Sam Brownback

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Madam President, I will take those suggestions to heart and will see if we can work something out. Let me again say one more time, this chairman--anybody in Washington, DC, watching this should be thankful for what he has done in stepping up and solving a tough problem of how we do make this a shining city again. I applaud that effort and will work with his staff to see if we can resolve particular concerns that he has before a vote tomorrow.

Mr. BROWNBACK. Madam President, we have had some good discussions here. Looking at the overall tax cut bill that we have, which I think is very important that we do, I am congratulatory toward the chairman. I chair the District of Columbia Subcommittee. We have really been looking strong at what we need to do in the District of Columbia to make us a shining city. The chairman has done an extraordinary job of including things like zeroing out capital gains on real property in the District of Columbia, something I think we ought to look at nationwide, but let us try it here first. We also have in there a provision for new homeowners and new home buyers, a $5,000 tax credit provision in there for new home buyers in the District of Columbia to attract people back to Washington, DC, to make it a shining city. Unfortunately, there is one other provision, section 602, in the bill that creates an economic development corporation--requires the creation of an economic development corporation--in order to access some of the tax credits. I have great difficulty with this entity. It is something that would have to be created by the District of Columbia Committee. It is an entity that would have condemnation authority. It is an entity that would have a broad base of authority, appointed by the President. It is in effect going to be a department of commerce for the District of Columbia with a lot more authority and a lot more power. I do not think that survives the Byrd rule test, and I raise the point of order on section 602 of Senate bill 949 under the Revenue Reconciliation Act of 1997, the Byrd rule provision, because I believe these are extraneous. I think this is an ill-conceived concept even though I am very supportive of what the chairman has done overall for the District of Columbia. He is stepping up to solve the problem. But I do not think this provision is the way to go. I do raise a point of order under the Byrd rule to that particular provision, section 602.

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BROWNBACK. Yes, I will.

Mr. BROWNBACK. Madam President, as I was stating briefly earlier, I want to recognize the work of the Finance Committee chairman, who is doing an extraordinary job and doing something we haven't done since 1981, and that is cut taxes. We need to do this, we need to do it to stimulate the economy.

Mr. BROWNBACK. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BROWNBACK. I rise today, while we are just about to finish up on this historic State Department reorganization bill, to say a couple of things about it and the people who have been involved. I was in the House of Representatives on the Foreign Affairs Committee where we started the attempt to reorganize the State Department. We were able to pass it through, and the bill got vetoed by the President. I think that is what is historic and taking place here. We are now working together to do the thing we need to do, which is to make the overall operation run more efficiently, to eliminate some of the apparatus created by the cold war, and to try to create a foreign policy agency and a setup that is more forward looking, more organized, and that I think can represent our interests better in this post-cold-war atmosphere. I think it is a real tribute to the people who have been involved in this that we have been able to get this done. Overhauling the American foreign policy bureaucracy needed to be done, and this bill will abolish agencies and bureaus born of the cold war imperatives that are no longer necessary. Achievement was hard won and something the American people can be proud of. Now we can reduce the size of the Federal Government, something I have certainly long supported. I want to thank those people involved. There are two other things I want to quickly note that have taken place in here as well. I chair the Middle East Subcommittee. One of the things we have been focused on is how do we contain some of the radical elements of that region that seek to terrorize us around the world? One of the things that is contained in this bill is Radio Free Iran, and that will be broadcast into the Iranian airwaves to send forward clear and accurate information about what is taking place around the rest of the world. I think this is a very important tool that we can use to be able to work with the Iranian people, who are some of the most repressed around the world. They have recently voted to elect a more moderate leader, yet most have said they will not really be able to express what they want to do because the leader they elected will not have the power