G.K. Butterfield

Mr. BUTTERFIELD

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Madam Speaker, President Trump's incitement to violently overturn the results of a free and fair election is an attack on our rule of law. Any President, any Member of Congress who obstructs the electoral college or attacks judges and the court system when there is no evidence to support their contentions undermines the public's trust and confidence in the judicial process. How do my Republican colleagues expect ordinary citizens to respect and trust the courts in civil and criminal matters all across this country? Think about that as you make this decision. Vote ``yes'' on the Articles of Impeachment.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Georgia (Mrs. McBath).

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. How much time remains, Mr. Speaker?

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for her very powerful words. At this time, I yield to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Mfume).

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his comments. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters), the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Financial Services.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I have 12 minutes remaining and I have four speakers. I will try to divide it up 3 minutes each. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Bishop).

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Clyburn very much for his comments tonight. Mr. Speaker, I would inquire how much time is remaining.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Congresswoman for delineating the important difference between the Emancipation Proclamation and the 13th Amendment. The Proclamation was a heroic action of President Lincoln; the 13th amendment was a historic action of this Congress. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn), the Democratic whip of the House.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Thank you, Congressman Davis, for your passionate leadership. You will recall, Congressman, that 5 years ago, President Obama graced us with his presence when we celebrated the 150th anniversary of the 13th Amendment, and your eloquence this afternoon really adds to that history. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I have said for years that the passage and ratification of the 13th Amendment is one of the most significant pieces of legislation ever considered by this body. Had Congress and the States failed to eliminate the despicable institution of slavery, the American experiment would have failed and failed miserably. This afternoon, the Congressional Black Caucus lifts up this American history for the American people to see and understand. In the year 1860, the Republican candidate for President was Abraham Lincoln. Three candidates opposed Lincoln: Stephen Douglas from Illinois, representing the Northern wing of the Democratic Party; John Breckinridge from Kentucky, representing the Southern wing of the Democratic Party; and John Bell from Tennessee, representing the Constitutional Union Party. During this election, Mr. Speaker, the Southern States, the slaveholding Southern States, were very fearful that, if elected, Abraham Lincoln would find a way to end slavery and deprive them of their slaves. Over a period of 240 years, southern plantation owners had purchased African citizens who had been transshipped to the United States from the continent of Africa. The original Constitution, which was effective March 4, 1789, addressed the issue of slavery. It contained a provision that would maintain the slave trade for at least 20 years after the ratification of the Constitution, until January 1, 1809. Though the legal end of the slave trade occurred in 1809, slave trafficking continued, to be sure. Slave women were impregnated by males of both races and encouraged to bear large numbers of children. By 1860, Mr. Speaker, there were nearly 4 million slaves in the United States, mostly in Southern States. The border States of Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, and West Virginia also had a large number of slaves. On November 6, 1860, Mr. Speaker, it was the Presidential election. The American voters spoke, and did they speak loudly. Abraham Lincoln became the 16th President of the United States of America, winning a very large number of electoral votes. Immediately following his election, Southern States, 11 Southern States began seceding from the Union, and that is the map I have here to my left. The first State to secede was South Carolina, right away, on December 20; Mississippi, January 9; followed by Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas. Then after those seven States had seceded from the Union, Abraham Lincoln takes the oath of office and becomes the 16th President of the United States. The oath of office took place on March 3. Today, as we all know, it is January 20, but during those times it was March 3. After Lincoln was installed and inaugurated as President, four more States seceded from the Union. They were Virginia, Arkansas, North Carolina, and Tennessee. Now, Mr. Speaker, the United States is faced with a constitutional crisis of monumental proportions. Eleven States, these 11 Southern States, are now considering themselves a separate nation. They refer to themselves as the Confederate States of America. The so-called Confederate States were formally created on March 11, a mere 8 days following Lincoln's inauguration. The Confederate States of America adopted a constitution. They created a currency, elected its political leaders, stood up a military, adopted a flag, and attempted to do everything a developing nation would do. Great tension now existed between the 23 Union States and the 11 Confederate States. So, Mr. Speaker, we all know what happened then. On April 12, 1861, at 4:30 in the morning, Confederate soldiers opened fired upon Union soldiers at Fort Sumter, South Carolina, in the city of Charleston, and the Civil War begins. It was a brutal war. Southern States had declared war on the