Sam Brownback

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I regret that due to a previously scheduled White House event celebrating Black Music History Month, I was unable to cast a vote on Amendment No. 1002 offered by my friend, Mr. Lautenberg. I would like the Record to reflect that had I been present, I would have voted against the amendment.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I rise today for the purpose of introducing the Quality Cancer Care Preservation Act. This bill is aimed at sending reinforcements to those on the front lines of the war on cancer. While there are millions of researchers, policy makers, and advocates fighting against cancer around the country, we cannot forget that the real battles are won in the cancer center, where the care is delivered. The war on cancer will be won by nurses, patients, and physicians--one survivor at a time. For years, bureaucrats at Medicare have overpaid for cancer drugs, but underpaid for cost of administering the therapy. Unfortunately, many in Washington have advocated fixing the overpayment for the drugs and ignored the underpayment for administering the drug. Well, as any cancer patient knows, while cancer therapies may be a miracle, it is the oncology nurses that are the angels. That is why my colleagues and I are offering this legislation, which we believe will bring about fair reimbursement for chemotherapy drugs and administration. I know that the managers of this bill have committed to work with, and are working with the cancer community to find a reasonable solution to this issue in the context of the Medicare bill that is on the floor. On behalf of cancer patients around the country, I thank my colleague for their dedication. I also thank my friend from Oklahoma for his comments during the markup of S. 1 and for his dedication to ensure proper reimbursement for cancer treatment. My hope in introducing this bill at this time is that it can serve to help my colleagues in their pursuit of fair reimbursement. With that, I thank my colleagues.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I rise today for the purpose of introducing the Quality Cancer Care Preservation Act. This bill is aimed at sending reinforcements to those on the front lines of the war on cancer. While there are millions of researchers, policy makers, and advocates fighting against cancer around the country, we cannot forget that the real battles are won in the cancer center, where the care is delivered. The war on cancer will be won by nurses, patients, and physicians--one survivor at a time. For years, bureaucrats at Medicare have overpaid for cancer drugs, but underpaid for cost of administering the therapy. Unfortunately, many in Washington have advocated fixing the overpayment for the drugs and ignored the underpayment for administering the drug. Well, as any cancer patient knows, while cancer therapies may be a miracle, it is the oncology nurses that are the angels. That is why my colleagues and I are offering this legislation, which we believe will bring about fair reimbursement for chemotherapy drugs and administration. I know that the managers of this bill have committed to work with, and are working with the cancer community to find a reasonable solution to this issue in the context of the Medicare bill that is on the floor. On behalf of cancer patients around the country, I thank my colleague for their dedication. I also thank my friend from Oklahoma for his comments during the markup of S. 1 and for his dedication to ensure proper reimbursement for cancer treatment. My hope in introducing this bill at this time is that it can serve to help my colleagues in their pursuit of fair reimbursement. With that, I thank my colleagues.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. I move to lay that motion on the table. The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I thank my colleagues for allowing me to speak on this legislation. The weekend before last, the military junta in Burma, ironically going by the name of the State Peace and Development Council, staged a violent clash between a government-supported militia called the United Solidarity and Development Association and activists of the National League for Democracy, the NLD. As reported in the press, during the ensuing assault on the NLD, these thugs attacked the caravan of supporters led by Nobel Peace Prize laureate and democratic activist Aung San Suu Kyi and subsequently detained her and 19 members of the NLD, killed scores of NLD activists and, in the aftermath, closed down universities and NLD offices in the country. This is intolerable. Today I hope this institution can stand tall by roundly condemning this thieving, bantam tyranny that is taking place in Burma. The regime claims they are detaining her, a Nobel Peace Prize winner, and NLD supporters for their safety. They accuse her of causing unrest and violence and claim she is in danger because of inflammatory speeches she has been giving on her tour of northern Burma. I find this accusation to be absolutely ridiculous, but nevertheless, a common refrain coming from a government known for flaunting its human rights abuses which include slave labor, rape and forced prostitution, pressing children into the military, all a carefully constructed campaign to terrorize the people of Burma and consolidate the petty kleptocracy. Aung San Suu Kyi's whereabouts are now known; the UN Secretary General's envoy Mr. Razali Ishmail is in Rangoon working to negotiate her release. I cannot bring myself to believe a word of what the SPDC says. It was reported in the press that she has a serious head injury; however, today I hear that Mr. Razali has seen her and that she is unharmed. My colleague from Kentucky and I do not believe it. And the regime has done nothing to reassure any member of the international community of their intentions. Aung San Suu Kyi is not free, Burma is not free. In fact, this is part of a clear pattern of continually thwarting the advance of democracy and freedom in Burma--something for which Aung San Suu Kyi is the living symbol. More than that, she has recruited some of the most talented and most dedicated young people to her cause. As reported by yesterday's Washington Post, one of those young people was a young man by the name of Toe Lwin. This young man, and many others in NLD like him, dedicated every once of his being to the cause. Bringing change to Burma and protecting Aung San Suu Kyi were the things for which he was willing to die. This young man died trying to protect her. I am told that she sees all of these dedicated, inspiring young people as her children. I am sure that it breaks her heart to know that blood has been spilt in this effort. We cannot seek a better tribute to this young man's life than by aiding the cause of democracy by passing this bill. The SPDC seems like a bunch of bush-league autocrats. But what I want my colleagues to know is that this group of thugs is not just some common banana republic or