Robert Byrd

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, certain dates on the calendar carry special meaning. These are great and glorious days that are given to devoted reverence and are a cause for recognition and adoration. Thanksgiving, the Fourth of July, and New Year's Eve are a few dates that come immediately to mind. Another one that comes to mind is June 20--the day we celebrate as West Virginia Day. Friday will be June 20. All over the world, it will be June 20, which means that all over the world, it will be West Virginia Day. And what a great and glorious day it will be. It was on June 20, 1863, that West Virginia became the 35th State of the Union. The State proudly adopted as its motto the phrase, ``Montani semper liberi,'' which means, ``Mountaineers are always free.'' This was a most appropriate motto for a State born in the middle of the greatest struggle for freedom and liberty in American history--the Civil War. And West Virginians have always strived to live up to our State motto. West Virginia workers were in the forefront of the historic labor struggles in the late 19th and early 20th centuries that sought an end to the exploitation and oppression of American workers that had accompanied the Industrial Revolution. In 1877, the Nation's first general strike began among the railroad workers and citizens of Martinsburg, WV, after the railroad tycoons repeatedly lowered wages. Seeking to end the industrial autocracy that had engulfed the State with the opening of the coal fields in the 1880s, West Virginia coal miners engaged in a series of conflicts now recognized as the West Virginia Mine Wars, including the Paint Creek-Cabin Creek Strike, the Battle of Matewan, and the Miners' March on Logan. These struggles, writes coal-field historian David Corbin, must be viewed in the same perspective as Americans see Lexington and Gettysburg, not just as isolated incidents in the tragic spilling of blood but ``as symbolic moment[s] in a larger, broader and continuing historical struggle . . . the struggle for freedom and liberty.'' In his book, ``The West Virginia Mine Wars: An Anthology'', Corbin compared the West Virginia miners' struggle for unionization to the civil rights movement of the 1960s. ``Both movements,'' he writes, ``are stories of oppressed, exploited people fighting for dignity, self-respect, human rights and freedom.'' This analogy to the civil rights movement is a good one because West Virginia has also played an important role in the quest of African Americans for liberty and equality. For one thing, West Virginia has been the site of some of the important events in African-American history. Prior to the Civil War, John Brown's Raid on Harpers Ferry prefigured West Virginia's breakaway from the slaveholding Confederacy into full statehood. Harpers Ferry later served as the setting for the second meeting of the Niagara Movement, a meeting that led to the formation of the NAACP. Individual West Virginians have played important roles in this historic struggle. Author and abolitionist Martin Delany, with Frederick Douglass, edited the North Star newspaper, the leading abolitionist newspaper in the country. J.R.Clifford, along with his colleague, W.E.B. DuBois, was one of the founders of the Niagara Movement in 1905. Rev. Leon Sullivan was a civil rights activist who wrote the Sullivan Principles, a code of conduct for U.S. businesses operating in South Africa under apartheid. Carter G. Woodson, Booker T. Washington, and John Warren Davis were all famous African-American educators who occupy important places in American history and culture and played important roles in furthering the development of our free society. Furthermore, West Virginians have played an important role in the American movement toward religious freedom. The most noticeable example of this effort came in the historic 1960 Democratic Party Presidential primary--the political contest that paved the way for America's first Catholic President. In 1960, West Virginia was an overwhelmingly Protestant State, and religion became the ``burning issue'' of the contest because, if Senator John F. Kennedy, who was Catholic, defeated his only opponent, Senator Hubert Humphrey, who was a Protestant, it would show that religion was no longer a defeating handicap in a Presidential contest. Kennedy won that primary by a substantial margin, and, as a result, as Kennedy stated the day after winning the primary, the religious issue was ``buried . . . in the soil of West Virginia.'' Mr. President, I am proud of my State. I love its beauty, its culture, and its history. Foremost, I have always appreciated its kind, good, and generous people and the way they have retained what I call the ``old values''--faith in God, love of country, family, honesty, decency, and integrity. And a leading value of the people of West Virginia, as I have tried to show, has been our motto, ``Mountaineers are always free.'' Happy birthday West Virginia. May God always bless you, and keep you free.