Union. Thousands of soldiers lost their lives on both sides of the battle lines. President Lincoln, Mr. Speaker, became very weary. The war was taking its toll on him. It was taking its toll on the democracy. So on September 22, 1862, Lincoln issued what we now know as the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, announcing that, if the rebels did not end the fighting and rejoin the Union by January 1, 1863, 100 days later, all slaves in the rebellious States would be free. On January 1, 1863, Lincoln did what he threatened he would do. President Lincoln, using his power as Commander in Chief of the military, issued an executive order. That order is referred to as the historic Emancipation Proclamation. Mr. Speaker, that proclamation is often recited, and I will recite it here today. It reads as follows. This is the Emancipation Proclamation. It says: ``On the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and the naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.'' A very powerful executive order by President Lincoln. But, Mr. Speaker, Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation was monumental. It proclaimed that slaves residing in the States that were in armed rebellion against the Union were free. Union military forces descended upon Southern States to quiet the rebellion and to bring freedom to the slaves. But, Mr. Speaker, there was great dispute--great dispute--among the legal scholars of that day as to the legal effect of the Emancipation Proclamation. Lincoln took the position that, as Commander in Chief, he possessed the authority to enter orders that would deprive the enemy of any instruments that would aid them in winning the war. The slaves were a major asset to the slaveholders who were in rebellion. So Lincoln took the position that he possessed the power, the absolute power as Commander in Chief, to free the slaves. But some scholars argued that the legal effect of the proclamation was doubtful. It was a singular act of the President, they said, without congressional approval or popular vote. There was some question whether the effect of the proclamation would cease at the end of the war, some question how the Supreme Court would rule if the President's order was eventually judicially reviewed. On April 8, 1864, right in the middle of the war, Mr. Speaker, just before the Presidential election, the United States Senate passed a 13th Amendment to the Constitution, and it needed the approval of this body, the House of Representatives, for it to become law. But House approval was uncertain. So, 7 months later, after it had passed the Senate, 7 months later, on November 8, 1864, Lincoln was then reelected. Lincoln was determined now to take ownership of this legislation to abolish slavery. Lincoln demanded that this body, the House of Representatives, pass the legislation that had been passed by the Senate. Lincoln's election platform had promised that slavery would be abolished by amendment. Lincoln demanded action. White Northern abolitionists, Black abolitionists, demanded action. The war was now at a fever's pitch. Abolition, Mr. Speaker, had to happen. On January 31, 1865, finally, the House of Representatives, this body, finally took up the question of passage of the 13th Amendment. When the vote was taken that day, the 13th Amendment passed by a two- vote margin, a two-vote margin above the needed two-thirds majority. The vote was 119-56. History reports, Mr. Speaker, that the galleries in this Chamber, the galleries which I see at this moment, the galleries were boisterous. There was applause. Women and men cried. They waived their handkerchiefs as the House of Representatives passed the 13th Amendment. It was a grand, grand event. Mr. Speaker, in the final vote, all 86 House Republicans voted in favor of the 13th Amendment, along with 15 Democrats, 14 unconditional Unionists, and 4 Union men. The opposition came from 50 Democrats and 6 Union men. To amend the Constitution, not only does an amendment need to pass both Houses of Congress, but it must be ratified by three-fourths of the States. After the passage by the Senate and the House, the ratification process begins. On February 1, 1865, the very, very next day, the following day, though not required, President Lincoln signed the 13th Amendment, beginning ratification. It had to be ratified by 27 States. Ratification is now underway. The first State, as you can image, Mr. Speaker, was Lincoln's home State of Illinois, the very next day, February 1, 1865, followed by Michigan, Maryland, New York, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, Missouri, Maine, Kansas, Massachusetts, Virginia, Ohio, Indiana, Nevada, Louisiana, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Vermont, Tennessee, and Arkansas. And later that day, Arkansas, which is Mr. Davis' home State--I saw Mr. Davis walk on the floor a moment ago. Arkansas ratified the amendment on April 14, 1865. And later that day, President Abraham Lincoln was assassinated here in Washington, D.C. But ratification continued, and they had needed six more States. On May 4, 1865, it was Connecticut, followed by New Hampshire, followed by South Carolina, followed by Alabama and then my home State of North Carolina on December 4, 1865. And then, finally, Mr. Speaker, on December 6 of 1865, the final State of Georgia ratified the 13th Amendment. When the State of Georgia ratified the 13th Amendment on December 6, 1865, 245 years of slavery legally ended. Four million slaves are free. The former slaves now begin a long and difficult period of reconstruction. In 1868, the former slaves became citizens, with the 14th Amendment. They obtained the right to vote in 1870 under the 15th Amendment. In closing, Mr. Speaker, December 6 is Abolition Day in America, and we should observe it and recognize this history. As elected Members of Congress, Black and White, Democrat and Republican, we must rededicate ourselves to the complete elimination of intentional and systemic racism in America. Mr. Speaker, this is our challenge. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Danny K. Davis).

