadership of the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) and the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Lipinski), and I urge my colleagues to support this bill.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Chairman, the American people understand that we can't continue to spend money that we don't have. Our national debt has now surpassed $14.2 trillion, and it's on a track to eclipse the entire size of our economy. This massive debt that we are incurring hurts private sector job creation, eroding confidence, spreading uncertainty amongst employers big and small, and discouraging private investment in our economy that is sorely needed in order for us to create jobs. This debt is also a moral threat to our country. In my opinion, it is immoral to rob our children's and grandchildren's future and leave them beholden to countries around the world who buy our debt. We have a moral obligation to speak the truth and to do something about it. Yesterday, we took the first step in beginning to address this massive debt by passing legislation that will reduce our deficit by $315 billion over the next 10 years. It was an imperfect bill, but it was a positive step that has cleared the decks and allowed us to focus on cutting trillions of dollars, not just billions. Chairman Ryan and the members of the Budget Committee have done an excellent job of putting together a budget that's worthy of the American people. This budget will help job creation today, lift the crushing burden of debt that threatens our children's future, and preserve and protect programs like Medicare and Medicaid. Most importantly, the budget shows families and small businesses that we're serious about dealing with America's spending illness so we can put our country on a path to prosperity. The Ryan budget sets the bar for the debate going forward. President Obama had an opportunity to match it. Unfortunately, he gave a partisan speech about the need for more spending, more taxing, and more borrowing. He said he wants to target our debt problem through a so- called ``debt fail-safe,'' but exempts the major entitlement programs that account for most of the long-term debt problems. And he proposed yet another commission, though he ignored the recommendations of this last one. Instead of offering serious solutions, the President asked Congress to raise the debt limit without addressing Washington's spending problem. The President wants a clean bill, and the American people will not tolerate it. Now, let me be clear: There will be no debt limit increase unless it's accompanied by serious spending cuts and real budget reforms. We delivered this message on Wednesday morning to the President. We cannot continue to borrow recklessly and dig ourselves a deeper hole and mortgage the future of our children and grandchildren. The American people are looking for leadership to address this debt crisis. Unfortunately, the President has failed to put a serious proposal on the table. If the President won't lead, we will. No more kicking the can down the road. No more whistling past the graveyard. Now is the time to address the serious challenges that face the American people. And we will.

Mr. BOEHNER. Father Dan, may God be with you. Amendment No. 4 Offered by Mr. Garrett

Mr. BOEHNER. I think all of the Members should be aware that today is Father Coughlin's last day as our Chaplain after 11 years of service. I think all of us, not just the Members but the officers and the staff, owe a giant debt of gratitude to Father Dan. He has been an invaluable part of our community, not just with the opening prayer but his counsel and his guidance that he's offered to all of us. In the House's darkest hours, he's been there to gently lead us back to safe haven. In between, when things get really noisy around here, he tries to encourage us to stop, find some quiet time, and reflect. He was appointed by Speaker Hastert 11 years ago. He comes from Chicago, where he will return. I am sure that there's one person that's real happy he's returning, and that's his mother, who's 96 years young. So, Father Dan, on behalf of the whole House, I want to thank you for your service. I know we haven't always been the most cooperative congregation. I hope that you will keep this House and the people who serve here in your prayers. We will keep you in ours. With that, I am happy to yield to my colleague from California.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Let me thank the chairman of the Appropriations Committee, Mr. Rogers, and his staff, and all the staff for the sacrifices and hard work that they have put forward over the last several months in order to get us to this point. For years now, our economy has been stalled and stumbling. In the private sector, jobs are not being created. Something's clogging the engine of our economy. That ``something'' is uncertainty, uncertainty being caused by the actions that are being taken in this town. One of the prime causes of uncertainty is spending. Our failure to deal with the spending binge has been chipping away at the economic confidence that Americans want to have in their country. Washington's spending addiction is a bipartisan problem. It didn't start under the current administration, but the current administration clearly made it worse. This problem is not going to be fixed overnight, and this bill does not fix it. The budget proposed by the chairman of the Budget Committee, Mr. Ryan, the Path to Prosperity, does deal with the long- term problem. What this bill does is stop the bleeding. It halts the spending binge and starts us moving back in the right direction. Does it cut enough? No. Do I wish it cut