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Madam President, summer will not officially begin until June 21, but already the summer heat and thunderstorms are upon us. Lawns are lush and green, calling for the mower at least every week to maintain their carefully manicured appearance. Gardens are bursting with blooms that hold the promise of juicy red tomatoes, crisp green peppers, and a never-ending supply of zucchini. Along rural roadsides, great rafts of daylilies growing are beginning to bloom in waves of firecracker orange starbursts above the dense green foliage. Despite the lawn and garden chores that beg for attention, one day this weekend was reserved for pleasure. Sunday, June 15, was Father's Day. Across the Nation, ties disappeared from store shelves, golf paraphernalia was snapped up, funny cards were bought, and restaurant reservations were made. On Sunday, many fathers were encouraged to take a break, to enjoy a brunch buffet, and to open some of the classic father's day gifts--those ties, golf tees, or cologne. This week, men across the Nation will sport brightly hued new ties and exotic scents that wordlessly label them as proud fathers. Fatherhood is a wonderful experience but also a nerve-wracking one. It is full of high points, from passing on new skills and old interests to a new generation, to witnessing the achievements of our offspring as they achieve success on their own. The sight of large father's hands tenderly cradling a tiny morsel of newborn humanity is enough to melt the hardest heart. But it is also a frightening responsibility, knowing that one's every word and action, for better or for worse, is being absorbed into the creation of a new character. Fathers who praise their child's hard work and perseverance in the face of setbacks, or who demonstrate the high value they place on being a good sport, build strong, resilient children who learn to work well with others throughout their lives. Fathers who lose their tempers at Little League coaches teach their children by example a lesson in rudeness and incivility that likely is very different than the manners that they preach. Clarence Budington Kelland put it best when he said, ``He didn't tell my how to live; he lived, and let me watch him do it.'' Fathers typically spend fewer hours in the company of their children than do their mothers. Therefore, each hour spent together is precious, a fact that can be difficult to remember when fathers come home from work tired, and that lawn still needs to be mowed or those bills need to be paid. But in the years to come, as children grow, it is the time spent playing catch, or building a doghouse, or even watching a football game together, that both father and child will remember and cherish--not that the lawn was properly edged and raked. I know that the times spent with my Dad that I remember most fondly were just those few quiet minutes that we spent together most days, when I would meet Dad walking home from work. He would share with me a little cake that he had saved from his lunch, and we would talk and walk together. No matter how tired he was, he was interested in how my day had gone and what I had learned in school. Like many kids, I worked hard at school and at my other activities, from my daily chores to playing my fiddle, to earn the reward of his smile and his words of praise. That ability to inspire a child is the greatest power, and the greatest responsibility, of fatherhood. The creation of Father's Day is widely credited to Mrs. Sonora Dodd, who, inspired by the idea of Mother's Day, chose to honor the father who raised her and her siblings after their mother died. Her father, William Smart, must have been a great father, to have sparked such a tribute from his daughter. As we honor the contributions to our families made by our fathers, we must also thank Sonora Dodd for her devotion and dedication to her father and all fathers. Mr. Smart did not know the German writer Jean Paul Richter 1762-1825, but he proved the truth behind Richter's observation that ``The words that a father speaks to his children in the privacy of home are not heard by the world, but, as in whispering galleries, they are heard clearly at the end and by posterity.'' Mr. President, I close with a poem by an anonymous author, titled ``A Little Chap Who Follows Me.'' My Dad knew the truth of this poem, and I learned the truth of it after my own daughters were born, as all fathers do. On Father's Day, as fathers are being honored, it reminds us of the qualities of a father that are most worth honoring. A Little Chap Who Follows Me A careful man I want to be; A little fellow follows me. I do not dare to go astray For fear he'll go the selfsame way. I cannot once escape his eyes, Whate'er he sees me do, he tries. Like me he says he's going to be; The little chap who follows me. He thinks that I'm so very fine, Believes in every word of mine. The base in me he must not see; The little chap who follows me. I must remember as I go Through summer's sun and winter's snow, I'm building for the years to be; The little chap who follows me.