petty dictatorship. In 1988, the then-called State Law and Order Restoration Council, SLORC, took power and began its repression of pro-democracy demonstrations. After National Assembly elections in 1990, which were poised to overwhelmingly bring to power Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD, SLORC annulled the elections, began jailing thousands of democracy activists, suppressed all political liberties, and periodically placed Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest. And this is just the opening line of the story. These thugs conscript thousands of their citizens, including children, into the military to serve as porters and to work on state development projects. In addition, narcotics is a big business for the ruling Burmese generals; however, there are some who will claim that we are getting full cooperation in combatting Burma's trade in heroin and amphetamines. The most recent International Narcotics Control Strategy Report published by the Department of State reads, ``Burma is the world's second largest producer of illicit opium.'' It continues stating ``. . . no Burma Army Officer over the rank of full Colonel has ever been prosecuted for drug offenses in Burma. This fact, the prominent role in Burma of the family of notorious narcotics traffickers, and the continuance of large-scale narcotics trafficking over the years of intrusive military rule have given rise to speculation that some senior military leaders protect or are otherwise involved with narcotics traffickers.'' Yet I understand there was an active effort by some embedded bureaucrats to give the junta a free pass on drug certification. We are not dealing with the boy scouts of Southeast Asia. I think that is the wrong approach to dealing with the problem of the SPDC's brutal rule. If today's paper is accurate, then it looks as if our government is beginning to take the correct steps to respond to the situation. We have put eleven countries on notice, notably Thailand and China, for their support of Burma. This may be the mortal blow that weakens the regime. That is why next Wednesday I have planned hearings to discuss the support for the SPDC coming from key players in the region. Some of these countries need to give us some private assurances about their willingness to forgo continued support of the regime. Others need to be put on notice for the degree and nature of support for the SPDC junta. Singapore, North Korea, Russia, and Malaysia have all been in cooperation or given assistance in the political, economic or military spheres. I will be inviting members of the administration and the NGO community to give their knowledge of on-the-ground support for the SPDC. This week, the Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra of Thailand is in town for an important visit with President Bush. It was reported that the President has already weighed in with the Prime Minister. I hope to do the same when I attend a luncheon today for the Prime Minister hosted by Senator Bond. Because the can predict the perils of dealing with a thieving, murderous dictatorship, many companies, especially here in the U.S., are avoiding doing business with these guys altogether. Department stores, clothing manufacturers, footwear and apparel companies are all telling the junta to take a hike. Maybe the Senate should consider telling them the same. I note my personal experience. I was on the Thai-Burma border in late 2000. This was on a trip where we were working on the issue of trafficking in persons, sex trafficking. We found at that point in time in 2000, and it continues today, one of the highest trafficked areas in the world was between Burma and Thailand. What was taking place was the people of Burma were fleeing this totalitarian dictatorship that brutalized its own people. The people of Burma were fleeing into Thailand. On that border, then, they were fresh meat for the people who traffic in persons, primarily for sex exploration, primarily of young girls. We saw girls 11, 12, 13 years of age, even younger, being taken--abducted in some cases--and in some cases sold because the family was so poor, sold into what they thought was a condition they would serve someone in a home or work in a restaurant. Instead, they were put in a brothel in Bangkok or someplace else in Thailand to a horrific environment at this very young age, with most of them contracting AIDS, tuberculosis, and dying at a young age. This was one of the key traffic areas of the world. It was being caused by this government in Burma that cared nothing about its people. These were the most wonderful people in the world. They were trying to eke out some mere existence. This was a government that cared absolutely nothing at all about them. Now they have gone and arrested the Nobel Prize-winning activist, democracy activist who has done this in a peaceful way in Burma to try to bring her country forward. They have taken the next step down the road on this anarchy of horrific treatment of their own people, a complete movement against the way the rest of the world is moving. I support this resolution. It is very timely. I applaud Senator McConnell for his work. It is important we send this message that this regime is treating its own people so badly that these sorts of conditions arise. We need to be on record. The rest of the world needs to be on record to press this regime to stop persecuting its own people in such terrible ways. I hope this will send a message to the regime in Burma and to people around the rest of the world that we will continue to bring economic and diplomatic pressure in a quick fashion against this regime in Burma. This should not wait for years to develop. Furthermore, there are big questions many times about whether these sanctions work. Against a big economy there are legitimate questions. Against a small economy, against a situation in a country such as Burma, where it is located, I think these work very well and it sends an extraordinary message to Burma. It also sends a big message to Thailand, which is a key country for us, to get their attention that they should not repatriate the Burmese back into Burma and we should recognize the refugee status for the Burmese in Thailand, a country that wants to work closely and carefully with us. I yield the floor.