more? Absolutely. And do we need to cut more? Absolutely. There are some who claim that the spending cuts in this bill aren't real, that they are gimmicks. I just think that's total nonsense. A cut is a cut, and this bill will cut an estimated $315 billion over the next 10 years, the largest non-defense discretionary cut in the history of our country. You want discretionary cuts? This bill has billions of them. You want mandatory cuts? They are in here too, clearing out some of the underbrush in the Federal budget while we get ready to debate the Path to Prosperity. Every dime in this bill that is cut is a dime that Washington will spend if we leave it on the table. And if you vote ``no'' on this bill, you are voting to do exactly that, leaving this money on the table to be spent by unelected bureaucrats. There are some who say that the spending cuts in this bill aren't real, that they were ``already scheduled.'' Let me show you what was ``already scheduled.'' This chart is based on a chart produced last week by an economist at Stanford University, John Taylor. What it shows is the difference between what President Obama wanted to spend this year and what we will actually spend this year when this bill passes. The difference? It is $78.5 billion less than what the President requested. Now, there are some who want to say that this bill is just more of the same. Well, if you believe that it's more of the same, this chart will show you the direction of Federal spending over the last couple of years, on that one-third of the budget that we call discretionary spending that we fight over all year. It couldn't be more stark. It's like driving down the highway and throwing your car into reverse. Instead of spending more and more and more, guess what? We are actually going to spend less in the discretionary budget this year. Now, there are some press articles that have picked up on some spin from our colleagues across the aisle, suggesting that the bill will result in smaller savings than advertised between now and September, and it's just not the case. It comes down to the fact that there is a difference between budget authority and budget outlays. Budget authority is how much an agency is allowed to spend on a given program; it's the license to spend taxpayer dollars. Outlays show how much an agency will spend over time based on current and prior budget authority. These are the results of how quickly taxpayer dollars are spent. The final agreement cuts nearly $40 billion in budget authority, taking away the license to spend the money, which will result in deficit savings of an estimated $315 billion over next decade. When we pass this bill, Washington will spend $315 billion less than it is currently on track to spend over the next 10 years, and it is just that simple. The Path to Prosperity is the plan that will take us where we truly need to go. This bill doesn't do that, but this bill starts us moving in the right direction. It eliminates one program from the President's health care law and cuts another program in his health care law nearly in half. It eliminates funding for some of the administration's czars, bureaucrats that were charged with implementing the bailouts and takeovers, and guarantees that they won't be coming back. It bans taxpayer funding of abortion in the District of Columbia, ensuring that taxpayer funds won't be used to fund the destruction of human life. It saves the D.C. Opportunity Scholarship Program, giving thousands of children here in this city a chance at a decent education. Is it perfect? No. I would be the first one to admit that it's flawed. Welcome to divided government. The negotiations that went on over the last 4 or 5 weeks weren't easy, especially when you've got another body on the other side of this Capitol that doesn't want to cut spending and clearly an administration that doesn't want to cut spending. But I will tell you that this is the best we could get out of divided government. The gentleman referred to it earlier as a compromise. Well, I would say it was a hard fight to get the kinds of spending cuts that we got, but these are real spending cuts. I think this bill sets the stage for us to begin making the fundamental changes that need to be made to put our Nation back on a path to prosperity, and I would urge all of you to join me in supporting this bill. Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. I want to thank the gentlelady for yielding. The House is preparing to pass a responsible troop funding bill that would fund the Department of Defense through September. It would also cut spending by an additional $12 billion and keep the government running for an additional week. There is no policy reason for the Senate to oppose this responsible troop funding bill that keeps the government running. It reflects a bicameral, bipartisan agreement that was reached in December regarding the troop funding bill, and no Senator has objected to the policy in this bill. I think it is past time that we get this responsible troop funding bill enacted, especially when the U.S. has become engaged in a third war. To support job creation in America, we are working to make real spending cuts. We are also working on commonsense policy restrictions when it comes to how our taxpayer dollars are spent. Talks to resolve last year's budget are progressing, but there is no agreement yet, no agreement on numbers, and no agreement on the underlying policies that were passed by this Chamber. Now, I think we all know that no one wants a shutdown. There is absolutely no policy reason for the Senate not to follow the House in taking these responsible steps to support our troops and to keep our government open.