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Madam President, in the early history of our Nation, many flags flew over the land that became the United States of America. The British Union Jack, the Spanish flag, the French flag, the Dutch flag, and others identified territory and colonies under the control of those nations. Then, as the colonies and various fighting forces organized themselves to take up the call of the new nation-to-be, many new flags began to fly. Some had pine trees, some had rattlesnakes, and others were simpler designs or slogans, but all sought to establish a separate and many times defiant new identity for the new nation and its people. In the course of conducting the war, the Continental Congress had many important and pressing decisions to make. Among them was the choice of a flag under which the armies and colonies could unite, a fitting symbol for the new nation. Accordingly, on June 14, 1777, the Continental Congress adopted a resolution establishing a national flag for the United States. Following a still familiar pattern, a special committee had first been appointed to develop the design for the new flag, and the resolution implemented the committee's recommendation. The resolution itself was quite simple, and stated only that `` the flag of the United States shall be of thirteen stripes of alternate red and white, with a union of thirteen stars of white upon a blue field, representing a new constellation.'' The 13 stripes and stars were symbolic of the 13 colonies that had fought for and won the liberty to establish the new nation, of course, but no formal symbolism was assigned to the color choices, which were the same as those found on the British Union Jack. Since 1777, however, many poets and speakers have embued the colors with symbolism, as did Joseph Rodman Drake, in his poem, ``The American Flag'': When Freedom, from her mountain height, Unfurled her standard to the air, She tore the azure robe of night, And set the stars of glory there! She mingled with its gorgeous dyes The milky baldric of the skies, And striped its pure, celestial white With streakings of the morning light; Then, from his mansion in the sun, She called her eagle-bearer down, And gave into his mighty hand The symbol of her chosen land! Over the years, the flag grew and changed as the United States grew, adding stripes as well as stars before it was recognized that the expansion of the States was greater than the flag's pattern could bear. When Francis Scott Key wrote ``The Star Spangled Banner'' after watching the battle of Fort McHenry during the war of 1812, the flag he wrote about had 15 stars and 15 stripes. By 1816, the United States consisted of 19 States, with more to come. So, once again, Congress established a special committee, this one directed by New York's Peter Wendover, to study the problem of the flag's design. Early in 1818, the congressional committee presented a report. The report recommended a solution proposed by Chester Reid, a naval captain and hero of the war of 1812. His suggestion was that the 13-stripe flag honored the original 13 colonies, and that new States could be honored by the simple addition of stars, to reflect the growth of the new constellation. On April 4, 1818, President James Monroe signed into law the Flag Act of 1818. Like the original Flag Resolution of 1777, the Flag Act of 1818 was short, consisting of two sections. The first section noted that, as of July 1819, ``the flag of the United States be thirteen horizontal stripes, alternate red and white; that the union have twenty stars, white in blue field.'' The second section provided the process for adding stars to the flag upon the entry of each new State to the Union. This elegant solution provided the flag that we hold so dear today. Our flag, the Stars and Stripes, or ``Old Glory,'' still serves to unite our Nation today. It is a symbol of our Nation that is instantly recognizable around the world. It is both commonplace, seen daily in front of post offices, government buildings and schools, and yet hallowed, placed with solemn care over the coffin of a veteran or flying at half mast to mark a tragedy. It can also be a symbol of patriotic pride, carried proudly by Olympic athletes as it will be in Beijing this August, or streaming in the wind behind a mighty warship. And who can forget the sudden, spontaneous, outbreak of U.S. flags that erupted across the Nation in the wake of the 9/11 tragedy? That act captured the essence of our Nation and our flag--a nation defiant, strong, and united in the face of adversity. On Saturday, many Americans braved the scorching heat and the violent weather and floods that have caused so much misery in recent days, and observed Flag Day by displaying the flag at their home or their workplace. Mr. President, I close with one of my favorite poems about the flag. It is titled ``Hats Off!'' by Henry Holcomb Bennett. Hats Off! Hats off! Along the street there comes A blare of bugles, a ruffle of drums, A flash of color beneath the sky: Hats off! The flag is passing by! Blue and crimson and white it shines, Over the steel-tipped, ordered lines. Hats off! The colors before us fly; But more than the flag is passing by. Sea-fights and land-fights, grim and great, Fought to make and to save the State: Weary marches and sinking ships; Cheers of victory on dying lips; Days of plenty and years of peace; March of a strong land's swift increase; Equal justice, right and law, Stately honor and reverend awe; Sign of a nation, great and strong To ward her people from foreign wrong: Pride and glory and honor, all Live in the colors to stand or fall. Hats off! Along the street there comes A blare of bugles, a ruffle of drums; And loyal hearts are beating high: Hats off! The flag is passing by!

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Madam President, I am anxious to see action on this issue, but I keep asking myself, are we doing the right thing for the wrong reasons, or the wrong thing for the right reasons? Either way, I cannot support proceeding at this time. The Senate is not yet ready to consider this vastly important and highly complex legislation. It's ramifications are too unknown. In December 2007, after several hearings and with written comments, the Environment and Public Works Committee reported S. 2191, America's Climate Security Act. It includes a hefty 334 pages of legislative text. Since then, a new bill has been drafted and placed on the Senate Legislative Calendar--S. 3036, the Lieberman-Warner Climate Security Act--which is what the Senate will consider if the motion to proceed is adopted. And yet another bill--a third bill--is expected to be offered as a substitute amendment by the chairman of the Environment and Public Works Committee. That bill includes 491 pages of legislative text. That is three bills, in 6 months, totaling 1,167 pages of legislative text. This new bill was circulated only days ago before the Memorial Day recess, and with an additional 157 pages that was not considered by the Environment and Public Works Committee--no hearings, no economic analysis. In early April, after months of examination, the Congressional Budget Office produced a cost estimate on S. 2191, outlining the $1 trillion impact of that measure on the Federal budget, and the $90 billion annual impact on the private sector. Incidentally, this legislation would put hundreds of billions of dollars on automatic pilot, allocated by unelected, unaccountable boards, with little congressional oversight. However, no complete estimates exist for the substitute amendment that the Senate might consider. In addition, the Environmental Protection Agency and the Energy Information Administration at the Department of Energy have produced their economic analysis of S. 2191, outlining the impact of that legislation on different sectors of the economy. But, again, no complete estimates exist for the substitute amendment that the Senate might consider if it proceeds to the underlying bill. Industry and environmental experts differ widely on how these bills will impact the American economy and energy prices. Without better independent analysis of the facts, there is little to prevent Senators from simply talking past one another. This being a presidential election year, the atmosphere is already highly charged. There is already too much political posturing on this complex, albeit popular, issue. This Chamber, the world's greatest deliberative body, must investigate further in order to render an informed decision. There are all kinds of parliamentary tactics that can be used on both sides of the aisle to limit debate and amendments on this bill, or to force votes on dangerous measures. The process can get out of hand very quickly and very easily. I am haunted by another election year debate, when the Congress was rushed to judgement in voting for war in Iraq. And last year, it obviously did not adequately consider the consequences of a fuels mandate, which has contributed to international crisis and famine. In both cases, the result has been far different and far worse than what was thought and said at the time. We must not be rushed to judgement on this vital issue. If not properly drafted, climate change legislation could bring unilateral devastation to critical sectors of the U.S. economy. It could cause massive increases in energy prices for American consumers. If not properly drafted, such legislation could well result in more harm than good. The language of this measure is obviously still evolving, and the American people must know what is being asked of them before the Senate commits to mandatory emission caps. Otherwise, we cannot expect them to long endure the consequences that will surely follow. Without long-term public support, any effort to address this issue will eventually, and quite certainly, unravel.