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I don't want to overly belabor the point but there is a very important thing happening on the other side of the world, in Iran, at this very time. My office has been receiving, now, numerous reports of a growing protest in Iran taking place right now. This is within the past couple of hours. It is dawn in Tehran, as I speak. It is estimated that this past evening between 5,000 to 8,000 students are joining protests against the Government's crackdown on student democracy dissidents. Recently, five student leaders were arrested in advance of the July 9 anniversary of the original mass student protest in 1999. Even though it is now almost dawn in Tehran, the protest has continued. I understand during the night there was a dissipation of the protest. A number of the student protesters--this was outside Tehran University--who were protesting dissipated. Rather than going back to their dorm rooms, they have gone and dispersed to other places because, after the 1999 protest, a number of the Iranian military guard went to the dormitories and arrested en masse a number of students and they were roundly punished. We have also received reports that Iranian Government forces are beating up on the protesters, firing warning shots at them. I do not have that verified but we have received these reports. I call this to the attention of Members of this body because there has been a lot of discussion going on at the present time of U.S. policy towards Iran. I think it is clear the United States should clearly stand with those who stand for democracy. We don't know if the student protest is going to go ahead and mature further or not, or if it is going to further brutally be put down. This is in a buildup to a July 9 protest that had been planned for a number of months, to recognize the July 9, 1999, student protest that was brutally put down by the regime. This has been building. In anticipation of that, the regime in Tehran--and this is a dictatorial regime that has never been elected, the rulers have never been selected by the people in Iran--arrested these student leaders in advance of July 9 in an effort to put it down before it gets started. This is deplorable. This is not democracy. The United States should stand with those who stand for democracy. We should have a clear official policy that our position toward Iran is to support those who support democracy and we support democracy in Iran. We stand for that with the Iranian people. There has been a growing, burgeoning movement in Iran of young people who do not want anything to do with this dictatorial regime. They have lived, now, some 25 years, over 25 years under this militant, dictatorial regime that supposedly has put Islamic law in place and they are tired of it and they want no more of it. They want no more of it and they are willing to put forward their lives in this gallant effort, this brave push for democracy. That is their desire. I call on the Iranian Government to stop beating and harassing their own people. The students are shouting: Khatami, Khatami, go away. These are the same students who gave President Khatami his start 7 years ago. He was elected as a reformer, which he has not produced on. Instead, he has continued with the same totalitarian way. I believe he was one of seven candidates at the time selected by the ruling mullahs to be able to run in front of the people, and the people selected the most reformist, most hope minded. He has not produced. But they didn't get a free selection. Nor does Khatami--I want to identify this as well--have free control. The ruling mullahs continue to control the military secret police, foreign policy, and the treasury. They control, not President Khatami. So it is a system where unelected, unselected dictators brutalize a country, an elected reformer is not allowed to reform, and he isn't even selected by the people. He has to go through a selection process by the ruling mullahs, so only appropriate candidates can run for office. And the students are tired of it. They are fed up with it, they are protesting, and they are being brutalized in the process. We should support the student movement for the July 9 nationwide protest in Iran. We should state that it is U.S. policy to stand for true democracy in Iran. This is a great nation of great people. It is going to make a wonderful open democracy when it is liberated and opened up. These students are trying to pave the way for that to occur. This is how history is made. It is made one brave act at a time. The world is watching how the regime treats the students, the protesters, and it will hold this regime accountable. In Iran they have a saying that they yell frequently: ``Free Iran.'' As these protesters are yelling ``Free Iran,'' that should be our call as well: Free Iran. Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak in morning business for up to 10 minutes.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I rise to join several colleagues who have already made presentations here today about the introduction of a bill for a National Museum of African American History and Culture. We currently have 48 cosponsors of this bill. I hope after today we will have a strong and clear majority sponsoring this legislation. I want to particularly thank Senator Dodd, who is the lead Democrat sponsor of this bill, and Senator Lott, who chairs the Rules Committee through which it will go, both of whom are cosponsors of the bill, along with the majority leader and the Democratic leader who are also cosponsors of the bill, for pushing this issue, making it go forward. I cannot go forward without recognizing Congressman John Lewis from Georgia, who has been the lead sponsor in the House, along with J.C. Watts, before he left that body, being the inspirational leader behind moving this issue forward. Over 200 years ago, there was a dream that was America for a group of individuals who were brought to our shores in shackles, a dream so powerful it compelled a race of people to fight for the liberty of others when they were in bondage themselves, a dream that not only served as a catalyst for physical liberation in the African-American community but removed societal shackles from our culture and enabled us to realize the ideals set before us in the Constitution--that all men are created equal under God. Today, we celebrate this magnificent history, a history of a people's quest for freedom that shaped this Nation into a symbol of freedom and democracy around the world. I am proud to stand here today with my colleagues and introduce once again to this body a bill that will create the National Museum of African American History and Culture. I would specifically like to mention Senator Dodd, Senator Stevens, Senator Lott, Senator Santorum, and the other 48 cosponsors who are pushing this museum forward. The National Museum of African-American History and Culture Presidential Commission--signed into law by President Bush--stated that the time is now. Indeed the time is now to honor this incredible history that has shaped this great Nation. I thank the Presidential Commission for their hard work and effort in recommending to Congress that we should build this museum, and that there is sufficient interest in the philanthropic community to financially support this museum, and that there are sufficient artifacts to fill this museum. So many Americans will be able to share in the celebration of this museum--a uniquely American museum, one that we can celebrate. I remember when I met with the Dean of the Afro-American Studies at Howard University. He told me of a story about his grandfather who finished a bowl the day the Emancipation Proclamation