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, let me start out by thanking the members of the Oversight & Government Reform Committee for their work on this bill. Thank you also to our 50 cosponsors and all the members on both sides who are standing with us today. I appreciate the efforts of our colleagues in the Senate--particularly Joe Lieberman--who are working on similar legislation. Today, the House will have the opportunity to do something special for the future of our country. I think just about every member would agree we have work to do when it comes to our education system. Americans are concerned that their children won't come to know the same blessings they have. And if we want to protect the American Dream, there's no substitute for a quality education. My view's always been, education reform starts with giving children in need a way out of our most underachieving public schools. Of course, that doesn't mean we abandon those schools. It means we take some of the pressure off of them while they work to turn themselves around. So we came together here about seven years ago and said, let's try something different. Instead of just throwing more money at the problem, let's empower parents from lower-income families to choose the schools that are best for their children. We wouldn't deny any school money they would already be receiving--we would just be injecting freedom and competition into a system caught up in the status quo. We had a strong bipartisan coalition, including: Anthony Williams, our mayor here at the time; and Dick Armey, who for years led this fight in the House, paving the way for this program. We started working together on school choice in the early 1990s when we served on the Ed & Labor Committee. We said, let's give these kids in our capital city a real chance at success and a real shot at the American Dream that they do not have. What do we have to be afraid of? Nothing, as it turned out. Thousands of families have taken advantage of the D.C. Opportunity Scholarship Program. There's strong evidence that it has been both effective and cost-effective. Unfortunately, the education establishment in our country sees the Opportunity Scholarship Program as a threat. In reality, this is an opportunity to raise the bar. Competition makes everyone better. I think if you look beyond the talking points and focus on the facts, you'll find that the D.C. program provides a model that can work well in other communities around the nation. Now, this issue is important to me--but it's not about me. I'm proud to say I've supported the Opportunity Scholarship Program from the get- go, but I'm even more proud of the fact I had nothing to do with its success. For that, we can thank the students and the parents who have become more than just the program's beneficiaries--they are its greatest ambassadors. In recent days, I've received letters from many of them asking their Congress to do the right thing, I'll be submitting some of those for the record. You see, they know what it was like before. They remember living just blocks from these great schools, but feeling miles away from them. All they ask us to do is help ensure others get the same chance they've had. That's no controversial idea--it's just the American way. So if we're serious about bipartisan education reform, we should start by saving this successful, bipartisan program that has helped so many underprivileged children get a quality education. I urge the House to support this measure to save and renew the D.C. Opportunity Scholarship Program. Tuesday, March 29, 2011. Hon. John Boehner, Speaker of the House, Washington, DC. Dear Mr. Speaker, I am writing to thank you for never giving up in your fight to restore the D.C. Opportunity Scholarship Program. As a mother who has seen the benefits of the program first- hand, I can attest to the value of this program. Nico, my nine year old son attends Naylor Road Private School on an opportunity scholarship and is excelling in his small classes. If Nico were unable to attend Naylor Road, he would have been forced to attend a failing, underperforming school. I can also attest to the heartbreak of having my daughter's scholarship revoked by President Obama's Secretary of Education. My daughter Nia received an opportunity scholarship in 2009 to attend the same school as her brother and receive the same educational opportunities. But that is no longer the case. My daughter was one of 216 students who received a letter from Secretary of Education Arne Duncan retracting her scholarship. Suddenly, I did not know where I was going to send my daughter to school. I know that I will not send my daughter to any of the schools in my area. While I have been blessed by emergency, private scholarships to send Nia to Naylor Road with her brother, I do not know if this support will continue. As a single mother on disability, I am unable to work enough to afford tuition. Education is the first priority in my household, and this program allows my children to attend safe schools and thrive. I can tell you that your work, and that of so many other Members of Congress, has not gone unnoticed in the parts of our city that many people too often ignore. For me, it will mean a quality education for my children. It will also mean peace of mind, because I will know that my children will not, one day, be separated--my son to attend a safe and nurturing school, and my daughter, forced elsewhere. Please keep fighting for this program. Please. And I encourage all Members of Congress to follow your lead in voting YES for the SOAR Act. I know that with the chance to thrive in better schools, my children will truly SOAR! Sincerely, LaTasha Bennett.

