Roland Burris

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Subcommittee on Surface Transportation and Merchant Marine Infrastructure, Safety, and Security on Commerce, Science, and Transportation be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 28, 2010, at 3 p.m., in room 253 of the Russell Senate Office Building.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Subcommittee on Consumer Protection, Product Safety, and Insurance of the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 28, 2010, at 10:30 a.m., in room 253 of the Russell Senate Office Building.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Select Committee on Intelligence be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 28, 2010 at 2:30 p.m.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on the Judiciary be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate, on September 28, 2010, at 10 a.m., in room SD-226 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building, to conduct a hearing entitled ``Restoring Key Tools to Combat Fraud and Corruption After the Supreme Court's Skilling Decision.''

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Indian Affairs be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 28, 2010, at 10 a.m. in room 628 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Finance be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 28, 2010, at 10 a.m., in room 215 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building, to conduct a hearing entitled ``Do Private Long-Term Disability Policies Provide the Protection They Promise?''

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Environment and Public Works be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 28, 2010, at 10 a.m. in room 406 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I stand today to honor a great man of American music--a man whose name is largely unknown, but his music is known and loved around the world. This man is Mr. Irving Burgie. Mr. Irving Burgie more popularly known as ``Lord Burgess'' was born in Brooklyn, NY, in 1924. He was raised in the close-knit West Indian- American community of New York City during the Great Depression. The Second World War took him from Brooklyn to the other side of the world in the jungles of what is now Thailand. Under the guns of the Japanese army, a young Irving Burgie and other troops in the segregated Army of the time built and maintained the famous ``Burma Road.'' Following the war, Mr. Burgie studied music at Julliard, the University of Arizona, and the University of California. While performing in New York in the mid-1950s, he met Harry Belafonte. This was the beginning of a collaboration that would lead to the 1956 release of ``Calypso,'' the first album to sell 1 million copies. The album included Irving Burgie's adaptation of ``The Banana Boat Song'' better known as ``Day-O'' and spent 99 weeks on the charts. Irving Burgie is credited with composing and arranging over 50 songs on ASCAP. He wrote the ``National Anthem of Barbados'' his beloved mother's native land. His world-famous songs, including ``Island in the Sun'' and ``Jamaica Farewell,'' have been recorded by Harry Belafonte, Miriam Makeba, The Kingston Trio and Jimmy Buffet and featured in the hit movies ``Island in the Sun'' and ``Beetlejuice.'' In his later years, Mr. Irving Burgie helped to form the Black Men of Queens County Federation, an organization devoted to helping African- American young men find their own success, through mentoring and scholarship programs. He later established the Irving Burgie Award for Excellence in Literary and Creative Arts. Irving Burgie is a songwriter, author, and committed citizen who has brought joy to the world through music and has contributed to the best of American culture and society.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, we are in the process of debating the small business bill. I am so grateful to the distinguished Senator from Louisiana who has fought so hard to get this bill through the process of cloture, including an amendment attached to that piece of legislation which makes available $30 billion for the community banks to help out small businesses. I hate that it has taken so much time to get these important pieces of legislation through this body and out where it will benefit those needing it. Based on that, I am hoping we will bring this piece of legislation to a very speedy and expeditious close and that we will not continue to find political maneuverings to hamper the passage of this small business bill. For the last 2 years, this country has been held in the grips of an unprecedented economic crisis. The housing market collapsed. The bottom dropped out of Wall Street. For the first time in generations, many Americans felt their hard-earned economic security begin to slip away. Too often, the focus of legislation has been on Wall Street rather than on Main Street. We have made some significant progress since the onset of our current crisis, but we still have a very long way to go, especially in creating new and sustainable jobs. But this is an election year, and that means partisan bickering is on the rise. So I believe my colleagues and I have a decision to make. We must make a decision. We can focus on winning the next news cycle, pitting Republicans against Democrats and falling into the same tired political battles that usually consume election years in Washington or we can reach for something better. We can tune out the partisan