was authorized. His grandfather decided to keep the bowl because it no longer was the property of a slave master but the man who made it--his grandfather. The dean has this bowl in his home--an incredible piece of history, and I am sure there are many more pieces out their waiting for a home, a national home. Today, we are not just introducing a bill; we are completing a piece of American history by introducing the National Museum of African- American History and Culture, which will create a museum to honor African-American contributions to this Nation--which is an extraordinary story of sacrifice and triumph. This bill will create this museum within the Smithsonian Institution--America's premier museum complex. We have worked very hard with the Smithsonian Institution to craft a bill that will compliment their programs. And, indeed, we have done just that. This bill is very similar to the American-Indian Museum, slated to open next year. And I know that the Smithsonian Institution will create another national treasure--one that tells the story of African- Americans in this country--a proud history, a rich history. This bill charges the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution, along with the Council of the National Museum to plan, build, and construct a museum dedicated to celebrating nationally African-American history--which is American history. In addition, this bill charges the board of regents with choosing a site on or adjacent to the National Mall for the location of the museum. Additionally, the bill establishes an education and program liaison section designed to work with educational institutions and museums across the country in order to promote African-American history. Finally, the bill sets forth a Federal-private partnership for funding the museum, and authorizes $17 million for the first year in order to begin implementation of the museum council, which will be comprised from a mixture of leading African-Americans from the museum, historical, and business communities. It has been well over 70 years since the first commission was formed to seek ways to honor nationally the contributions of African- Americans--70 years. It is about time that we move forward with it. It has always been my hope that this museum will not only showcase nationally the accomplishments of African-Americans--which are great-- but will also serve as a catalyst for racial reconciliation in our Nation. Indeed we have triumphed over our difficulties in this area, but we must continue to do more. I can see a number of people going through this museum with a lot of tears coming out as they see the progression of people coming to this continent in shackles and moving forward in triumph. There are going to be a lot of tears along that trail. The beautiful thing about tears is that they don't have color; they just cleanse. I think they will be tears of cleansing. I do not pretend that this museum is a panacea for racial reconciliation, which this country desperately needs. It is, however, a productive step in recognizing the important contributions and the debt all Americans owe to African Americans. I close my comments with a quote from Dr. Martin Luther King, a prophet in his time and now a prophet to us. He said this that could have been said about the museum in this time we are in: That the dark clouds of [misconceptions] will soon pass away and the deep fog of misunderstanding will be lifted from our fear-drenched communities and in some not too distant tomorrow the radiant stars of love and brotherhood will shine over our great Nation with all their scintillating beauty. We are one step closer to that today. I thank the Chair. I yield the floor.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I am pleased to join Senators Kennedy and McCain today in submitting an amendment to honor the contributions of immigrants who have shown their dedication both to this country and to creating a better future for themselves by joining the military. This amendment will do two critically important things: it will offer easier access to naturalization for immigrant men and women of our armed forces, and it will establish immigration protections for their families if they are killed in action. Having just been through a tough period of war, it is especially important to recognize those who fight on our behalf to preserve our freedom and our way of life. This is particularly true for those immigrants who have too often given their lives to defend our principles. This is poignantly illustrated by an anecdote from the President's visit to Bethesda Naval Hospital with his wife, Laura, back in April. In the press conference afterward, visibly moved by the heroes he met, he noted a special moment for him--witnessing two wounded soldiers sworn in as citizens of the United States. As the President put it himself, ``You know we got an amazing country where so powerful, the values we believe, that people would be willing to risk their own life and become a citizen after being wounded. It's an amazing moment. Really proud of it.'' The President's words speak to exactly why this legislation is so important--and so worthwhile. These men and women are willing to risk their own lives on our behalf, even though they are not yet citizens of this country. In fact, there are more than 30,000 noncitizens on active duty in the U.S. military--approximately two percent of the total U.S. forces--who are willing to risk their lives on our behalf without the privileges of citizenship. In the Reserves and the National Guard are another 20,000 noncitizens. These immigrants have proven a dedication to our country by joining the military or the Reserves or National Guard, dedication which should be recognized and rewarded. Our amendment will do that. First, it provides easier access to naturalization to members of the armed services who are already lawful permanent residents. Currently, being a member of the armed services allows a permanent legal resident to reduce their wait time for naturalization from five years to three years--our legislation would reduce the time to only two years. It would also ease this process by allowing naturalization interviews and oath ceremonies abroad at U.S. embassies, consulates, and overseas military installations, and by waiving naturalization fees. In addition, the language provides for the immediate families of immigrant service personnel killed in action by either giving them the opportunity to legalize their immigration status or by allowing them to proceed with their own applications for naturalization as if the death had not happened. By protecting their immigration status, this element provides critical acknowledgment of the sacrifices that the families of our military members make as well. Finally, the amendment remembers those courageous men and women who ensure that in times of war or hostility, our country is ready and our recruiting needs are met, by saying that members of the Reserves or National Guard will have expedited naturalization during times of war or hostile military operations. It is easy to see why so many groups are supporting this amendment-- from the Veterans of Foreign Wars to the Non-Commissioned Officers Association to the National Council of La Raza to the National Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium, among others. This amendment on the naturalization and family protection for military members is a vitally important piece of legislation that both honors and rewards immigrants to this nation. They are already legal permanent residents--this simply ensures that they have the opportunity to truly become a part of this country through citizenship. Therefore, I urge my colleagues to support this amendment today.