or the authority to get that done. Yet, I think we can continue to fight for the Iranian people by putting forward good information, true information, of how much we support what they are doing on the cause in the battle of freedom. I think Radio Free Iran will be a very helpful signal, something important, as we move forward in working to contain those terroristic elements in the world that seek to do us harm and seek harm in much of the rest of the world. Also, I look forward in the future to encouraging other countries to further engage with us in initiatives to expand democracy, free markets and capitalism around the world. I look forward in the future to working with Central Asian countries to link them more with the democracies and the democracy movement and free markets that are gaining strength all around the world. Some dub this a silk road strategy, and I think it is important that we do this in moving forward a positive agenda, not just one that is always negative toward others but one that is very open and positive toward encouraging the rest of the world. I look forward to working with other chairmen, including Chairman Smith, also on the Foreign Relations Committee, as we seek to open up the Central Asian regions to further democracy, to free markets, to capitalism, to liberty. I think that is a good move on our part. Part of it is going to be contained in the future of the world. Radio Free Iran is in this bill and I think that is a positive move. It doesn't diminish the act of privatizing Radio Free Europe. It is important to move forward in that regard. This is a win for the American people, and a win for people around the world who seek freedom for themselves and their marketplace, their future and their families. With that, I yield the floor.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I am proud today to be offering a bipartisan proposal for campaign finance reform with my distinguished colleague, the senior Senator from Wisconsin, Herb Kohl. Mr. President, those of us who have spent the balance of our congressional careers working to build public trust in the political system know of the difficulties in offering constructive alternatives. Any legislation which fundamentally alters the way public officials seek election is bound to attract their attention and intense scrutiny--as it should. Mr. President, Senator Kohl and I believe this proposal offers a hopeful avenue for progress. Recognizing that any reform effort must be bipartisan to succeed, the legislation we are offering establishes a fair and independent process to bring this issue to the floor of the Congress for consideration. Without prejudging any outcomes, this bill would help to break the logjam which threatens to prevent even meaningful consideration of alternatives for reform. Mr. President, Senator Kohl and I do not claim to have all the answers, but we believe that through this vehicle, we can take the next step in accomplishing substantial progress on this important matter.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I am proud today to be offering a bipartisan proposal for campaign finance reform with my distinguished colleague, the senior Senator from Wisconsin, Herb Kohl. Mr. President, those of us who have spent the balance of our congressional careers working to build public trust in the political system know of the difficulties in offering constructive alternatives. Any legislation which fundamentally alters the way public officials seek election is bound to attract their attention and intense scrutiny--as it should. Mr. President, Senator Kohl and I believe this proposal offers a hopeful avenue for progress. Recognizing that any reform effort must be bipartisan to succeed, the legislation we are offering establishes a fair and independent process to bring this issue to the floor of the Congress for consideration. Without prejudging any outcomes, this bill would help to break the logjam which threatens to prevent even meaningful consideration of alternatives for reform. Mr. President, Senator Kohl and I do not claim to have all the answers, but we believe that through this vehicle, we can take the next step in accomplishing substantial progress on this important matter.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, one of my highest priorities as the chairman of the Senate Subcommittee on Oversight of Government Management, Restructuring, and the District of Columbia, is to make sure the children in the Nation's capital are receiving the quality education they deserve. The District's public schools, unfortunately, have failed too many students in providing the education they deserve. The District of Columbia Student Opportunity Scholarship Act of 1997 would change this by giving low-income students the chance to get the education they need. Our subcommittee held a hearing a few weeks ago to explore options to improve public education in the District. Mr. President, I know there are schools which are working and where students are thriving in their learning environment. I had the privilege to visit Stuart-Hobson Middle School. I