fights, reject the failed policies that got us into this mess, and prove to the American people that we have the will to make tough decisions to get our collective economy on the move again. Our recovery is far from complete. We need to create more jobs. We need to bring American families more relief. Government can put people to work, but only the private sector--especially the small business sector--can create real and lasting employment. I believe that if we fail to continue the bold policies that pulled us back from the brink of disaster--if we shrink away from the difficult decisions that will move this recovery forward--then we place our economy at risk by slipping back into a recession. This is a time for bold action, not pointless ideological battles. The Small Business Lending Act will move this economy forward in real and tangible ways. That is what the American people want and need, and they are asking us to get about the business of doing it. The bill before us gives small businesses $12 billion in tax cuts. It helps small businesses create 500,000 new jobs. It incentivizes and increases small business lending. It helps small business owners access private capital to finance expansion and to hire new workers. That is where the jobs are going to be created, is with these small businesses we are now seeking to help. It rewards entrepreneurs for investing in new small businesses. It helps Main Street businesses compete with large corporations. Just this past Friday, I hosted a small business forum in Chicago at Chicago State University and I spent the day talking with business owners from all walks of life from all over my State and from a wide range of industries. Everyone I spoke with said the same thing: We need help now. Pass the legislation. That is what they were telling me. Tomorrow I will host a small business forum in partnership with my good friends over in the other Chamber, in the House of Representatives, including Congressman Lacy Clay of Missouri and Congresswoman Yvette Clark. Together, we hope to work directly with these small business owners to get capital flowing again. These entrepreneurs are not asking for a handout from this government; they are asking for the tools and resources to grow themselves, to work and to build within their communities, and to create jobs for hard-working Americans. That is what they are asking for. Everyone I spoke with reminds me that there are many ways each of us can act to advance the interests of each of those small businesses in our own States. But together, by acting collectively and by supporting this bill, we can take a major step forward in strengthening our American economy. As I have reminded this Chamber before, long before I entered public service, I was a banker. As a matter of fact, I was the vice president of the largest bank in my State. It no longer exists now, but it was Continental Illinois Bank and Trust Company. We were the seventh largest bank in America at that time. I ran a division that loaned money to small businesses. So I have firsthand knowledge and information of what it takes to finance and to run these businesses, because if I loaned you the bank's money, you were going to pay me back. It was not my money, it was the depositors' money, and I had to be the custodian of that money. Guess what. Just last Friday in Chicago, we celebrated the 40th anniversary of a company called Central City Productions--the largest black-owned production business in America--that produces TV programs and other marketing and competitive programs for the communities. They have been in business for 40 years. I loaned that young man in those days $50,000. Of course, that was 1970, and $50,000 went a long way then. It probably would take about $1 million to do what we did with $50,000 then, in today's market. So that is the knowledge I bring before this body and to this legislation we have on the floor: Knowing what small businesses take; knowing what we need to do to help those companies get the resources they need so they can get their inventory, so they can get their line of credit, so they can then put their people to work and sell their goods and services to their respective customers. There is no greater investment we can make if we are serious about sustainable job creation and growth and to encourage investment and loaning to small businesses. So I call upon my colleagues in this great body to seize this opportunity. Let's keep America on the road to recovery and restore the hard-earned security of ordinary folks who have suffered because of bad decisions on Wall Street. It will not be easy, but it is our responsibility, and it is the right thing to do. We have that responsibility. We have no other alternative than to, as the old saying goes, do the right thing. We must make sure this legislation is passed. We should start by increasing our support right now for this legislation for small businesses. These companies foster progress and they foster innovation. They have the power to create jobs and direct investment to local communities, where it can have the most and greatest impact and make a difference in our economic status. Small businesses form the backbone of our economy, but in many ways they have suffered the most as a result of this economic crisis. That is why this sector should be targeted for our strongest support. There should be no debate about this. It should not be Republican or Democrat. This should be about helping America create jobs. We have outsourced all our