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. I yield myself such time as I may consume under the time I have reserved for the National Museum of African American History and Culture Museum.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I rise today in support of the ethanol amendment No. 850 that has been offered by our distinguished majority leader, Senator Frist. This is a bipartisan amendment which has been crafted thoughtfully by leadership on both sides of the aisle and proves to be a compromise bill that will triple the amount of domestically produced ethanol used in America. President Bush was right when he said 2 years ago that we are long overdue in implementing a comprehensive energy policy for our Nation. If he were to say the same thing today, he would still be right. We need a policy that broadens our base of energy resources to create stability, guarantee reasonable prices, and protect America's security. I believe that increasing our use of alternative and renewable fuels such as ethanol and biodiesel is a key element in our effort to constructing that much needed stability. It is a clean burning, homegrown renewable fuel that we can rely on for generations to come. Ethanol is a step towards good stewardship of our environment. Expanding the use of ethanol will also protect our environment by reducing auto emissions, which will mean cleaner air and improved public health. It just so happens that as we are looking out for our environment we are not only going to benefit in the arena of environmental friendliness but as the same time boost our economy. Consumers will benefit from more efficient use of their vehicles at a lower cost. Adding 10 percent ethanol to a gallon of regular gas would reduce the retail price to consumers by almost seven cents per gallon according to the Energy Information Administration. By continuing each year to increase the volume of ethanol in a gallon of gasoline, we can concurrently decrease the volume of crude oil needed for it. Crude oil prices have risen in 2003 as a result of the war with Iraq and international tensions. We must protect ourselves and be secure with our independence during these trying times and possible terrorism. It is no secret that we currently import over 58 percent of the oil we use. This dependence is not getting better. The Energy Information Administration estimates that our dependency on imported oil could grow to nearly 70 percent by 2020. We are so dependent on foreign oil, that the demand for renewable fuels such as ethanol and biodiesel is on the rise. Although our troops were successful in the liberation of Iraq, our greatest energy challenge remains the need to reduce our reliance on foreign sources to meet our energy needs. The production and marketing of ethanol is very important to the economy of my state and the nation. The Energy Information Administration has proven that tripling the use nationally of renewable fuels over the next decade will increase U.S. GDP by $156 billion by 2012, reduce our National Trade Deficit by more than $34 billion, save taxpayers $2 billion annually in reduced government subsidies due to the creation of new markets for corn, and create more than 214,000 new jobs. The benefits for the farm economy are even more pronounced. An increase in the use of ethanol across the Nation means an economic boost to thousands of farm families across my State. Currently, ethanol production provides 192,000 jobs and $4.5 billion to net farm income nationwide. Passage of this amendment will increase net farm income by nearly $6 billion annually. Passage of this amendment will create $5.3 billion of new investment in renewable fuel production capacity. Kansas are loudly voicing their support of this legislation. Phasing out MTBE on a National basis will be good for our fuel suppliers. Refiners are under tremendous strain from having to make several different gasoline blends to meet various state clean air requirements. The MTBE phaseout provisions in this package will ensure that refiners will have less stress on their system. This entire Nation's is in need of this environmentally friendly, sustainable fuel as we carry on in our efforts to be good stewards of our environment. Ethanol will boost our energy independence and become an aid to national security while we as a country find ourselves continuing the battle against terrorism. I cannot proclaim enough, the greatness of the positive impacts this fuel contains. Leaders here in our body have discovered it. The language in this bill has strong bipartisan support and is the result of long negotiations between the Renewable Fuels Association, National Corn Growers Association, Farm Bureau Federation, American Petroleum Institute, Northeast States for Coordinated Air Use Management, NESCAUM, and the American Lung Association. Americans can rest more sound and secure as we further develop the use of our homegrown fuel, ethanol.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, over 200 years ago, there was a dream that was America for a group of individuals who were brought to our shores in shackles. A dream so powerful that compelled a race of people to fight for the liberty of others when they were in bondage themselves. A dream that not only served as a catalyst for physical liberation in the African-American community but removed societal shackles from our culture and enabled us to realize the ideals set before us in the constitution--that all men are created equal under God. Today, we celebrate this magnificent history. A history of people's quest for freedom that shaped this Nation into a symbol of freedom and democracy around the world. I am proud to stand here today with my colleagues and introduce once again to this body a bill that will create the National Museum of African American History and Culture. I would specifically like to thank Senator Dodd, who is committed to honoring this history and has worked hard to get us to this point today. I look forward to working with him on this bill. I would also like to thank Senator Ted Stevens for his leadership and commitment to this project as well. It means a great deal to have his support and I am grateful. Senator Santorum has always been a supporter of this legislation and has given unwavering