was impressed by the success of the program at Stuart-Hobson and how the students took pride in their education. This school, however, is one of a few exceptions in the District Public School System. The facts about the District public schools speak for themselves: only 22 percent of fourth grade students are at or above basic reading achievement levels; students on average consistently score below the national average of the Comprehensive Test of Basic Skills; students consistently score below the national Scholastic Aptitude Test [SAT]. We cannot continue to trap these students in an educational system that is failing them. Gen. Julius Becton, chief executive officer and Superintendent of the District of Columbia Public Schools, and the District of Columbia Emergency Transitional School Board of Trustees have said that they will make significant improvements by the year 2000, and I recognize and respect the work that lies ahead of them. But, Mr. President, the year 2000 is 3 school years away. In 3 school years, a child progresses through grades one through three in which they learn to read, write, add, subtract, etc. In 3 school years, a high school student gains the skills and preparation they need for college or for a job. These 3 school years are too valuable to trap these students in the public school system that has not delivered. Mr. President, I am pleased to join my colleagues Senator Coats and Senator Lieberman in introducing this legislation that focuses on the individual student in the District of Columbia Public Schools. By providing up to $3,200 in individual scholarships to low-income families who will choose the school for their children, this bill would give these students the chance to make sure the next 3 school years do not go to waste. Improving the chances for these children to get the education they need is one of the most fundamental elements to restore the Nation's capital into the shining city the United States deserves.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, one of my highest priorities as the chairman of the Senate Subcommittee on Oversight of Government Management, Restructuring, and the District of Columbia, is to make sure the children in the Nation's capital are receiving the quality education they deserve. The District's public schools, unfortunately, have failed too many students in providing the education they deserve. The District of Columbia Student Opportunity Scholarship Act of 1997 would change this by giving low-income students the chance to get the education they need. Our subcommittee held a hearing a few weeks ago to explore options to improve public education in the District. Mr. President, I know there are schools which are working and where students are thriving in their learning environment. I had the privilege to visit Stuart-Hobson Middle School. I was impressed by the success of the program at Stuart-Hobson and how the students took pride in their education. This school, however, is one of a few exceptions in the District Public School System. The facts about the District public schools speak for themselves: only 22 percent of fourth grade students are at or above basic reading achievement levels; students on average consistently score below the national average of the Comprehensive Test of Basic Skills; students consistently score below the national Scholastic Aptitude Test [SAT]. We cannot continue to trap these students in an educational system that is failing them. Gen. Julius Becton, chief executive officer and Superintendent of the District of Columbia Public Schools, and the District of Columbia Emergency Transitional School Board of Trustees have said that they will make significant improvements by the year 2000, and I recognize and respect the work that lies ahead of them. But, Mr. President, the year 2000 is 3 school years away. In 3 school years, a child progresses through grades one through three in which they learn to read, write, add, subtract, etc. In 3 school years, a high school student gains the skills and preparation they need for college or for a job. These 3 school years are too valuable to trap these students in the public school system that has not delivered. Mr. President, I am pleased to join my colleagues Senator Coats and Senator Lieberman in introducing this legislation that focuses on the individual student in the District of Columbia Public Schools. By providing up to $3,200 in individual scholarships to low-income families who will choose the school for their children, this bill would give these students the chance to make sure the next 3 school years do not go to waste. Improving the chances for these children to get the education they need is one of the most fundamental elements to restore the Nation's capital into the shining city the United States deserves.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. I ask that this amendment be agreed to by unanimous consent. It has been worked out between the parties.

Mr. BROWNBACK. I ask unanimous consent that further reading of the amendment be dispensed with. We can do this very quickly.