jobs already to the foreign markets, which have shipped the manufacturing jobs out to other markets. We have to get back to manufacturing. Our small innovative companies should come back in so they can then create manufacturing jobs, so we can have value- added products and continue the workstream for people to be employed. I ask my colleagues to reject the tired politics that got us into this mess and embrace the spirit of bipartisanship that can lead us out of this mess. On behalf of small businesses, I call upon this body to take action. Our economic future may be uncertain, but with the Small Business Lending Act, we have the rare opportunity to influence that future. So let's pass this measure and guarantee some degree of relief for the people who continue to suffer the most. Let's renew our investment in America's small businesses and rely on them to drive our economic recovery. Let's do it now. Let's do it today. Let's don't even do it tomorrow. Thank you. I yield the floor and I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, even though he has left the floor, I would like to thank the distinguished Senator from Wyoming for permitting me to proceed. I want to comment on what the distinguished Senator from North Carolina spoke on because that is my topic as well. We hope to be able to bring up this issue on the Senate floor and get some justice for the Black farmers. I come to the floor today to speak about justice and the Department of Agriculture. Let me go back a few years. Though civil rights legislation in the 1960s was supposed to have outlawed racial discrimination, at least on the Federal level, a 1982 report issued by the Civil Rights Commission stated that the USDA was ``a catalyst in the decline of the black farmer.'' That year, African-American farmers received only 1 percent of all farm ownership loans, only 2.5 percent of all farm-operating loans, and only 1 percent of all soil and water conservation loans. That year, too, the Reagan administration closed the USDA's Civil Rights Office-- the very arm that investigated discrimination complaints. Adding insult to injury, when African-American and other minority farmers filed complaints, the USDA did little to address them. In 1983, President Reagan pushed through budget cuts that eliminated the USDA Office of Civil Rights--and officials admitted they ``simply threw discrimination complaints in the trash without ever responding to or investigating them'' until 1996, when President Clinton ordered the office re-opened. Even when there were legal findings of discrimination at USDA, they often went unpaid--and those that did get paid, the money often came too late, since the farm had already been foreclosed. In 1984 and 1985, the USDA lent $1.3 billion to farmers nationwide to buy land. Of the almost 16,000 farmers who received those funds, only 209 were Black. By 1992, in North Carolina, the number of Black farms had fallen to 2,498, a 64 percent drop since 1978. In Illinois, there are many similar stories. As a child growing up on the family farm in west central Illinois, Lloyd Johnson remembers cropland extending for miles around, all of it owned by African- Americans like himself. ``For a stretch of four miles, it was black- owned land,'' the 66-year-old farmer recalls. ``Now there's mighty few.'' Today, Johnson's farm in Alton, IL, is one of just 59 run by African Americans across the State, down from 123 in 1997, according to revised figures from a 2002 census. As farming has become a big business, it has become one of the least diverse businesses around. It was not always. In 1920, Illinois had 892 Black farmers, and African Americans owned 14 percent of the Nation's farmland. Now they hold less than 1 percent. The same pressure to consolidate that has reduced the ranks of farmers for the past century is making any turnaround unlikely, demographers say. The number of Black farmers in Illinois, currently less than one in 1,000, appears destined to eventually hit zero. Probably there will be none very shortly. In 1990, The Minority Farmers Rights Act, created to address the injustices noted at USDA, and passed in this body by former Senator Wyche Fowler of Georgia, who sat on the Agriculture Committee, authorized $10 million a year in technical assistance to minority farmers. The new program was only able to garner $2 to $3 million a year under President Reagan, and was in danger of being de-funded altogether. As working capital and technical assistance was systematically denied to Black farmers across America, most rural African-American farmers did not have access to essential legal assistance and fell prey to land speculators and unscrupulous lawyers. In 1994, the Land Loss Prevention Project filed a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit on behalf of Black farmers, turning key information over to Congress to investigate discriminatory practices by the USDA. Again, USDA released a report analyzing data from 1990 to 1995, and found that ``minorities received less than their fair share of USDA money for crop payments, disaster payments, and loans.'' In 1997, a USDA Civil Rights Team found the agency's system for handling civil rights complaints was still in shambles: the agency disorganized, the process for handling complaints about program benefits ``a failure,'' and the process for handling employment discrimination claims was ``untimely and unresponsive.'' A follow-up report by the GAO in 1999 found that 44 percent of program discrimination cases, and 