enthusiasm to this project since the 107th Congress. I look forward to working with him as well to finally complete this museum. And I am grateful to all of the original cosponsors of this bill-- this is fantastic. Mr. President, the national Museum of African American History and Culture Presidential Commission--signed into law by President Bush, stated that the time is now. Indeed the time is now to honor this incredible history that has shaped this great Nation. I thank the Presidential Commission for their hard work and effort in recommending to Congress that we should build this museum and that there is sufficient interest in the philanthropic community to financially support this museum and that there are sufficient artifacts to fill this museum. So many Americans will be able to share in the celebration of this museum--a uniquely American museum one that we can celebrate. I remember when I met with the dean of the Afro- American studies at Howard University. He told me of a story about his grandfather who finished a bowl the day the Emancipation Proclamation was authorized. His grandfather decided to keep the bowl because it no longer was the property of a slave master but the man who made it--his grandfather. Mr. President, the dean has this bowl in his home--an incredible piece of history and I am sure there are many more pieces out there waiting for a home--a national home. Today, we are not just introducing a bill, we are completing a piece of American history by introducing the National Museum of African American History and Culture, which will create a museum to honor African-American contributions to this Nation--which is an extraordinary story of sacrifice and triumph. This bill will create this museum within the Smithsonian Institution--America's premier museum complex. We have worked very had with the Smithsonian Institution to craft a bill that will compliment their programs--and indeed we have done just that. This bill is very similar to the American Indian Museum, slated to open next year. And I know that the Smithsonian Institution will create another national treasure one that tells the story of African-Americans in this country--a proud history, a rich history. This bill charges the board of regents of the Smithsonian Institution along with the Council of the National Museum to plan, build and construct a museum dedicated to celebrating nationally African-American history--which is American history. In addition, this bill charges the Board of Regents with choosing a site on or adjacent to the national mall for the location of the museum. Additionally, the bill establishes an education and program liaison section designed to work with educational institutions and museums across the country in order to promote African-American history. Finally, the bill sets forth a Federal-private partnership for funding the museum and authorizes $17 million for the first year in order to begin implementation of the museum council, which will be comprised from a mixture of leading African-Americans from the museum, historical, and business communities. Mr. President, it has been well over 70 years since the first commission was formed to seek ways to honor nationally the contributions of African-Americans. It has always been my hope that this museum will not only showcase nationally the accomplishments of African-Americans--which are great-- but will also serve as a catalyst for racial reconciliation for our Nation. Indeed we have triumphed over our difficulties in this area, but we must continue to do more. I do not pretend that this museum is a panacea for racial reconciliation. It is, however, a productive step in recognizing the important contributions and the debt all Americans owe to African- Americans. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. once expressed his desire for this Nation, ``that the dark clouds of [misconceptions] will soon pass away and the deep fog of misunderstanding will be lifted from our fear- drenched communities and in some not too distant tomorrow the radiant stars of love and brotherhood will shine over our great nation with all their scintillating beauty.'' We are one step closer today--God bless. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the bill be printed in the Record after my remarks.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, over 200 years ago, there was a dream that was America for a group of individuals who were brought to our shores in shackles. A dream so powerful that compelled a race of people to fight for the liberty of others when they were in bondage themselves. A dream that not only served as a catalyst for physical liberation in the African-American community but removed societal shackles from our culture and enabled us to realize the ideals set before us in the constitution--that all men are created equal under God. Today, we celebrate this magnificent history. A history of people's quest for freedom that shaped this Nation into a symbol of freedom and democracy around the world. I am proud to stand here today with my colleagues and introduce once again to this body a bill that will create the National Museum of African American History and Culture. I would specifically like to thank Senator Dodd, who is committed to honoring this history and has worked hard to get us to this point today. I look forward to working with him on this bill. I would also like to thank Senator Ted Stevens for his leadership and commitment to this project as well. It means a great deal to have his support and I am grateful. Senator Santorum has always been a supporter of this legislation and has given unwavering enthusiasm to this project since the 107th Congress. I look forward to working with him as well to finally complete this museum. And I am grateful to all of the original cosponsors of this bill-- this is fantastic. Mr. President, the national Museum of African American History and Culture Presidential Commission--signed into law by President Bush, stated that the time is now. Indeed the time is now to honor this incredible history that has shaped this great Nation. I thank the Presidential Commission for their hard work and effort in recommending to Congress that we should build this museum and that there is sufficient interest in the philanthropic community to financially support this museum and that there are sufficient artifacts to fill this museum. So many Americans will be able to share in the celebration of this museum--a uniquely American museum one that we can celebrate. I remember when I met with the dean of the Afro- American studies at Howard University. He told me of a story about his grandfather who finished a bowl the day the Emancipation Proclamation was authorized. His grandfather decided to keep the bowl because it no longer was the property of a slave master but the man who made it--his grandfather. Mr. President, the dean has this bowl in his home--an incredible piece of history and I am sure there are many more pieces out there waiting for