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members will have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks on this Special Order.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I thank Congresswoman Bass very much for those very kind words, and I thank her for her friendship and for her leadership over the last 2 years as she has led the 55 men and women of the Congressional Black Caucus. I certainly know from past experience that it is a daunting challenge to lead such a caucus. But I thank her so much for her leadership, and I look forward to the future leadership of our new chair, Congresswoman Joyce Beatty. Today, the Congressional Black Caucus is convening to present a Special Order, recognizing the 155th anniversary of the ratification of the 13th Amendment. General Leave

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Bass), the distinguished chair of the Congressional Black Caucus.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I thank all the speakers this evening. I understand the time has been precious, and I thank all of them for their patience and willingness to participate. The 13th Amendment reads as follows: ``Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude . . . shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.'' This amendment was added to the United States Constitution by an act of Congress on January 31, 1865, ratified by the requisite number of States on December 6, 1865, 155 years ago.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman very much for yielding time this afternoon. I rise, Mr. Speaker, in strong support of H.R. 1964, the Lumbee Recognition Act, and I urge my colleagues to vote for its passage. Mr. Speaker, let me just take a moment to thank the chairman of the committee--he is not here today--Mr. Grijalva. I thank him so very much for his friendship and for his leadership on this issue. I thank Mr. Huffman for managing the floor today and recognizing me for just a few moments. And to the ranking member, Mr. Bishop from Utah, I thank him so very much. He is the ranking member of the committee, and I thank him for his leadership as well. Mr. Speaker, I particularly want to thank Mr. Hudson--I don't see Mr. Hudson on the floor, but I know he is very close by--and my friend, Mr. Bishop from North Carolina. I thank both of them for their unwavering support for this legislation. I might say that Robeson County--someone mentioned ``Robeson County'' a few moments ago; it is actually ``Robeson County''--is a part of Mr. Bishop's Ninth Congressional District. This bill, Mr. Speaker, will finally extend full Federal recognition to the Lumbee Tribe of North Carolina, making its members eligible for the same services and benefits provided to members of other federally recognized Tribes. Most importantly, the bill will establish once and for all the Lumbee Tribe as an independent and sovereign entity under Federal law. North Carolina, as Mr. Bishop, I believe, or Mr. Huffman mentioned a moment ago, has recognized the Lumbee Tribe since 1885. This body even recognized the Lumbees in the 1950s, but during the dark days of the termination era, they refused to allow the Lumbee Tribe access to federally funded services and benefits. Almost all the Tribes that were terminated in this troubling era have since been restored to Federal recognition. We are long overdue in delivering the same justice to the Lumbee Tribe. This legislation, Mr. Speaker, has tremendous bipartisan support, as you can see today, tremendous bipartisan support that has only accelerated over the past few months. At the end of September, under Chairman Grijalva's leadership, the Natural Resources Committee passed this bill by a voice vote. It was noncontroversial. Shortly thereafter, Democratic Leader Steny Hoyer announced his support for full Federal recognition for the Lumbee Nation and his intention to bring the bill to the floor. Mr. Hoyer told me, and he told Chairman Godwin in a telephone call a few weeks ago, that he would bring this bill, H.R. 1964, to the floor on November 16. Today is November 16. During the Presidential campaign, Joe Biden gave his unconditional support to this legislation, and President Trump, as Mr. Bishop said, did so as well. Now is the time for the House to get this done. When this legislation passes, it is my fervent hope that our Senate colleagues from both parties will support passage and send it to the President's