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, last week the Senate Appropriations Committee met for 3\1/2\ hours and reported responsible legislation that supports the troops, sets a goal for reducing the scope of the mission in Iraq, honors our veterans, and helps Americans to cope with a sagging economy. The bill includes $10 billion of domestic funding not requested by the President, less than what the President spends in Iraq in 1 month. Yet the President has threatened to veto the bill if it is one thin dime--one thin dime--over his, the President's--your President, my President, our President--request. He wants this Congress to approve another $5.6 billion--that is $5.60 for every minute since Jesus Christ was born--to rebuild Iraq. Yes, he wants this Congress to approve another $5.6 billion to rebuild Iraq, despite the fact that Iraq has huge--I mean huge--surpluses from excess oil revenues. He wants funding for Mexico. He wants funding for Central America. But the President says he will veto the bill if we add funding for bridges in Birmingham or for help with the high cost of energy bills in Maine or to fight crime in U.S. towns and cities or to aid Katrina victims. Just yesterday the Director of the Office of Management and Budget repeated the silly assertion that by taking care of America, we hold funding for the troops hostage. This is pure--I am sorry to say, something like horse manure--nonsense. Our legislation includes funds that the President did not request for health care for our troops, for Guard and Reserve equipment, for building and repairing barracks, and for training the Afghans to fight for their own security. In the amendment on which we are about to vote, we honor those who have served America by increasing educational benefits for our veterans. We extend unemployment benefits by another 13 weeks. We honor promises made to the victims of Hurricane Katrina. We roll back Medicaid regulations that our Nation's Governors believe disrupt health coverage for our most vulnerable citizens. We respond to dramatic increases in food prices by increasing funding for the Global Food Aid Program. We also provide humanitarian relief to disaster victims in China, Bangladesh, and in Burma. This amendment includes provisions that have broad bipartisan support, such as funding for Byrne grants and the Rural Schools Program, which runs out of money on June 30, 2008. In the last 18 months, the President has designated 62 disaster grants for floods in 32 States. Yet the President has not requested funding to repair levees, leaving our citizens in Arkansas, Missouri, Louisiana, and other States vulnerable to more flooding. We fund those repairs. This is responsible legislation that supports our troops, honors our veterans, and helps our citizens to cope with a troubled economy. I urge adoption of the pending amendment.

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, this coming Monday, May 26, the nation sets aside a day to honor those brave men and women who died in battle while wearing the uniforms of the Nation's Armed Forces. Soldiers, sailors, marines, and airmen; officers and enlisted; volunteers and draftees; young and old; they were all members of our American family our fathers, brothers, sons, mothers, wives, sisters, cousins, neighbors and friends. More than 41 million Americans have served their nation during a time of war over the course of our history. More than 651,000 Americans have lost their lives as a result of that service. It is likely that somewhere in every family's extended network of relatives, neighbors and friends, there is a veteran, perhaps even a veteran whose service and sacrifice we honor on Memorial Day. Despite the fact that some 200,000 of our fellow citizens are today wearing uniforms and serving in hostile theaters far from home, too many Americans see Memorial Day weekend only as a long weekend marking the end of the school year, the opening of pools, and the beginning of summer. We are beguiled by the warm breezes redolent of honeysuckle. We are distracted by bright sunshine and outdoor pleasures. We are lulled into a sense of security and carelessness, at home in our safe neighborhoods with new-mown lawns, cheerful flowerbeds, and shady streets. It is easy to forget that in distant places, men in dusty uniforms patrol dangerous streets mined with improvised explosive devices. If you take a moment to look more closely, however, you may notice the flags flying from front porches along those shady streets. You might notice other flags, smaller flags, planted in front of marble markers throughout cemeteries around your town, each marking the grave of a veteran. You may notice families visiting gravesites in a ritual as old as war itself, laying down flowers to remember and honor those whose lives were lost too soon, too violently, too far away from home and family, in pursuit of causes larger than themselves. They are gone, but not forgotten by those who knew and loved them best. War is a terrible tool of nations, and its use exacts a high price in both blood and treasure. On Memorial Day, the nation honors those who have paid this price with great courage and even greater sacrifice. It is important to remember the lives of those who were lost, lest we come to think that war is ever easy, or quick, or certain in its course. We do well to remember the words of Sir Winston Churchill, 1874-1965: ``Never, never, never believe any war will be smooth and easy, or that anyone who embarks on the strange voyage can measure the tides and hurricanes he will encounter. The statesman who yields to war fever must realize that once the signal is given, he is no longer the master of policy but the slave of unforeseeable and uncontrollable events.'' The current wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have meant that many of the gravesites being visited this Memorial Day, more than 4,000 of them, are raw and new. Many of the families visiting those graves bring young children with them, children who have lost a father or mother. They know that their parent died a hero. But that knowledge does not make the day-to-day tasks of school, homework, sports practices, or learning life skills from their parents any easier for these children. It does not make it any easier for the parent left behind to shoulder a life's work that they thought would be shared with their partner. As a nation, we should not give them any reason to worry that their family member's sacrifice will ever be dismissed or overlooked. Ours is a fortunate nation, blessed with a rich and bounteous land. It is populated by hard-working, creative, inventive, people who are generous and compassionate. And, it is governed by the best form of government ever devised by man. The tangible symbols of that government are the documents of our government the Declaration of Independence and our Constitution that set forth the ideals by which we live and operate. As a Nation, we do not always live up perfectly to those ideals in practice, but we are again fortunate that the system is self- correcting, with the people ultimately in control. None of these fortuitous circumstances could persist, however, without the bravery, valor, and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform who defend our Nation and preserve our Constitution. To them, we owe eternal gratitude. Their willingness to answer the call to battle, and to fight so valiantly and so well in so many conflicts over the years, has kept the Nation strong. Whether they died at Concord, Gettysburg, in Flanders Fields, Vietnam, or in Iraq and Afghanistan; whether their graves date from this century or those that came before, on this last Monday in May, I hope that Senators and all Americans will set aside a few quiet moments to remember, and honor, the men and women who have lost their lives in the service of the Nation. In those quiet moments, I also hope that the Nation will say a prayer for the families they left behind. I close with a few stanzas from a poem by Theodore O'Hara, entitled, ``The Bivouac of the Dead.'' The Bivouac of the Dead The muffled drum's sad roll has beat The soldier's last tattoo! No more on life's parade shall meet The brave and fallen few. On Fame's eternal camping ground Their silent tents are spread, And glory guards with solemn round The bivouac of the dead. Rest on, embalmed and sainted dead, Dear is the blood you gave-- No impious footstep here shall tread The herbage of your grave. Nor shall your glory be forgot While Fame her record keeps, Or honor points the hallowed spot Where valor proudly sleeps. Yon marble minstrel's voiceless stone In deathless song shall tell, When many a vanquished year hath flown, The story how you fell. Nor wreck nor change, nor winter's blight, Nor time's remorseless doom, Can dim one ray of holy light That gilds your glorious tomb.