a home--a national home. Today, we are not just introducing a bill, we are completing a piece of American history by introducing the National Museum of African American History and Culture, which will create a museum to honor African-American contributions to this Nation--which is an extraordinary story of sacrifice and triumph. This bill will create this museum within the Smithsonian Institution--America's premier museum complex. We have worked very had with the Smithsonian Institution to craft a bill that will compliment their programs--and indeed we have done just that. This bill is very similar to the American Indian Museum, slated to open next year. And I know that the Smithsonian Institution will create another national treasure one that tells the story of African-Americans in this country--a proud history, a rich history. This bill charges the board of regents of the Smithsonian Institution along with the Council of the National Museum to plan, build and construct a museum dedicated to celebrating nationally African-American history--which is American history. In addition, this bill charges the Board of Regents with choosing a site on or adjacent to the national mall for the location of the museum. Additionally, the bill establishes an education and program liaison section designed to work with educational institutions and museums across the country in order to promote African-American history. Finally, the bill sets forth a Federal-private partnership for funding the museum and authorizes $17 million for the first year in order to begin implementation of the museum council, which will be comprised from a mixture of leading African-Americans from the museum, historical, and business communities. Mr. President, it has been well over 70 years since the first commission was formed to seek ways to honor nationally the contributions of African-Americans. It has always been my hope that this museum will not only showcase nationally the accomplishments of African-Americans--which are great-- but will also serve as a catalyst for racial reconciliation for our Nation. Indeed we have triumphed over our difficulties in this area, but we must continue to do more. I do not pretend that this museum is a panacea for racial reconciliation. It is, however, a productive step in recognizing the important contributions and the debt all Americans owe to African- Americans. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. once expressed his desire for this Nation, ``that the dark clouds of [misconceptions] will soon pass away and the deep fog of misunderstanding will be lifted from our fear- drenched communities and in some not too distant tomorrow the radiant stars of love and brotherhood will shine over our great nation with all their scintillating beauty.'' We are one step closer today--God bless. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the bill be printed in the Record after my remarks.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I am honored to join my distinguished colleagues, Senators Feinstein and Voinovich, to introduce this important piece of legislation that will address an area of our immigration law that is sorely neglected--unaccompanied alien children. Currently, these children face a legal loophole that can leave them in a confusing maze of technicalities, none of which actually help the child or the nation. This bill will fix that problem through several very straightforward remedies. Last year, through the Homeland Security Act, the responsibility for the care and custody of unaccompanied alien children was transferred from the now-defunct Immigration and Naturalization Service to the Department of Health and Human Services's Office of Refugee Resettlement. This was an important step in the right direction, but it did not accomplish everything we had hoped to do last year. That is why I am pleased to join my colleagues in taking one more crack at providing safeguards for these vulnerable children. These safeguards are simple, but to the point. This legislation will ensure that the transfer of responsibilities mandated last year actually occurs in an orderly manner. It will remind Federal authorities to keep in mind the special needs and circumstances of unaccompanied children. It will ensure that these children have access to competent counsel and guardians ad litem when appropriate. Minimum standards for the care and custody of these unaccompanied alien children will be established, and the procedures for access to permanent protection for abused, abandoned or neglected children will be reformed. Finally, the legislation will require an annual report to Congress to ensure these provisions are being carried out faithfully. But that is all simply the legalese surrounding this issue. What's truly important are the children. That's the whole point of this legislation, and why I--and all of my colleagues who are cosponsors-- got involved and are committed to seeing this legislation pass. It is the children who suffer, through no fault of their own, if they're run through the legal system in the United States without any accounting for their unique situation as children. Last year, the Senate Judiciary Committee held a hearing on this topic, inviting Senator Feinstein to speak--her testimony and the testimony of the children who came, moved me to cosponsor the bill that very day. I still remember the story the Senator told of a young girl from China, standing before a judge, unable to speak the language, her arms shackled to her sides, crying. That sort of situation is shameful. Or how about the case of Edwin Munoz, a Honduran youth who testified last year during this hearing? His story was simple but appalling: abandoned by his parents at age 7, he was left in the care of a cousin, who beat him mercilessly. At 13, he finally escaped, and hitchhiked alone to the United States. I can only imagine how frightening that experience was--but unfortunately it was only the start: once he arrived in the U.S., he was thrown into a San Diego juvenile facility filled with violent offenders. Without a lawyer or court-appointed guardian for weeks, this became a nightmare of taunts from the other inmates and being shackled each time he had to appear in court. These are children--not common criminals--and they should not be treated as such. They should be treated as children. The main purpose of our legislation is to ensure just that--that children who come to the United States are still treated as children. That does not mean that they will escape a proper and appropriate accounting and ruling on whether they may stay or not--it simply means that their age and circumstances will be considered at all times. I therefore urge my colleagues to support this critically important legislation. We are still the Nation described upon the Statue of Liberty--let's ensure our legal system remembers this point as well.