64 percent of employment discrimination cases, had been backlogged for over a year. It was against this backdrop in 1997, that a group of Black farmers led by Tim Pigford of North Carolina filed a class action lawsuit against the USDA. In all, 22,000 farmers were granted access to the lawsuit, and in 1999, the government admitted wrongdoing and agreed to a $2.3 billion settlement--the largest civil rights settlement in history. However, African-American farmers had misgivings with the process of the Pigford settlement. Many farmers who joined the lawsuit were also denied payment. By one estimate, 9 out of 10 farmers who sought restitution under Pigford were denied. The Bush Department of Justice spent 56,000 office hours and 12 million contesting farmers' claims; and many farmers feel their cases were dismissed on technicalities. I would like to remember what Congresswoman Eva Clayton, an African- American Democrat from North Carolina, said at a March 1999 Black farmers rally at the Federal Courthouse in Washington, DC: ``There is reason to despair . . . There are several reasons why the number of black farmers is declining so rapidly. But the one that has been documented time and time again, is the discriminatory environment present in the Department of Agriculture . . . the very agency established to accommodate the special needs of farmers . . . Once land is lost, it is very difficult to recover . . . We stand here today in despair over this history. Yet, we also stand here today in hope that justice will prevail, and that the record will be set right for those farmers who have been wronged . . . '' Shortly after coming into office, President Obama's Secretary of Agriculture, Tom Vilsack, signaled a change in direction at USDA. The Secretary has declared ``A New Civil Rights Era at USDA,'' and stepped- up handling of civil rights claims in the agency. This year, Secretary Vilsack responded to concerns over handling of the original Pigford case, agreeing to a historic second payment in April, known as Pigford II, that would expand the settlement to farmers who were excluded from the first case. We are here today to help put an end to this long-standing injustice. Pigford II is before us and will help make right this history of discrimination by one of our own government agencies. I want to thank Leader Reid for his unceasing efforts in bringing the Pigford II and Cobell settlements before us, and I thank others who came before me and those of us here today, on both sides of the aisle, who have advanced the force of justice on this issue. I urge my colleagues to consider carefully this important question today.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, every so often, in the pantheon of scientific achievement, there comes an individual with both the intellect and the drive to further the course of scientific thought, an individual of extraordinary abilities, a truly original mind, which not only contributes to the work of modern science, but steps to the forefront and blazes a trail for others to follow. I wish to recognize and honor the contributions of one such person, one of the select fine minds who possesses the drive, determination, and the extraordinary ability to continually explore and challenge the limits of scientific knowledge. Today I am proud to recognize the important work and achievements of Dr. Robert A. Cartlidge. Dr. Cartlidge is a leader in the fields of biology, biochemistry, and genetics. He is a brilliant scholar, laboratory researcher, and educator. But most important, he has dedicated himself to the advancement and education of others in his field, and he continues to pave the way for future innovators in biological science to carry the torch even further. Dr. Cartlidge was educated at one of the most prestigious and well- respected institutions in the world, the University of Cambridge. Following his undergraduate work, which was marked by academic achievement, he was invited by the university's academic administration to receive an honorary master's degree in Natural Sciences, joining ranks with some of the greatest minds in science. Robert Cartlidge was then singled out by the Wellcome Trust, a global charity dedicated to supporting the brightest minds in biomedical research and the medical humanities, to receive a significant and nationally recognized academic award in Scotland: the prestigious Wellcome Trust PhD Programme. From there, he embarked on a career dedicated to cancer research to focus on unlocking the complexities of this deadly and indiscriminate disease. Dr. Cartlidge's innovative findings have been published in leading international scientific and academic journals and have been the basis for scientists who have come after him, learning from his publications, building upon his work, and advancing the causes of science ever further. The scientific research tools Dr. Cartlidge has created have since been developed into commercial products, and his novel cell system continues to find use in laboratories and universities across the United States and Canada. By themselves, any of these accomplishments would be worthy of recognition. But Dr. Cartlidge, for all of his extraordinary ability, was not content merely to shut himself in the laboratory and seek advances on his own. Instead, he devoted himself to education and collaboration, working with students and institutions all over the world to broaden his field of his expertise. Across the reaches of three continents, he has taught, judged, lectured, assessed