Mr. BOEHNER. Let me thank my colleague for yielding and let me start by also thanking him and the members of the Government Reform Committee for their work on this bill. Also I want to thank our 50 cosponsors and all the Members on both sides of the aisle who are standing with us today. I also appreciate the efforts of our colleagues in the Senate, particularly Senator Joe Lieberman, who are working on similar legislation. Today, the House will have the opportunity to do something special for the future of our country. I think just about every Member would agree that we have got to do everything we can to help our education system. Americans are concerned that their children won't be able to have the same blessings that they have had, and if we want to protect the American Dream, there is no substitute for a quality education. My view has always been that education reform starts with giving children a way out of our most underachieving public schools. Of course, that doesn't mean that we abandon those schools. It means we take some of the pressure off of them while they work to turn themselves around. So we came together here about 7 years ago and said let's try something different. Instead of just throwing money at the problem, let's empower parents from lower-income families to choose the schools that are best for them. We wouldn't deny any school money that they had already been receiving. We would be injecting freedom and competition into a system that is caught up in the status quo. We had a strong bipartisan coalition, including Anthony Williams, who was the Mayor here at the time, and Dick Armey, who for years led this fight in the House, paving the way for this program. He and I started working together on school choice in the early nineties when we served on the Education and Labor Committee together. We said let's give kids in our capital city a real chance at success and a real shot at the American Dream that they don't have. We thought to ourselves, what do we have to be afraid of? Well, as it turned out, there was nothing that we needed to be afraid of. Thousands of families have taken advantage of the D.C. Opportunity Scholarship Program, and there is strong evidence that it is both effective and cost-effective. Unfortunately, the education establishment in our country sees this Opportunity Scholarship Program as a threat. In reality, this is an opportunity to raise the bar, because competition makes everybody better. I think if you look beyond the talking points and focus on the facts, you will find that the D.C. program provides a model that can work in other communities around our Nation. Now, I think all of you know that this issue is important to me, but I will tell you this: This is not about me. I am proud to say that I have supported the Opportunity Scholarship Program from the get-go, but I am even more proud of the fact that I had nothing to do with its success. For that, we can thank the students and parents who have become more than the program's beneficiaries--they are its greatest ambassadors. In recent days, I have received letters from many of them asking Congress to do the right thing, and I will be submitting some of those for the Record. You see, they know what it was like before. They remember living just blocks from great schools, but feeling miles away from them, and all they did was ask us to have a chance to have the same kind of education that kids down the street were getting. There is no controversial idea here. It is the American way. So if we are serious about bipartisan education reform, we should start by saving this successful bipartisan program that has helped so many underprivileged children here in D.C. get a chance at a quality education. I urge the House to support and save this important program. March 29, 2011. Dear Speaker Boehner, I want to thank you for spending so much time and energy on a cause that does not benefit you but helps me and a lot other DC children. I was a lucky one. I had the opportunity to be a scholar and it worked! I was accepted into Archbishop Carroll and Bishop McNamara High School. I'm proud of my success. One day I would like to attend Spellman College. When I get to college I know it will be because of the solid foundation I received in my elementary school. The foundation for my future was possible because of my scholarship. Again, thank you for fighting to save the Opportunity Scholarship. I know you care about us and I wish you a lot of good luck! Sincerely, Samaya Mack, 8th grade, St. Anthony Catholic School.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. What helps make the People's House so special is its people. Every day, the staff members here give their time and energy not just doing the job, but fulfilling the mission of keeping this body closest to the American people. Members come and go, but some dedicated public servants connect the House's history to its future. Pat Kelly is a shining example of this. Like many Americans, Pat joined the family business right out of college. She went to work for her mother, Congresswoman Edna Kelly, who was the first woman to represent Brooklyn. Pat went on to serve as a legislative assistant for other members of the New York delegation and the Rules Committee. For more than 30 years now, Pat has had a bird's-eye view of the House as editor of the Daily Digest of the Congressional Record. The Digest serves as the ``table of contents'' for each day's proceedings on the House floor and in all of the committees. And Pat's job is a daily feat of precision--and patience--that requires pulling together information from dozens of offices. And I know all of Pat's colleagues admire her thoughtfulness and attention to detail. Today she is retiring after 54 years of service to this institution. And it's clear that Pat has not merely recorded the House's history-- she's been a rich part of it, too. When the House paid tribute to Edna Kelly in 1998, Pat was quoted as saying of her mother that she was a great person to emulate. Well, let the same be said of Pat, and may all current and future public servants be inspired by her example. Pat, we're sorry to see you go. On behalf of all the Members of the House and staff, thank you for the dedication to this institution, and thank you for your service.