desk for his immediate signature. In closing, Mr. Speaker, let me remind the House that this legislation has been before this body many times over the years since I have been in Congress. I recall Democratic Congressman Mike McIntyre repeatedly introducing this legislation. In the 110th and the 111th Congress, the House passed this legislation, but it never ever saw the light in the other body. It appears that the legislation now has the support of Senators Burr and Tillis. I am not suggesting that they didn't support it previously. It was another time and another Congress, but it appears that the legislation has the support of Senator Burr and Senator Tillis and it should be favorably considered in the Senate. Therefore, I respectfully ask my colleagues to extend a hand of friendship to the 66,000 members of the Lumbee Nation and grant them their long overdue full Federal recognition. Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to vote ``aye'' on H.R. 1964.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Madam Speaker, on Friday night, a great American, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, passed from labor to reward. Moments after her passing, the Senate Republican Leader announced that Republicans will confirm any name that President Trump will send over, whether it is before or after the election. It was in February of 2016, 9 months before the election, that Justice Scalia unexpectedly passed away, and Senate Republicans announced they would wait until the election of the new President to consider the replacement. Because of this obstruction, President Obama was denied an opportunity to replace Justice Scalia. Republicans then took control and packed the Court with the confirmation of Justice Gorsuch. And now this is 2016 in reverse. The Senate Republican Leader and Lindsey Graham are determined to confirm a replacement before the election. This is the height of hypocrisy. It places the integrity of our judiciary in a place where it should not be. We will not tolerate a second court packing. Do it at your peril.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Madam Speaker, I rise to recognize and celebrate the confirmation of Representative Jean Farmer-Butterfield to the North Carolina Employment Security Board of Review. Representative Farmer-Butterfield proudly represented Wilson County for nearly two decades in the North Carolina House of Representatives. During that time, she distinguished herself as a committed public servant and advocate for the people of Wilson County. Farmer- Butterfield was celebrated by her peers on both sides of the aisle for her powerful skills in negotiation and ability to find compromise amongst her colleagues. In her time serving in the North Carolina General Assembly, she rightly developed a reputation as a lawmaker capable of achieving goals through bipartisan agreement. As a Representative, she was a champion of mental health and substance abuse issues, public schools and early childhood education, and economic development in Wilson County and throughout eastern North Carolina. For nine consecutive terms, Wilson County residents voiced their approval of Farmer-Butterfield's zealous and impactful advocacy for them and demonstrated their appreciation and confidence in her through their votes. Now, she will continue her long career of public service on the Board of Review where her intellect and work ethic will benefit many across North Carolina. I commend Governor Cooper for his nomination of Representative Farmer-Butterfield and the General Assembly for confirming her appointment. On behalf of the residents of the First Congressional District of North Carolina and especially those in Wilson County, I thank Representative Farmer-Butterfield for her many years of dedicated service in the North Carolina House of Representatives and wish her continued success on the North Carolina Employment Security Board of Review. Congratulations, Jean.