performance, or designed courses for innumerable fellow scientists, peers, educators, and medical students. And in so doing, Dr. Cartlidge has broadened America's scientific influence, encouraged ingenuity across the globe, and reaffirmed the innovative spirit that will lead our country to a prosperous future. Dr. Cartlidge seized upon the opportunity to join his natural intellect with a world-class education and quickly distinguished himself as a singular figure in modern science. His is an extraordinary ability, the likes of which are rarely seen in this or any other field. We are all grateful that he has dedicated himself to such a selfless career in this, most dynamic and innovative of nations. I commend Dr. Cartlidge for his extraordinary contributions to science. I celebrate his role in expanding scientific knowledge across the globe. And I thank him for his selfless commitment to the education of other professionals in his field, both in the United States and across the world.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, as a longtime public servant, I have always had the utmost regard for individuals who dedicate themselves to a greater cause. Among these, educators stand out in my mind as especially worthy of thanks and recognition. I often say that educators have an eternal impact on our country's youth. From primary school through graduate school, these dedicated men and women are charged with shaping the next generation of Americans. They provide our Nation's young people with the inspiration to achieve, and the tools to succeed in a global marketplace. So today, I honor one such educator, Professor Thomas L. Charlton--a brilliant scholar, a remarkable advocate for the values of higher learning, and an avid student of history in his own right. Professor Charlton began his career in 1962, at San Antonio College, where he taught as many as five classes at one time. He developed a passion for teaching that would guide him for the rest of his career. After he earned his Ph.D. in 1969 at the University of Texas at Austin, he became a professor of history at Baylor University. At Baylor, he founded the Institute for Oral History. And over the next quarter century, he presided over its ascension as one of the top oral history research centers in the country. He pushed for excellence at every turn, and he dedicated himself to the preservation of our rich past. In 1981, Dr. Charlton authored a landmark academic text on the oral history of Texas, entitled ``Oral History for Texans.'' The following year, he became founding president of the Texas Oral History Association and saw his national reputation grow by leaps and bounds. But for all the acclaim and success that he enjoyed, those who know Professor Charlton will be quick to point out that he is never happier than when he is out in the field with a group of his graduate students. He has never lost the passion for teaching that he discovered in the early days of his career--a passion which has guided him to this day. In the last two decades, Professor Charlton served the Baylor community as vice provost for research, and later as director of the Texas Collection library. And after nearly half a century of dedicated service at the college level, he announced his retirement earlier this year. Mr. President, today I honor the tremendous contributions Thomas Charlton has made during his remarkable career. I celebrate the achievements that have marked his tenure and the lives he touched at every step along the way. But even as we wish him a happy retirement and recognize the indelible mark he has left on Baylor University, I cannot help but reflect that, among his students, his peers, and all who share his dedication, he will be sorely missed. I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I am impressed by the distinguished Senator from Delaware. Not only has he outlined the information in the small business legislation which we are in the process of debating, but he so eloquently expounded on what we have done in health care to respond to the second opinion of our distinguished colleague from Wyoming. The Senator from Delaware did a tremendous job of covering the health care issue and what is actually in the bill. It has to be on the record. I thank the Senator for being eloquent in that regard. I am here to speak about the small business legislation. I must also commend the Senator from Delaware, as he covered some key points. Being a former banker myself, an individual who actually financed companies-- when I was in the banking business, I financed small businesses, even startup businesses--I have a great knowledge of what it takes to make sure those businesses have the necessary capital and resources in order to survive and provide jobs across the respective communities they serve. The legislation before us is crucial to the recovery of our respective communities with this recession. As a public servant, I have been a strong advocate for American small businesses, especially disadvantaged and minority-owned businesses, because they are the engine of the economy. Before I was a public official, I was a banker. I worked hard every day to spur investments on Main Street. I worked to make capital available for small businesses so entrepreneurs and innovators could create jobs and bring prosperity to local communities. Today, as a result of the harsh economic reality in which we are existing, many of these businesses are finding it tougher than ever to survive. Credit is