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, since 1983, the U.S. Congress and the German Bundestag and Bundesrat have conducted an annual exchange program for staff members from both countries. The program gives professional staff the opportunity to observe and learn about each other's political institutions and interact on issues of mutual interest. A staff delegation from the U.S. Congress will be selected to visit Germany for ten days from June 24-July 3 of this year. During this ten- day exchange, the delegation will attend meetings with Bundestag/ Bundesrat Members, Bundestag and Bundesrat party staff members, and representatives of numerous political, business, academic, and media agencies. A comparable delegation of German staff members will visit the United States for ten days April 30-May 8 of this year. They will attend similar meetings here in Washington. The U.S. delegation is expected to facilitate these meetings. The Congress-Bundestag/Bundesrat Exchange is highly regarded in Germany and the United States, and is one of several exchange programs sponsored by public and private institutions in the United States and Germany to foster better understanding of the politics and policies of both countries. This exchange is funded by the U.S. Department of State's Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs. The U.S. delegation should consist of experienced and accomplished Hill staff who can contribute to the success of the exchange on both sides of the Atlantic. The Bundestag reciprocates by sending senior staff professionals to the United States. Applicants should have a demonstrable interest in events in Europe. Applicants need not be working in the field of foreign affairs, although such a background can be helpful. The composite U.S. delegation should exhibit a range of expertise in issues of mutual concern to the United States and Germany such as, but not limited to, trade, security, the environment, economic development, health care, and other social policy issues. This year's delegation should be familiar with transatlantic relations within the context of recent world events. In addition, U.S. participants are expected to help plan and implement the program for the Bundestag/Bundesrat staff members when they visit the United States. Participants are expected to assist in planning topical meetings in Washington, and are encouraged to host one or two staffers in their Member's district in July, or to arrange for such a visit to another Member's district. Participants are selected by a committee composed of personnel from the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs of the Department of State and past participants of the exchange. Members of the House and Senate who would like a member of their staff to apply for participation in this year's program should direct them to submit a resume and cover letter in which they state their qualifications, the contributions they can make to a successful program and some assurances of their ability to participate during the time stated. Applications may be sent to the Office of Interparliamentary Affairs, HC-4, the Capitol, by 5 p.m. on Friday, March 18, 2011.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Chairman, my colleagues, you should know that 38 years ago today, Sam Johnson stepped off a plane in Texas after being held as a prisoner of war for 7 years in Vietnam. He's a great American. Amendment No. 196 Offered by Mr. Walberg

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. My colleagues, I think a lot of you know that I have always believed that the House works best when the House is allowed to work its will. I think all of you know that we are embarking on a more open process in this Congress, and it will start today with the consideration of this continuing resolution. I take to the well to suggest to the Members that we want all Members to be able to participate in the debate here in the House. We also want to keep our commitment to the Members to meet the schedule that we have outlined for everyone. That means, as we go through the next couple of days, I am going to ask Members on both sides of the aisle to try to bring your amendments together, to try to respect the amount of time that is being taken so that all Members have an opportunity to be heard and to participate in the debate. We have never had an open process for a continuing resolution in our history; so we are into some uncharted waters. I am ready to expect whatever. But I do believe that this process is important for all the Members, and I want this week for all of us to get started down this road working together so that, as we get into the weeks and months ahead, we can show the American people that the House can work together, the House can work its will. And, at the end of the day, I think the American people will be better served by our service. Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, it is my distinct honor to welcome His Eminence Cardinal Donald Wuerl, Archbishop of Washington, D.C., and to thank him for offering the opening prayer as we begin our work today. Like many of his parishioners, I know Cardinal Wuerl to be a man of generous spirit and immense gifts, a true leader of the faithful. When he was elevated to the College of Cardinals last fall by Pope Benedict, it was a proud and humbling moment for all of us. His elevation came nearly a quarter of a century after being ordained a bishop by His Holiness John Paul II. Cardinal Wuerl went on to serve as Bishop of Pittsburgh, where he was born and raised, until his appointment here in Washington, D.C. Around the world, Cardinal Wuerl is respected and admired for his efforts on behalf of Catholic education. He currently serves as chancellor of the Catholic University of America and is a champion of the D.C. Opportunity Scholarship Program, which helps disadvantaged students gain access to quality education. Again, on behalf of my colleagues, it is an honor to welcome Cardinal Wuerl to the People's House.