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, today the Senate marks the 100th anniversary of the birth of Lyndon Baines Johnson. The Senate has changed much, in a sense; in another sense, it has changed little since the days when Senator and Majority Leader Johnson strode through these halls and presided over this great body. I was fortunate to serve with Majority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson. I was fortunate to serve with President Lyndon B. Johnson. And although most Americans remember Lyndon B. Johnson in his role as President of the United States, it is as majority leader and Senator that I especially recall Lyndon B. Johnson. As I noted upon his death in 1973: In his heart, [he] was a man of the Senate. He had a deep and abiding faith in this body, and its place in the past and the future history of this Republic. It is, therefore, most fitting on the centennial of Lyndon Johnson's birth that he be remembered here in this Senate that he loved. Lyndon Baines Johnson was the majority leader when I came to the Senate in 1959, and from my first day in the Senate, and for the next 2 years, Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson was a mentor and friend, as well as a leader, to me. At that time, my colleagues, the Senate had a long tradition that a newcomer to the Senate would not be assigned to the more important Senate committees. Yet--hear this, my colleagues-- Majority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson placed me on the Appropriations Committee, even though there were several other more senior Members who coveted a position on that prestigious committee. The rest, as they say, is history, still in the making, because I, Robert C. Byrd, am still on the Appropriations Committee. Whenever I went to Lyndon B. Johnson with problems concerning my State of West Virginia, in every instance Majority Leader Johnson was considerate and, in every instance, Majority Leader Johnson tried to be helpful to me. I acknowledged that support and leadership, not only to me but to the Senate, the Democratic Party, and to our Nation, in an address that I titled ``The Role of the Majority Leader in the Senate,'' given at the end of my first year in the Senate. I pointed out that Senator Johnson was ``the cohesive, the centrifugal force by which the majority is held together.'' When he became Vice President of the United States, I again paid tribute to my former colleague and mentor, declaring that his ``political leadership in the Senate [was] a guide and an inspiration to all of us.'' Amidst tragedy, on November 22, 1963, Lyndon Johnson became President of these United States. His administration achieved many accomplishments, especially in the areas of civil rights and social policy. I believe, however, in the observation I made at the time of Lyndon B. Johnson's death: The years Lyndon Johnson spent in the Senate might well have been the happiest and the most satisfying of his life. Lyndon B. Johnson will long be remembered here 100, even 200, years and more after his birth, for his leadership, his sagacity, his wit, for the sheer enjoyment he derived from working in the Senate, and his obvious love for this body and the great Nation it serves. Mr. President, I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I thank the Chair. I ask unanimous consent to speak from my desk.