Mr. BROWNBACK. I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. BROWNBACK. Good, and I promise I will stay around and listen. Amendment No. 317, As Modified

Mr. BROWNBACK. Senator Kohl and I have a great deal of concern about getting some enforcement mechanisms put into place during reconciliation so that the budget agreement that is reached, if it is passed, is then enforced. It is in the reconciliation of the bill. That is what this amendment will do. We need to work together during reconciliation to enforce the targets that have been established. Madam President, this is a hopeful budget deal. We must hope that we do not have one slight downturn in the economy. We must hope that we did not make one flawed assumption, and we must hope that we don't have a national emergency. Madam President, no matter how well intended things may be, things don't always work out the way you hope they will. If any one of these hopeful events don't occur, then the budget won't be balanced. This is why Senator Kohl and I are offering this sense-of-the-Senate amendment. This budget deal was only made possible because the night before the agreement, CBO found an extra $225 billion in revenues. This deal assumes we will be able to achieve 72 percent of the savings in the last 2 years with more than half occurring in the last year. And because these numbers are so fragile and ever-changing at best, and because this budget promises to balance without much real fiscal restraint, it is imperative that we enact strong budget enforcement reforms to assure that the goals of this deal are reached. We cannot simply rely on hope to end this cycle of debt we are passing onto our children. To make balancing the budget a reality, this deal needs teeth. We need to strengthen this deal by at least enforcing it. This amendment does not change any numbers, it does not alter any of the goals of this agreement. It only says that Congress should put in place tools to make sure this deal is honored. What is in the amendment? This amendment requires that this summer the Budget Committee report a bill that requires: That every year the President sends Congress a budget that complies with this agreement; that the budget adopted by Congress complies with this agreement; provides that if the deficit is below the targets set out in this budget that the money is not spent, rather it shall be saved; that emergency spending is paid for; and this amendment establishes legal procedures that will assure that the goals of this agreement are reached.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I am pleased to join with my distinguished colleagues today to introduce the District of Columbia Economic Recovery Act, a bill which would jumpstart the District's economy and set in motion a commercial, social, and cultural renaissance that will once again make all Americans proud of their Capital. I am delighted to find that the District's City Council shares my belief that the enactment of this legislation will be very good for the city. On May 9, 1997, in a resolution to accompany its qualified endorsement of the administration's bailout plan, the Council stated that ``. . . the District of Columbia Economic Recovery Act . . . would provide the jolt that is desperately needed to expand the District's revenue base by reversing the hemorrhaging of residents and jobs from the District.'' Although this legislation represents a good start toward the resolution of the city's problems, much more needs to be done. As chairman of the Subcommittee on Oversight of Government Management, Restructuring and the District of Columbia, I have just concluded 2 months of oversight hearings on the District's many problems, including the poor performance of the schools, the high crime rate, and the city's reputation for low quality services. While each of these problems are being addressed in some fashion by the Control Board, they are far from being solved, and the city remains desperately in need of a renewal of its spirit. In the coming weeks I will be exploring with my colleagues, with city officials, and with the administration a series of additional reform options that will help lead to this renewal, and to the recreation of a Capital City worthy of a great Nation.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I appreciate very much the Senator from Pennsylvania leading this critical dialog that we are having. I note my appreciation for what the Democrat leader is putting forward, and appreciation as well for his discussion, what he is saying, that what we need to be talking about is limiting abortion. I think folks should note the change that is taking place. We are finally talking about stopping the destruction from occurring here. We are finally addressing that, rather than saying let us continue and let us continue the growth of that. I appreciate his efforts in putting that forward. I would note, the American Medical Association has said that this is not a needed procedure at all, the partial-birth abortion procedure. This is not a needed procedure. Regardless of the statements of the Senator from Illinois or others, this is not a necessary procedure. Indeed, it is a heinous procedure. The partial-birth abortion is something that pricks our conscience because we cannot even stand the concept of it for pets or for animals, let alone for children and for babies in this country or any other country around the world. But, if I could, I would like to stand here and sound a hopeful note for us, us as a people, us as a nation, we as a body as the U.S. Senate. I want to stand here and sound a hopeful note because it seems to me we are finally talking about and starting to really wrestle with one of those things that has been one of the parts of the decline in the American culture. I have shown these charts before, but I want to show them during this debate because I think they are an important part about this debate, about what has happened to the American culture during