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. I thank my colleague for yielding. I am going to thank all the Members of this body for a spirited but respectful debate on what is a critical issue to the American people. Both sides of the aisle have very different viewpoints on what government's role in this health care issue should be, and if there is one thing that we do agree on, it is that this health care law needs improvement. The President said as much yesterday. Why does it need improvement? One only needs to look at the facts. Yesterday, 200 economists and experts put out a letter calling this health care bill ``a barrier to job growth.'' The letter talks about how employers are struggling to keep up with all the mandates and tax hikes in this law, flooding the job market with additional uncertainty. The one thing the American people wanted out of health care reform was lower costs, which the authors of this law promised; but according to these economists, this law will increase spending by nearly $1 trillion--and that is a minimum number--and add nearly $1.5 trillion to the national debt. So, if we agree that this law needs improving, why would we keep it on the books? Why would we keep one hand tied behind our backs when we are dealing with 10 percent unemployment and a $14 trillion national debt? Now, let me be clear about what repealing this health care law means for families, small businesses, and taxpayers: Repeal means preventing more than $770 billion in tax hikes and eliminating all the mandates and penalties so that small businesses can grow and hire new workers. Repeal means reducing spending by $540 billion, another step in tackling the massive debt that faces our kids and grandkids. Repeal means protecting more than 7 million seniors from losing or being denied coverage under Medicare Advantage--a program they like. Repeal means paving the way for better solutions that will lower costs without destroying jobs or bankrupting our government. And repeal means keeping a promise. This is what we said we would do. We listened to the people. We made a commitment to them--a pledge to make their priorities our priorities. When you look at the facts and when you listen to the people, this is a promise worth keeping. Let's stop payment on this check before it can destroy more jobs and put us into a deeper hole. Then let's work together to put in place reforms that lower the costs without destroying jobs or bankrupting our government. Let's challenge ourselves to do better.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Madam Speaker, pursuant to the order of the House of today, I offer a resolution (H. Res. 32) expressing the sense of the House of Representatives with respect to the tragic shooting in Tucson, Arizona, on January 8, 2011, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. BOEHNER. Madam Speaker and my colleagues, today we are called here to mourn. An unspeakable act of violence has taken six innocent lives, and left several more--including our colleague, Gabrielle Giffords--battling for theirs. These are difficult hours for our country. Among the fallen is Gabe Zimmerman, a member of Congresswoman Giffords' staff--a public servant of the highest caliber--one of our own. Even in our shock, we are composed and determined to fulfill our calling to represent our constituents. This is the great cause for which Gabe gave his life. Like us, Gabe swore an oath to uphold and defend the Constitution. At the time of the attack, he was engaged in the most simple and direct of democratic rituals: listening to the people, listening to his neighbors. The brutality that shattered Saturday morning's calm was devastating, but brief. Bravery and quick thinking prevented a larger massacre, turning innocent bystanders into heroes. The service and skill of first responders and medical professionals saved lives. Law enforcement officials are working to ensure swift justice. Look to Tucson right now, and you will be reminded that America's most plentiful source of wealth and strength is her people. We are so thankful Gabby is still with us. We are so thankful that two of her staffers who were also wounded--Ron Barber and Pam Simon-- are still with us as well. In her stead, Gabby's staff has pressed on, opening for business Monday morning right on schedule. The men and women who faithfully serve the people of Arizona's 8th Congressional District have signaled that no act--no matter how heinous--will stop us from doing our duty and being among the people we serve. To all of the dedicated professionals that we rely on to make this institution work, to each of you: thank you for what you do. And to Gabby's staff--and their families: please know that our hearts and prayers go out to each of you. This body has yet to fully register the magnitude of this tragedy. We feel a litany of unwanted emotions no resolution could possibly capture. We know that we gather here without distinction of party. The needs of this institution have always risen above partisanship. And what this institution needs right now is strength--holy, uplifting strength. The strength to grieve with the families of the fallen, to pray for the wounded, and to chart a way forward, no matter how painful and difficult it may be. Today it is not ceremony, but tragedy that stirs us to renew our commitment to faithfully fulfill our oath of office. Let us not let this inhuman act frighten us into doing otherwise. The free exchange of ideas is the lifeblood of our democracy, as prescribed by the First Amendment, that beacon of free expression Congresswoman Giffords recited in this well just days ago. These rights have not been handed down by dictate; they have been preserved and protected through generations of hard sacrifice and commitment. We will continue that unfinished work. We will do it for Christina Taylor Green, Dorothy Morris, Phyllis Schneck, and Dorwan Stoddard, ordinary citizens who died participating in their democracy. And we will do it for Judge John Roll. And we will do it for Gabe Zimmerman. And we will do it for--and God willing, with--Gabrielle Giffords. Our hearts are broken, but our spirit is not. This is a time for the House to lock arms in prayer for those fallen and the wounded, and in resolve to carry on the dialogue of democracy. We may not yet have all the answers, but we already have the answer that matters most: that we are Americans, and together we will make it through this difficult period. We will have the last word. God bless this House. God bless this Congress. And God bless America.

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. ``We the People, of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.''