Mr. BYRD. I thank the Chair, Mr. President. Senator Ted Kennedy Mr. President, before we begin consideration of this important spending bill, I wish to take a moment to say how distraught and terribly shaken I am over the news of my dear friend, my dear, dear friend, Ted Kennedy. My thoughts and my humble prayers are with Senator Kennedy, my dear friend, Ted; with his wife Vicki; and with the members of the Kennedy family. I hope and pray that an all-caring, unlimited God will watch over Ted and keep Ted here for us and for America. Ted, Ted, my dear friend, I love you and I miss you. And Erma, Erma, my darling wife Erma, would say: Thank God for you, Ted. Thank God for you.

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, this afternoon we take up legislation making emergency supplemental appropriations for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and to help Americans cope with a sagging economy. One year ago, Congress sent the President a war funding supplemental that included clear direction to bring our troops home, home, home, sweet home, from Iraq by December of 2007. The President chose to do what? Shame. He chose to veto that bill. If he had signed that bill, most of our troops would be home, home, home, sweet home today. Instead of bringing our troops home, the President demanded an increase in our commitment of U.S. troops--shame--and treasure to this terrible, awful war that has now entered its sixth year--sixth year. How long? How long, O Lord, how long? Mr. President, 4,081 American soldiers have died--died. One can only die once. Over 30,000 U.S. soldiers have been wounded. By the end of 2008, the war in Iraq will have cost over $608 billion--over $608 billion. That is more than $608 for every minute since Jesus Christ was born. Today we are considering the President's request for another $178 billion--another $178--billion for the wars at a time when the U.S. economy is in trouble. Well, one thing is clear. Yes, I am sorry to say one thing is clear in this request: American fighting men and women-- your brothers and sisters and mine--will continue to be in Iraq when the Presidency of George W. Bush ends on January 20, 2009. Shame. I was against that terrible, horrible war from the beginning and so stated on this floor time after time after time. Long after our military fulfilled its mission in Iraq, the White House failed to advance a viable strategy for establishing long-term stability in Iraq. In response, we in the Congress will support our troops--your troops, my troops, our troops--but we will also continue our efforts to get our troops out--O-U-T--of Iraq with honor and take care of our troops after they come home. In the third committee amendment, we set a goal for reducing the scope of the mission in Iraq by June of 2009. We ensure our troop readiness levels are maintained. We limit the time our troops will serve in Iraq. We require Iraq to use more of its surplus oil revenues for reconstruction costs, and we require that any long-term commitments this lameduck President may make with the Government of Iraq be considered as treaties, subject to approval by this Senate. While the war continues in its sixth year--shame--our economy at home is in trouble. Because of President Bush's failed fiscal leadership, in the last 7 years the U.S. Government has amassed the five largest deficits in the history of this great Republic. President Bush has more than doubled the U.S. debt held by China, Japan, and other countries. Economic growth almost came to a halt at the end of last year, with the gross domestic product falling from 4.9 percent in the third quarter to 0.6 percent--0.6 percent--in the fourth quarter. Growth remains at a paltry 0.6 percent this year. Since March 2007, the number of unemployed has increased by 1.1 million workers up to 7.8 million workers. In April, the number of Americans who were out of work for at least 27 weeks rose to 1.35 million. Yet the President--your President, my President, our President--is satisfied to allow unemployment benefits to expire after just 26 weeks. Did you hear that? Shame. I have reviewed the President's request carefully, and there is no evidence--none--of the President asking for funding to invest in America or to help struggling Americans deal with the faltering economy. Yet the President--your President, this President, our President--has already thrown down the gauntlet by threatening to veto the supplemental bill if the Congress has the temerity--did you hear that-- to add one thin dime above his request in order to help our citizens at home. Thirty-two months after Hurricane Katrina, the President continues to resist efforts to help the victims of that terrible storm. The homeless population in New Orleans has doubled to nearly 12,000 since Hurricane Katrina. Only 48 percent of the pre-Katrina hospital beds in the region were staffed as of November of 2006. Violent crime in Louisiana grew 53 percent last year. In the last 18 months, the President has designated 61 disasters for floods in 32 States. Yet the President has not--n-o-t, not--you know, there was a duel between John Shot and John Not. In this case, it was better to be Shot than Not. The President has not requested funds to repair levees or other flood prevention efforts, leaving our citizens in Arkansas--did you hear that--Missouri, Louisiana, and other States, vulnerable to more flooding. But when it comes to Iraq, the President wants the dollars to flow, flow, flow. Congress has already approved $45 billion requested by the President for reconstruction projects in Iraq. Despite the fact that the Iraqi Government is running a huge surplus due to excess oil revenues, our President--your President, my President, the American President--is asking this Congress--the buck stops here--asking you and me and the people in this Congress to approve another $5.6 billion of American taxpayer dollars for reconstruction in Iraq. The President claims that by adding funding for America to this bill we are holding hostage money for the troops. Oh, my heavens, what hogwash. What hogwash. Last year, we sent the President a war supplemental that increased funding to provide better health care for our soldiers, better health care for our veterans, more funding to equip and train the National Guard and Reserve, more funding for mine resistant vehicles, and clear direction to bring our troops home--home sweet home. This year, we once again take care of our troops, but we also invest in America. Last week, the Senate Appropriations Committee met and approved amendments that meet these objectives. Based on the committee action, the Senate will consider amendments that fully fund the President's request for the war. In fact, the legislation increases funding above the President's $168 billion request for the Department of Defense. We include increases for the health care of our troops, for Guard and Reserve equipment, for repairing and constructing barracks, for the mission in Afghanistan, for military childcare facilities, for improving contract management, and for helping--yes, Senator Webb-- wounded troops returning home--home sweet home. We honor those who have served America by increasing educational benefits for our veterans. We extend unemployment benefits by another 13 weeks. We honor promises made to the victims of Hurricane Katrina by funding a 100-year levee in Louisiana, restoring barrier islands in Mississippi, and by rebuilding hospitals, helping the homeless, and fighting crime. We roll back Medicaid regulations that our Nation's Governors believe disrupt health coverage for vulnerable citizens. We respond to dramatic increases in food prices by increasing funding for the global food aid program. We are also generous in providing humanitarian relief to disaster victims in China, Bangladesh, and Burma. We reduce funding for reconstruction in Iraq. We limit the size of taxpayer-financed reconstruction projects. And we require Iraq to match our tax dollars with their surplus oil revenues. This legislation includes provisions that have broad bipartisan support. The veterans legislation has 58 cosponsors. The Medicaid legislation passed the House by a vote of 349 to 62. I have a letter from 56 Senators seeking additional Byrne crimefighting funding. We fund the Rural Schools Program, which runs out of money on June 30, 2008. In total, the amendments include $194 billion for programs under the jurisdiction of the Appropriations Committee, $10 billion above the President's request. This increase is less than what we spend in Iraq in 1 month. So I say to my fellow Senators, Mr. President, this is responsible legislation that supports our troops, responsible legislation that honors our veterans, responsible legislation that helps our citizens cope with a troubled economy. I urge the adoption of the amendment. I yield the floor.