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I am honored to join my distinguished colleagues, Senators Feinstein and Voinovich, to introduce this important piece of legislation that will address an area of our immigration law that is sorely neglected--unaccompanied alien children. Currently, these children face a legal loophole that can leave them in a confusing maze of technicalities, none of which actually help the child or the nation. This bill will fix that problem through several very straightforward remedies. Last year, through the Homeland Security Act, the responsibility for the care and custody of unaccompanied alien children was transferred from the now-defunct Immigration and Naturalization Service to the Department of Health and Human Services's Office of Refugee Resettlement. This was an important step in the right direction, but it did not accomplish everything we had hoped to do last year. That is why I am pleased to join my colleagues in taking one more crack at providing safeguards for these vulnerable children. These safeguards are simple, but to the point. This legislation will ensure that the transfer of responsibilities mandated last year actually occurs in an orderly manner. It will remind Federal authorities to keep in mind the special needs and circumstances of unaccompanied children. It will ensure that these children have access to competent counsel and guardians ad litem when appropriate. Minimum standards for the care and custody of these unaccompanied alien children will be established, and the procedures for access to permanent protection for abused, abandoned or neglected children will be reformed. Finally, the legislation will require an annual report to Congress to ensure these provisions are being carried out faithfully. But that is all simply the legalese surrounding this issue. What's truly important are the children. That's the whole point of this legislation, and why I--and all of my colleagues who are cosponsors-- got involved and are committed to seeing this legislation pass. It is the children who suffer, through no fault of their own, if they're run through the legal system in the United States without any accounting for their unique situation as children. Last year, the Senate Judiciary Committee held a hearing on this topic, inviting Senator Feinstein to speak--her testimony and the testimony of the children who came, moved me to cosponsor the bill that very day. I still remember the story the Senator told of a young girl from China, standing before a judge, unable to speak the language, her arms shackled to her sides, crying. That sort of situation is shameful. Or how about the case of Edwin Munoz, a Honduran youth who testified last year during this hearing? His story was simple but appalling: abandoned by his parents at age 7, he was left in the care of a cousin, who beat him mercilessly. At 13, he finally escaped, and hitchhiked alone to the United States. I can only imagine how frightening that experience was--but unfortunately it was only the start: once he arrived in the U.S., he was thrown into a San Diego juvenile facility filled with violent offenders. Without a lawyer or court-appointed guardian for weeks, this became a nightmare of taunts from the other inmates and being shackled each time he had to appear in court. These are children--not common criminals--and they should not be treated as such. They should be treated as children. The main purpose of our legislation is to ensure just that--that children who come to the United States are still treated as children. That does not mean that they will escape a proper and appropriate accounting and ruling on whether they may stay or not--it simply means that their age and circumstances will be considered at all times. I therefore urge my colleagues to support this critically important legislation. We are still the Nation described upon the Statue of Liberty--let's ensure our legal system remembers this point as well.

Mr. BROWNBACK

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I think perhaps we are ready to proceed with a vote on the bill. I do not know if the Senator from Washington is ready to yield back her remaining time.

Mr. BROWNBACK. I am prepared to yield back my time. The issue has been well debated. People know the issue. It has been voted on before. I hope we can proceed with the vote.

Mr. BROWNBACK. Thank you. Your amendment does not have conscience clause protection. That is already part of the base if you are a military physician, to be able to provide that. I want to hone in on what the amendment is about. It is about opening up DOD medical facilities, domestically and internationally--the Senator argues there won't be that much demand domestically, but it opens it up both ways to provide abortion on demand in the United States to U.S. military personnel and their dependents. So you are talking about a broad array of taxpayer-funded facilities you are opening up to provide abortions in Kentucky, Washington, Kansas, or wherever. I want to agree with the Senator from Washington that we are talking about the use of the facilities here--taxpayer-funded facilities--that provide abortions and not necessarily the doctor. The doctor may be recruited from outside and paid for privately, but you are using taxpayer-funded facilities to provide abortions. So you can see a situation in this country where you would have a military facility in Kentucky or in the State of Washington being protested by people who are pro-life because their taxpayer-funded facility is being used to provide abortions on demand--not just for the life of the mother, rape, and incest. Again, I recognize the strong support Senator Murray puts forward for the rights of women, and I applaud that. But we are talking about a very sensitive issue for a number of people when you talk about the use of taxpayer dollars to do something they really don't agree with. I don't think it is wise to do that, one. Two, I don't think we should be tying up the DOD authorization bill on probably the central most difficult issue of our day for people to really wrestle with. That is what this amendment would do. For those reasons, I urge my colleagues to look at the actual text of the amendment and oppose the Murray amendment. I yield the floor and retain the balance of my time.

Mr. BROWNBACK. How much time remains on both sides?

Mr. BROWNBACK. On your time, Mr. President.

Mr. BROWNBACK. I also note the Senator from Illinois talked about conscience clause protection, where somebody would not have to provide this. That is not in your amendment. You are talking about the base portion of any Department of Defense medical doctor.

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.

Mr. BROWNBACK. Still, she would have access to DOD facilities in the U.S.

Mr. BROWNBACK. Maybe the Senator can answer this. This would open up both domestic and overseas facilities because the language as stricken says that no medical treatment facility or other facility of the Department of Defense may be used--it has no limitation saying this is just overseas facilities. It is any DOD facility.