the past 30 years. Look at this chart. This is about child abuse and neglect reports in the United States since 1976. This is about children being abused, being neglected in America. We had a lot in 1976. We had nearly 600,000 taking place then. In 1976, 600,000 children being abused. What do we have today? I don't know if it will be surprising to anybody. Over 3 million children are being abused or neglected in America today. That is the state of our culture. What about violent crimes? I chair the District of Columbia Subcommittee. We have no shortage of violent crimes here. We have had three police officers murdered, assassinated, actually. I have had three staff members who have suffered break-ins in my short service in the U.S. Senate. I have been here 4 months. This is a violent society. Look at the numbers per 100,000. About 160 per 100,000 in 1960; 746 per 100,000 in 1993. My goodness, a shocking amount of violent crime taking place in this society. What have we had taking place in abortion during this period in our society and our culture? In 1973 we had a little under 800,000 abortions in America occurring, in this country an awful lot. Look, it has nearly doubled, 1.6 million per year in America. If you are an astute observer you will notice some inconsistencies here between a couple of these charts. You will say, ``Wait a minute, shouldn't child abuse have gone down if we had children who were not wanted who did not come into the world?'' We were promised that an expansion of legal abortion would make every child a wanted child and reduce abuse and neglect, yet child abuse has gone up during that same period of time that we have nearly 1.6 million abortions in America annually. What has happened here? What is going on? I think it just talks about--it is a debate everybody is familiar with, the coarsening of our culture, the lack of love, the lack of respect. You can call it, really, whatever you want to. It is just that this culture has been in decline for the past 30 years. We get child neglect on the rise, and violent crimes, and 1.6 million abortions a year in America. But do you know what the hopeful note is here? It is we are finally talking about how we limit some of this. We all, everybody in this body, want this number to go down. Everybody in this body, regardless of whether you are pro-life or pro- choice, wants this number to go down. Now we are finally talking about it. How can we help bring this number down? I oppose Senator Daschle's amendment. I don't think his does it. I don't think we will have any fewer of these taking place. I don't know how many we are actually talking about with the bill of the Senator from Pennsylvania, and nobody really knows, but I think what we are really talking about is we, as a nation, don't really like this. We want it to be less. We want to stop it. We want it to go down. Mother Teresa was here in this country 3 years ago. She is a saint to all of us. She is probably today the most respected person in the world. She addressed the National Prayer Breakfast 3 years ago, and she stood there, this small, frail little woman, and said, ``Can't you care for your children? If you can't, send me your children and I will care for them. Send me your children. I'll care for your children.'' She also noted at that point in time, as she noted previously, America is not a rich nation; America is a poor nation--it is poor in love and caring. I hope historians will look back on this debate and say this was the start of us changing this culture from destruction to caring, from saying how can we go down to how can we start back up, and that is the hopeful note I have here. That is why I support Senator Santorum's proposed bill to eliminate, to ban this procedure of partial-birth abortion. Mr. President, let me close by noting the heading the Democrat leader has blown up from the Washington Times, suggesting his alternative is more comprehensive. Mr. President, now that the details are known, the Washington Times printed today on an article with the headline, ``Daschle bill may not ban anything.'' And I would like to ask unanimous consent that a copy of that article be included in the Record.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I am pleased to join with my distinguished colleagues today to introduce the District of Columbia Economic Recovery Act, a bill which would jumpstart the District's economy and set in motion a commercial, social, and cultural renaissance that will once again make all Americans proud of their Capital. I am delighted to find that the District's City Council shares my belief that the enactment of this legislation will be very good for the city. On May 9, 1997, in a resolution to accompany its qualified endorsement of the administration's bailout plan, the Council stated that ``. . . the District of Columbia Economic Recovery Act . . . would provide the jolt that is desperately needed to expand the District's revenue base by reversing the hemorrhaging of residents and jobs from the District.'' Although this legislation represents a good start toward the resolution of the city's problems, much more needs to be done. As chairman of the Subcommittee on Oversight of Government Management, Restructuring and the District of Columbia, I have just concluded 2 months of oversight hearings on the District's many problems, including the poor performance of the schools, the high crime rate, and the city's reputation for low quality services. While each of these problems are being addressed in some fashion by the Control Board, they are far from being solved, and the city remains desperately in need of a renewal of its spirit. In the coming weeks I will be exploring with my colleagues, with city officials, and with the administration a series of additional reform options that will help lead to this renewal, and to the recreation of a Capital City worthy of a great Nation.