Mr. BYRD. Hear, hear.

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I thank Senator Cochran for his views and his many courtesies. Last week the Senate Appropriations Committee had a 3\1/2\-hour markup of the important legislation that is now before the Senate. I hope the Senate can approve this legislation to support the troops and to help Americans cope with the sagging economy--this week. I yield the floor.

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I thank Senator Webb, Senator Warner, and Senator Hagel for their leadership on this extremely critical issue of providing education benefits to our veterans. I am a cosponsor of their legislation and was happy to include it in the emergency supplemental legislation, approved by the committee last week and now pending before the Senate. On another subject, for purposes of compliance with Senate rule XLIV, I certify that the information required by Senate rule XLIV related to congressionally directed spending has been identified in the committee explanatory statement filed on May 19, 2008, and that the required information has been available on a publicly accessible congressional Web site in a searchable format at least 48 hours before a vote on the pending bill.

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. I ask unanimous consent that Eric Jaffe of the Appropriations Committee staff be granted the privileges of the floor during consideration of the fiscal year 2008 emergency supplemental.

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record an explanatory statement approved by the Committee on Appropriations accompanying three amendments to the House amendments to the Senate amendment to H.R. 2642, concerning emergency supplemental appropriations for fiscal years 2008-2009, which the Committee on Appropriations authorized the chairman to offer on behalf of the committee.

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the attached from the Office of Compliance be printed in the Record today pursuant to section 304(b)(1) of the Congressional Accountability Act of 1995 (2 U.S.C. 1384(b)(1)).

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I am saddened to learn that Mr. Johnny H. Killian has passed away. Mr. Killian was a highly regarded, highly admired, and highly utilized specialist in American public law at the Congressional Research Service. For more than four decades, he advised Members of Congress and our staffs on constitutional issues. He had an encyclopedic knowledge of constitutional principles that was based on his astute mind, his many years of unbiased research, and his keen analytical skills. With his prodigious memory, he could provide guidance and cite, in detail, case law pertaining to nearly all of the key constitutional issues that came before the Senate. My staff and I depended on him for assistance and advice on a number of issues, including the line-item veto, the War Powers Act, eminent domain, prayer in schools, federal funding for education, and privacy protections under the fourth amendment. I always appreciated the level of dedication and pride Mr. Killian took in his work. He was never too busy to answer the phone or return a call. He worked tirelessly to make certain that lawmakers and their staffs stayed always attuned to the original intent of the Framers. When presented with a question or a request, he responded quickly and with an amazing grasp of specifics, and with thorough information, even when presented with an unusual inquiry late in the evening, on a weekend, or even during a holiday or when he was ill at home. All of this professionalism was enhanced by the fact that Mr. Killian was such a pleasant person with whom to work. He was soft-spoken, courteous, and a dedicated public servant. He was a man of incredible patience and kindness, with a warm sense of humor. Mr. Killian will be truly missed by his Senate family, but his legacy as an academic, and a researcher, blessed with an extraordinary legal mind will be with us for a long time. Senators will remember him for a lifelong, commitment to the Constitution. Mr. President, I extend my most heartfelt condolences to his family and many friends.