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Thank you. It's still just me. Madam Speaker, thank you for your kind words, and thank you for your service to this institution. Secondly, I want to welcome all of our new Members and their families on what is a very special day. All of us who have been here remember vividly that first day that we served here, and I think any of us can tell you that you will never forget today. My own family is here as well. I think you just met Debbie, and next to Debbie are Lindsay and Trisha, our two daughters. Welcome. We're glad that you're here. Ten of my 11 brothers and sisters and sisters- in-law and brothers-in-law are here as well, and my poor brother Greg who runs a restaurant down in Georgia was unable to be here, but I wanted to acknowledge him. I also want to acknowledge some of my close friends that are here from the other side of the Capitol: Mitch McConnell, the Senate Republican leader is here; and two of my best buds, Richard Burr from North Carolina, Saxby Chambliss from Georgia, along with, you know, my buddy Latham. Thank you for being here, gentlemen. I appreciate it. I am honored and humbled to represent a great, hardworking community in Congress. The people of Ohio's Eighth Congressional District continue to afford me the privilege to serve, for which I am deeply grateful. We gather here today at a time of great challenges, when nearly one in 10 of our neighbors is out of work. Health care costs are still rising for American families. Our spending has caught up with us, and our debt soon will eclipse the entire size of our national economy. Hard work and tough decisions will be required of the 112th Congress. No longer can we fall short. No longer can we kick the can down the road. The people voted to end business as usual; and, today, we begin to carry out their instructions. In the Catholic faith, we enter into a season of service by having ashes marked on our head. The ashes remind us that life, in all of its forms, is very fragile; our time on this Earth fleeting. But as the ashes are delivered, we hear those humbling words: remember, you are dust and to dust you shall return. The American people have humbled us. They have refreshed our memories to just how temporary the privilege of serving is. They've reminded us that everything here is on loan from them. That includes this gavel, which I accept cheerfully and gratefully, knowing that I am but its caretaker. After all, this is the people's House. This is their Congress. It's about them, not about us. What they want is a government that's honest, accountable, and responsive to their needs, a government at that respects individual liberty, honors our heritage, and bows before the public that it serves. Let's start with the rules package that the House will consider today. If passed, it will change how this institution operates, with an emphasis on real transparency, greater accountability, and a renewed focus on our Constitution. Our aim will be to give the government back to the American people. In seeking this goal, we will part with some of the rituals that have come to characterize this institution under majorities, both Republican and Democrat alike. We will dispense with the conventional wisdom that bigger bills are always better, that fast legislating is good legislating, that allowing amendments and open debate makes the legislative process ``less efficient'' than our Forefathers had intended. These misconceptions have been the basis for the rituals of modern Washington. In my opinion, the American people have not been served well by them. Today, mindful of the lessons of the past, we open a new chapter. Legislators and the public will have 3 days to read a bill before it comes to a vote. Legislation will be more focused, properly scrutinized, and constitutionally sound. Committees, once bloated, will be smaller with a renewed mission, including oversight. Old rules that have made it easy to increase spending will be replaced by new rules that make it easier to cut spending. And we will start by cutting Congress' own budget. Above all else, we will welcome the battle of ideas, encourage it, and engage in it--openly, honestly, and respectfully. As the Chamber closest to the people, the House works best when it is allowed to work its will. And I ask all Members of this body to join me in recognizing this common truth. To my colleagues in the majority, my message is this: We will honor our pledge to America, built through a process of listening to the American people. We will stand firm on our constitutional principles that built our party and built a great Nation. We will do these things, however, in a manner that restores and respects the time-honored right of the minority to an honest debate and a fair, open process. And to my friends in the minority, I offer a commitment: Openness, once a tradition of this institution but increasingly scarce in recent decades, will be the new standard. There were no open rules in the House in the last Congress. In this one, there will be many. But with this restored openness, however, comes a restored responsibility. You will not have the right to willfully disrupt the proceedings of the people's House, but you will always have the right to a robust debate in open process that allows you to represent your constituents, to make your case, offer alternatives, and be heard. In time I believe this framework will allow the House to be a place where the people's will is done. It will also, I hope, rebuild trust among us and the people we serve and, in so doing, provide a guidepost for those who follow us in the service of our Nation. To our new Members, Democrat and Republican alike, as you take the oath today, I know that you do so mindful of this shared goal and the trust placed in you by your constituents. As Speaker, I feel part of my job is to help each of you do your job well, regardless of your political party. My hope is that every new Member, and, indeed, every Member, will be comfortable with approaching me with regard to matters of the House. We will not always get it right, and we will not always agree on what is right. There is a great deal of scar tissue that has been built up on both sides of the aisle. We can't ignore that, nor should we. My belief has always been that we can disagree without being disagreeable. That is why it's critical that this institution operate in a manner that permits a free exchange of ideas and resolves our honest differences through a fair debate and vote. We may have different, sometimes very different, ideas about how to go about achieving the common good. It is why we serve. Let us now move forward, humble in our demeanor, steady in our principles, dedicated to proving worthy of the trust and confidence that has been placed in each of us. If we brace ourselves to do our duty and do what we say we re going to do, I don't think that, together, there is anything that we can't accomplish, again, on behalf of the people we serve. More than a country, America is an idea; and it's our job to pass that posterity of blessings that have been bestowed on us to those generations that follow us. I want to wish all of you the very best. Welcome to the people's House. Welcome to the 112th Congress. I am now ready to take the oath of the office, and I ask the Dean of the House, the Honorable John Dingell of Michigan, to administer the oath of office. Mr. Dingell then administered the oath of office to Mr. Boehner of Ohio, as follows: Do you solemnly swear or affirm that you will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that you will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that you take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and that you will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which you are about to enter, so help you God. (Applause, the Members rising.)