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Madam Speaker, I rise to recognize the profound contributions of North Carolina's own, Sarah Keys Evans, a civil rights pioneer in the fight against racial segregation, and to celebrate the unveiling of the Sarah Keys Evans Plaza in Roanoke Rapids, North Carolina. The unveiling Ceremony for the plaza will take place on Saturday, August 1, 2020; at the M.L. King Community Park. Before the 1955 arrest of Rosa Parks and the Montgomery bus boycott that followed, there was Sarah Keys Evans. Her refusal to give up her seat on an interstate charter bus prompted the landmark court case, Sarah Keys v. Carolina Coach Company, in which the Interstate Commerce Commission outlawed the segregation of Black passengers in buses traveling across state lines. On August 1, 1952, Women's Army Corps, Private Sarah Keys, boarded a bus in Trenton, New Jersey for her first home visit to North Carolina since joining the military. The bus she boarded would take her directly to her North Carolina destination without any required bus changes. Once the bus reached Roanoke Rapids, North Carolina, a new driver took over the bus and as was custom, went through the bus and re- checked tickets. When he came to Ms. Keys, he told her to give up her seat to a white Marine who boarded the bus in Roanoke Rapids and move to the back of the bus. Tired from her long journey, Sarah refused. Frustrated with her persistence, the bus driver announced that all passengers would be moving to a different bus, but the woman who refused to change her seat, referring to Ms. Keys, would not be allowed to board the new bus and would not be allowed to continue the trip. Shortly thereafter, two police officers arrived at the bus terminal, took Sarah by the arms into a patrol car and drove her to the Roanoke Rapids police station. Because she refused to be subjected to unjust discrimination and prejudice, she was forced to stay in jail overnight and was fined before her release. Once Sarah arrived home and informed her family of the injustice she endured, her father encouraged her to seek legal action. The NAACP referred the family to attorney Dovey Johnson Roundtree, who brought her case before the Interstate Commerce Commission. After battling initial rejection by an examiner and various barriers, three years later, the case was settled in 1955. In Sarah Keys v. Carolina Coach Company, the ICC ruled in favor of Keys Evans. In their decision, the Commission found the Interstate Commerce Act forbids segregation as the practice subjects passengers to ``unjust discrimination, and undue and unreasonable prejudice and disadvantage, in violation of Section 216(d) of the Interstate Commerce Act and is therefore unlawful.'' The fight for civil rights in America is a story heavy laden with unsung heroes and hidden figures who paved the way to progress. I am glad to know, that through the creation of the Sarah Keys Evans Plaza in Roanoke Rapids, the story of Sarah Keys Evans, an Army veteran and civil rights pioneer, will be displayed for all to see and learn from. It is my hope that her story of courage in the face of adversity will inspire others to never be afraid to stand up for what is right--even if that means staying in your seat. Madam Speaker, North Carolinian Sarah Keys Evans, now 91 years-old, is a living example that change is possible if we are willing to stand up and fight for what is right. I ask my colleagues to join me in celebrating the unveiling of the Sarah Keys Plaza in honor of a true civil rights pioneer.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I send to the desk a concurrent resolution and ask unanimous consent for its immediate consideration.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee), from the 18th District of Texas, a senior member of the Committee on the Judiciary, Committee on Homeland Security, and the author of H.R. 40, Ms. Jackson Lee.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes time to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Mfume), my friend, who is not only the representative of a district in Maryland, but also the former national president of the NAACP.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Thompson), the chairman of the Committee on Homeland Security, a great warrior of many years, Mr. Bennie Thompson.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Kennedy). Mr. Speaker, before he speaks, the history that I have read over the years suggests to me that, on January 31, 1865, when the 13th Amendment was passed by this body, this Chamber, Mr. Kennedy, the gallery was full of White abolitionist women from the Commonwealth of Massachusetts who waved handkerchiefs and cheered for a prolonged period of time, cheering the 13th Amendment.

Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Raskin), a member of the House Committee on Administration, a great constitutional scholar and friend.