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, tomorrow we mark the fifth anniversary of the now infamous ``Mission Accomplished'' speech which was delivered by President Bush on the deck of the USS Abraham Lincoln on May 1, 2003. Five years ago, I took issue with the President's choreographed political theatrics because I believed then that our military forces deserved to be treated with respect and dignity, and not used as stage props to embellish a Presidential speech. The President's declaration of ``Mission Accomplished'' and the ``end of major combat operations'' proved wildly premature and dangerously naive. The complete lack of foresight and planning by the President for what lay ahead became tragically clear in short order. Our Nation continues to pay the price every single day. More than 97 percent of the more than 4,000 Americans killed in Iraq lost their lives after the President's flashy declaration of victory. Years from now, I expect that history books will feature the sorry ``Mission Accomplished'' episode as the epitome of this administration's reckless and arrogant foreign policy, which has reaped disastrous consequences for our Nation and the world. We have seen a President who is eager to use American troops for a political backdrop, yet who is seemingly indifferent when it comes to providing those same American troops with the equipment they need, quality health care, or a real plan for ending this terrible war. President Bush has said that history will judge him on his decision to go to war in Iraq. I say that history is already delivering its verdict. It is evident in the strains of the long and multiple deployments that are wearing down our mighty military, and in the sufferings of the American people as they bury their fallen heroes. It is evident in the fear and distrust with which the rest of the world views us, and in the instability wracking the Middle East, Iraq, and Afghanistan as a result of the Bush policies. President Bush has recklessly squandered more than 200 years of American leadership, American good will, and prosperity. If that is what he was aiming for when he took office, then he can claim ``Mission Accomplished.'' That is his legacy. As we write the next chapter in our Nation's history, let us commit to building a new legacy that restores the promise of America, both at home and around the world. Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the attached from the Office of Compliance be printed in the Record today, pursuant to section 304(b)(1) of the Congressional Accountability Act of 1995 (2 U.S.C. 1384(b)(1)).

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Madam President, I am proud to support H.R. 1195, a bill to amend the Safe, Accountable, Flexible, Efficient Transportation Equity Act, and the benefits that it will provide to West Virginia and the rest of the country. However, I must oppose the two amendments offered by Senators Boxer and Coburn. Both amendments have the good intention of ensuring open and honest government, but I must oppose them because of my concerns about their implications, particularly as they may impinge on the powers of the legislative branch. I applaud the Senators for their attempts to eliminate any waste, fraud, and abuse that have plagued the Congress in previous years. As chairman of the Appropriations Committee, I have instituted on-line access to spending bills, so that the public may see where their tax money is being spent. But both of these amendments may inappropriately expose Congress to scrutiny by the executive branch by way of the Department of Justice. Congress is fully capable of proceeding with its own internal investigations. Both Houses have bipartisan Ethics Committees that may undertake these investigations. If criminal activities are discovered in the course of a congressional inquiry, such crimes should then be investigated by the appropriate Federal authorities.

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, it has been written that King of England Edward I--known as the ``Hammer of the Scots''--once tried to prohibit London's burning of coal. He is said to have proclaimed, ``Be it known to all within the sound of my voice, whoever shall be found guilty of burning coal shall suffer the loss of his head.'' Coal has always had its critics. Despite them, coal has not only endured, it has prevailed. It fueled America's Industrial Revolution in the 19th century. It fueled America's naval battleships in the early 20th century. It possesses the bright potential to help America get out from under the thumb of foreign oil-wielding despots in the 21st century. The coal industry has evolved in the last centuries, shaped by safety and environmental critiques. It has professed a willingness to evolve further. But the harsh attacks and efforts to demonize coal on the campaign trail are becoming increasingly irresponsible and inflammatory, and destructive. Coal miners hear these comments, and what are they to think? They are patriotic Americans. They risk their lives every day underground. They reside in the coalfields, where they live honest, modest lives, and where they attend church and teach their children solid values. And they vote. The last thing they deserve is to have their profession--or to have their father's profession--demonized. These kinds of comments are counterproductive to the challenges that lie in front of us. If our Nation is to regain its independence from foreign oil, we must rely on coal. There is no getting around that reality. Coal produces half of the electricity consumed by the American people. It is a cheap, abundant resource in a time when the American people demand stable, reliable energy prices. The U.S. military is already making long-term investments in liquid-coal technology. The chunk of rock that once burned in a stove will soon be widely used in fuel tanks of aircrafts, cars, trucks, and buses, and just about anything else we need it for. Coal will be around for a long, long time. I support a broad energy portfolio. Renewable energies have their place in that portfolio, but they are not a panacea. Certainly one renewable energy alone, like wind, will not guarantee our Nation's energy independence. We need to expand our use of other renewable and alternative fuels. Solar is important, geothermal is showing promise, tidal has great possibilities, and biomass--particularly when combined with coal to help immediately reduce emissions that concern us all--is certainly a fuel worth investing in. It is clear to me that the intent of the Ensign/Cantwell amendment is good, but the benefit of the Alexander amendment is greater. And so I will cast my vote with those who seek a broader investment in renewable energies that is also grounded in the realities of the continuing promise of coal.

Mr. BYRD

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the attached from the Office of Compliance be printed in the Record today pursuant to section 304(b)(3) of the Congressional Accountability Act of 1995 (2 U.S.C. 1384(b)(3)).