Mr. BOEHNER

Mr. BOEHNER. Madam Speaker, I submit the following for the Record: Boehner: Eye-Opening Report Details Gov't Mortgage Companies' Role in Financial Meltdown Washington, DC.--House Speaker-designate John Boehner (R- OH) issued the following statement in response to a report released by the Republican commissioners on the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission (FCIC) regarding the causes of the financial crisis: ``This eye-opening report details how government mortgage companies played a pivotal role in the financial meltdown by handing out high-risk loans to families who couldn't afford them. After years of being coddled and enabled by Washington politicians, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are now on life support, kept afloat by taxpayers fed up with unending bailouts. Through the Pledge to America, Republicans have proposed saving billions for taxpayers by ending government control of Fannie and Freddie, shrinking their portfolios, and establishing minimum capital standards. I appreciate the Republican commissioners' efforts to get to the bottom of what happened and ensure the American people have the full story about the financial crisis. This is a report every taxpayer should read.'' Note: Former Rep. Bill Thomas, Keith Hennessey, Douglas Holtz-Eakin, and Peter Wallison are the Republican commissioners on the FCIC. As the Republican commissioners state in their introduction, ``these findings and conclusions do not constitute the Commission's report.'' Introduction On May 20, 2009, Public Law No. 111-21, the Fraud Enforcement and Recovery Act of 2009, was enacted into law, creating the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission (FCIC). According to the Act, the FCIC was established to ``examine the causes, domestic and global, of the current financial and economic crisis in the United States.'' The law requires that today, December 15, 2010, the FCIC submit ``to the President and to the Congress a report containing the findings and conclusions of the Commission on the causes of the current financial and economic crisis in the United States.'' This primer contains preliminary findings and conclusions released by Vice Chairman Bill Thomas, Commissioner Keith Hennessey, Commissioner Douglas Holtz-Eakin, and Commissioner Peter J. Wallison, and represents a portion of the findings and conclusions resulting from our work on the FCIC. As the transmission of the report of the FCIC to the President and Congress requires a majority vote of the Commission, these findings and conclusions do not constitute the Commission's report. Rather, this document is an effort to reflect the clear intention of our enabling legislation. Our views have been shaped, in part, by our knowledge of economics and financial markets generally. In the course of our examination, we have studied and drawn from the extensive work already available on the financial crisis. This crisis that we were tasked to study is neither the first nor likely the last of its type, and thus our examination of similar, previous episodes also informed our findings and conclusions. To that end, we see this document as a part of an already rich discussion of the causes of financial crises, both in the United States and around the world. This document adds to that conversation rather than closing it. The two seminal works on the causes of the Great Depression, Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz's--A Monetary History of the United States, 1867-1960 and Ben Bernanke's ``Nonmonetary Effects of the Financial Crisis in the Propagation of the Great Depression,'' were published in 1963 and 1983, respectively, many decades after the crisis had ended. We anticipate that future generations will continue to provide additional insights into the causes of this financial crisis as well. Further, we want to stress the extent to which our views have been influenced by the research and investigations conducted by the FCIC since our first meeting in September 2009. The work included conversations with economic historians, finance experts, and other academics, and hundreds of interviews with market participants, regulators, and government officials. While we may have organized and conducted some of these investigations differently given the choice, we have found many elements to be useful. We thank the FCIC staff for their hard work. We have tried to distill those issues that we think are most important into a series of questions and answers. Different questions were included for different reasons, including those topics that, in our view, are commonly mischaracterized and those most relevant to future policy discussions. Certainly, this is not an exhaustive list. Our framework reflects a central premise that the financial crisis was distinct from other recent important economic events, including the housing bubble and the prolonged economic recession. We believe that the financial crisis was, at its core, a financial panic that was precipitated by highly correlated mortgage-related losses concentrated at large financial firms in the United States and Europe. While the housing bubble, the financial crisis, and the recession are surely interrelated events, we do not believe that the housing bubble was a sufficient condition for the financial crisis. The unprecedented number of subprime and other weak mortgages in this bubble set it and its effect apart from others in the past. We look forward to continuing to participate in the ongoing dialogue on the causes of the financial crisis and providing our additional views as they develop. Vice Chairman Bill Thomas Commissioner Keith Hennessey Commissioner Douglas Holtz-Eakin Commissioner Peter J. Wallison A copy of the report can be found at the following link: http://republicanleader.house.gov/UploadedFiles/ Financial_Crisis_Primer_Final.pdf ____________________