largely dried up. Capital investment is difficult to come by. Even as our economy begins to move forward toward recovery, small and disadvantaged businesses continue to lag behind. I believe we need to place small businesses at the heart of our response to this crisis. More needs to be done. Passing the Small Business Lending Act would be a step in the right direction. This incentive will create jobs for struggling Americans by providing increased lending to small businesses so they can support and expand their operations. Small businesses are in a position to create well-paying jobs and produce growth at the local level. It is time to make them a priority again. If we fail to act today, if we fail to pass the Small Business Lending Act and fall short of our commitment to America's innovators and entrepreneurs, I fear our Nation will fall into a jobless recovery, and small businesses across the country will continue to suffer the detrimental effects of this recession. I recognize government cannot directly create jobs in the same way the private sector can but few can deny that government has an integral role in getting America back on track. Our job as public officials is to support and promote responsible practices, implement sensible regulations, and help direct investments to the areas that need it most. Under current law, the Small Business Administration provides key support to small businesses through its 8(a) program. This program offers technical assistance, training, and contract opportunities to small businesses that meet specific criteria. I am a strong advocate of this initiative which has helped to keep small and disadvantaged businesses viable and make sure everyone has a chance to share in the economic prosperity. Mr. President, 8(a) has made a difference in numerous communities. It has eased some of the worst effects of the crisis for those entities that are most vulnerable. Yet despite its success, this program's impact and reach has been restricted because only a small number of businesses are eligible for this kind of support. That is why I introduced an amendment during the debate that would expand the 8(a) program. My measure would have increased the continued eligibility amount from $750,000 to $2.5 million, so more small businesses could benefit from this assistance. But, unfortunately, my amendment was not included in the final package. While it did not make the cut this time, I hope my colleagues will join me in giving further consideration and attention to the 8(a) program in the near future. What this will do is allow those individuals who may have reached a net worth of $1.1 million or $1.2 million or $1.5 million or even $2 million to say they are still small. In this economy, if you have $2 million, people say you are rich. Well, that is not the case if you are a small businessperson. That is the reason why I am saying in order to still be able to qualify for the 8(a) program, we should increase the eligibility amount to $2.5 million, and thereby they can continue to compete and continue to have a chance to be in the small and disadvantaged minority category. Expansion of this program would afford our small businesses the assistance they need and create jobs for Americans amid this rough economic climate. With the Small Business Lending Act before us today, we have an opportunity to renew our investment in America's small businesses. I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of this legislation so we can foster economic growth on the local level and generate much needed jobs. I wish to reiterate what the distinguished Senator from Delaware said in terms of how we can expand these businesses by giving tax incentives to these companies, by eliminating the capital gains tax that would come about for any transaction they would make, by allowing them to write off the depreciation for their capital purchases. We have this legislation before us now, which we must pass before we adjourn for our summer recess, and get this legislation over to the House so the House can pass it before they adjourn, a week before we adjourn. We need to make sure we get this legislation passed. We saw the Senator from Louisiana fight gallantly to pass the amendment to allow the banks to have $30 billion which they could put out for small businesses. That amendment had been stricken, and the Senator did not yield to that deduction from that piece of this package. She fought to get that amendment into this legislation. Now what we must do is get the 60 votes needed to pass the Small Business Lending Act so we can get about the business of saying, yes, we are concerned about Main Street as much as we are about Wall Street. When we do that, we can go back to our constituents and say we have done something that is beneficial to our communities which will help us to get this economy moving again to help those people who need it the most. Mr. President, I see the distinguished Senator from New Hampshire on the floor. I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. I want to echo the sentiments of the distinguished Senator from Oregon. His comments are very well taken. I also rise to support the distinguished Senator from the great State of Louisiana in her efforts to deal with this amendment to add to the small business legislation, of getting this $30 billion out to the community banks so they can put those dollars in the communities. For the past 2 years, this country has been held in the grips of an unprecedented economic crisis. The