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Madam President, I rise to speak about something of great sadness in our Nation. Tomorrow we will take a vote on partial- birth abortion. I want to speak about that particular issue if I could this evening from a particular perspective that I think might be somewhat different from folks who might look at this as a sterile procedure, a procedure that we may consider banning. I would like to talk about what it says of our culture, what this procedure that is being used today says about us. Is the loss of love in our culture actually so great that we could actually kill a child and explain it away? I think this is actually how we ought to look at this debate on this issue. I oppose the partial-birth abortion procedure being conducted in United States other than in cases of loss of life of the mother, and then I think we need to clearly say that this is available in cases of loss of life of the mother. My wife and I have three children, and I would hate to think that she would be put in a spot where she could not have access to a medical procedure that she desperately needed for her own life. But that is taken care of in this bill and there is an allowance for it. In the case where the life of the mother is at risk, this procedure is allowed, and that is proper and as it should be. We allow that to take place. What I want to talk about more is that we have so many of these abortions happening in this country. What does it say about the culture and our own loss of care and our own loss of love? What does it say about us that this procedure is even allowed. I want to point out to this body some of the things that have happened to American culture over the past 30 years that I think point out we have lost the care for other individuals and we have lost the compassion for others and even for babies. Let us look at this chart, if I could share it with you. We are looking at child abuse and neglect reports in America, and this is 1976 to 1995. We are looking at numbers of reports in the millions. We are looking at about 600,000 in 1976, which is wholly too much, we are looking at 3 million, over 3 million in 1995. The growth that has taken place during that period of time, what does that say about a loss of care and a loss of compassion in our society and in our culture? I want to look at this next chart, violent crime offenses in our society. Look where we were in 1960. This is rate per 100,000 individuals. For every 100,000 individuals in America, we had about 160 violent crime offenses in 1960. Where are we today? In 1993, the latest we have numbers for, we are at 746 per 100,000 people. From 160 to 746 during that period of time of roughly about 30, 33 years. I only point these out to ask, what is it today about our culture? I think our culture is in a great depression, that we are violent, we are not caring for our children, we are not doing the right things for them, and we are not doing the right things to try to correct it. We have to rebuild the culture, and I think we rebuild it by loving and caring for each other, and we will. To me, that is what this debate is about. It is about banning a particular procedure used on babies, and it is about saying we should not, in a civilized society, allow this. We should not, in looking at this sort of violence and lack of caring and lack of respect in this society, let something like this go on. It is about those who are involved and it is about our conscience being pricked by this. We see these charts--Senator Santorum has pointed to them --about the child being born, and we get uncomfortable; we don't like that because it is striking our conscience and it is saying it is not civilized for us to be doing and continuing this procedure. We see it and we do not like it. If we saw it happening to an animal, we would not like it, and we certainly feel that way towards a child. That is why I urge my colleagues and the American people, let us reject this procedure as part of rebuilding our culture, as part of restaking this ground. We need to have is compassion and care and love for the most defenseless in our culture. This is a child we are talking about. We must start turning these trends around and start caring for the most defenseless in this situation. I think it is clear that we are going to pass this bill in the Senate. I hope we will pass it by an overwhelming majority and that we build on this from this point forward, saying let us change this culture. Let us bring it back to caring. Let us bring it back to compassion and love for everybody, especially the most defenseless. With that, I yield back my time.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Madam President, I ask unanimouos consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, on behalf of the majority leader, I announce that today, following morning business, the Senate will resume consideration of the supplemental appropriations bill. At 10 a.m., Senator Warner will be recognized to offer his amendment. It is the intention of the manager that a motion to table the Warner amendment occur at approximately 10:30. Therefore, Senators should be prepared to vote on the Warner amendment at 10:30. Following disposition of the Warner amendment, it is the expectation of the leader that the Senate continue to debate the Byrd amendment. Subsequently, Senators should anticipate additional votes throughout today's session. It is the intention of the majority leader to complete action on this important legislation as early as possible today. I certainly thank my colleagues for their attention.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I appreciate very much the comments of the Senator from Washington. It certainly is appropriate we open with a prayer in the Senate.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Thank you very much, Mr. President. I would like to yield the floor for a minute. The guest Chaplain is the guest of the Senator from Washington. I would like to yield the floor to the Senator from Washington for an introduction.