housing market collapsed. The bottom dropped out of Wall Street. And for the first time in generations, many Americans felt their hard- earned economic security begin to slip away. Here in Washington, Members of the House and Senate were faced with a harsh reality: For decades, regulators and policymakers alike had fallen short of their responsibilities. A divisive political process drove them to duck the tough issues, and kick the can down the road, time and time again. This failure of regulation, and the absence of political will, allowed Wall Street fat cats to let their greed get the better of them. They gambled with our economic future. They designed complicated financial products and placed high-stakes bets against them. In short, they built a house of cards, and when it finally came crashing down, the American economy lay in ruins. There can be no quick fixes after a disaster of this magnitude. But under President Obama's leadership, our elected leaders finally took the bull by the horns and did what was necessary to stop the bleeding, and set our country back on the road to recovery. I was proud to join many of my colleagues in supporting the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act--a landmark stimulus bill that helped reverse the rising tide of economic misfortune. Thanks to this legislation, and to the landmark legislation that was signed into law just yesterday, that created the most sweeping reform of Wall Street since the Great Depression, we are on the road to recovery. But as anyone in this chamber can tell you, the real key to a full recovery is jobs. And no sector of this economy creates jobs more effectively than small businesses. Long before I ever entered public service, I was a banker. I know firsthand what it takes to support our small business community because I have done it. This is a time for bold action. Not pointless ideological battles. This is a time to move forward, not back. So I call upon my colleagues to seize this opportunity. Let's keep America on the road to recovery and restore the hard-earned security of ordinary folks and small business owners who are in desperate need of help. We should start by increasing our support for small businesses, especially those owned by disadvantaged and minority individuals. These companies foster progress and innovation. They have the power to create jobs, and direct investment to local communities, where it can have the greatest impact. Small businesses form the backbone of our economy, but in many ways, they have suffered the most as a result of this economic crisis. It is no secret that minority-owned businesses, particularly those in poor or urban areas, have been hit hardest by the current economic downturn. That is why these are the areas we should target for our strongest support. We can rely on a proven initiative to inject new life into disadvantaged areas. So I would ask my colleagues to support the Small Business Lending Act. I would ask them to reject the tired politics that got us into this mess, and embrace the spirit of bipartisanship that can lead us out. On behalf of small and minority-owned businesses, I call upon this body to take action. Our economic future may be uncertain, but with the Small Business Lending Act, we have the rare opportunity to influence that future. So let's pass this measure, to guarantee some degree of relief for the people who continue to suffer the most. Let's renew our investments in America's small businesses, and rely on them to drive our economic recovery. And let's do so today. I have financed them from scratch. They would walk in to me and say, look, I got an idea. I love to do this. Let's get a business plan together. Where do they get the capital from to create the jobs that are needed? They get it from the bank giving them credit, taking some equity from them, getting some investment from them. That is what I have done. I stand on this floor, with successful lending from banks to small companies. It created jobs. Some of them are still in business today, some 40 years later. Some of them have been sold off and bought off by big Fortune 500 companies. They were able to start from scratch. I know what it takes in a small community to lend to small businesses. Now we are up here talking about, we are not going to put in resources. This is not going to cost us any money. The taxpayers are due to support these types of efforts. That is what we are here for. The purpose of government is to do for those which they cannot do for themselves. Now we are debating on this floor whether we are going to put the money into helping small businesses, give it to the banks to lend to the small businesses, so they can then go out and hire people. This ought to be a no-nonsense vote. It makes no sense what we are doing on this floor, debating this issue at this time, when this economy is in this condition. So having lent money to small businesses, having been a banker, where your stripes depended on many good loans you made, I have been there, and I support this legislation 100 percent. If we can put those resources into those banks, that will then put them into the community, the banks are not going to be out there giving this money away. This is not charity. It is going make money for us. So let us wise up. Let us make sure we support this amendment, pass it now, and get on to the business of helping small businesses. I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, we are on the small business bill; is that correct?

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Thank you, Madam President. For the past 2 years, this country has been held in the grip of an unprecedented economic crisis. The housing market collapsed, the bottom dropped out of Wall Street, and for the first time in generations many Americans felt their hard-earned economic security begin to slip away. Here in Washington, Members of the House and Senate were faced with a harsh reality: For decades, regulators and policymakers alike had fallen short of their responsibilities. A divisive political process drove them to duck the tough issues and kick the can down the road time and time again. This failure of regulation and the absence of political will allowed Wall Street fat cats to let their greed get the better of them. They gambled with our economic future. They designed complicated financial products and placed high-stake bets against them. In short, they built a house of cards, and when it finally came crashing down, the American economy lay in ruins. There can be no quick fixes after a disaster of this magnitude. But under President Obama's leadership, our elected leaders finally took the bull by the horns and did what was necessary to stop the bleeding and set our country back on the road to recovery. I was proud to join many of my colleagues in supporting the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act--a landmark stimulus bill that helped reverse the rising tide of economic misfortune. Thanks to this legislation, we have made some significant progress, though we still have a very long way to go. But this is an election year, and that means partisan bickering is in the air and it is on the rise. So I believe my colleagues and I have a decision to make: We can focus on winning the next news cycle-- pitting Republicans against Democrats, and falling into the same tired political battles that usually consume election years in Washington--or we can reach for something better. We can tune out the partisan fights, reject the failed policies that got us into this mess, and prove to the American people that we have the will to make tough decisions. Our recovery is far from complete. I believe if we fail to continue the bold policies that pulled us back from the brink of disaster, if we shrink away from difficult decisions that will move this recovery forward, then we place our economy at grave risk of slipping back into a recession. This is a time for bold action, not pointless ideological battles. This is a time to move forward, not backward. I call upon my colleagues to seize this opportunity. Let us keep America on the road to recovery, and restore the hard-earned security of ordinary folks who have suffered because of bad decisions on Wall Street. It won't be easy, but it is our responsibility, and it is the right thing to do. We should start by increasing our support for small businesses, especially those disadvantaged and minority-owned businesses. These companies foster progress and innovation. They have the power to create jobs and direct investment to local communities, where it can have the greatest impact. Small businesses form the backbone of our economy, but in many ways they have suffered the most as a result of this economic crisis. That is why I have filed an amendment that will improve and expand the Small Business Administration's 8(a) Program. This measure would increase the continued eligibility amount from the current $750,000 net worth to $2.5 million so more small businesses could benefit from this assistance. It is no secret that minority-owned businesses, particularly those in poor or urban areas, have been hit hardest by the current economic downturn. That is why these are the areas we should target for our strongest support. By expanding the existing 8(a) program, we can increase its economic impact without having to reinvent the wheel. We can rely on a proven initiative to inject new life into disadvantaged areas. I ask my colleagues to support my amendment when it comes up for a vote, as well as the underlying Small Business Lending Act as a whole, which we will be debating shortly on the floor. I ask them to reject the tired politics that got us into this mess and embrace the spirit of bipartisanship that can lead us out. On behalf of small and minority-owned businesses, I call upon this body to take action in that regard. Our economic future may be uncertain, but with my proposal, the Small Business Lending Act, we have the rare opportunity to influence that future. So let's pass these measures to guarantee some degree of relief for the people who continue to suffer the most. Let's renew our investment in America's small businesses and rely on them to drive our economic recovery. Let's do it now. We need no more rhetoric, no more politics. Let's move forward and help small businesses in general, minority- and women-owned businesses in particular. I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. I thank the Senator from Vermont, the chairman. I thank him for the wonderful job he has done trying to move our judges along. I agree with the Senator, the fact we have to go to a vote on this distinguished nominee; it should be done by unanimous consent, and we should not have had to take up this time. But if that is the will of the body, then so be it. Mr. President, I rise this evening in strong support of Judge Sharon Johnson Coleman, a proud resident of my home State of Illinois and of course a fellow Chicago south-sider. We are very proud of which side she comes from in Chicago, west side or south side. Few appear from the north side. We don't have a deal with the east side because that is Lake Michigan. We are proud of that. She received her law degree from Washington University in St. Louis, and she has served as an assistant State's attorney, deputy State's attorney, and assistant U.S. attorney. She quickly proved she knew her way around the courtroom and could be very successful in the cases she tried. From 1996 to 2008, she served as a circuit court judge in Cook County. She displayed a thorough understanding of the law and a fair temperament that marked her as a model jurist. She was assigned to the Child Protective Division for 2\1/2\ years and was a jury trial judge in the law division for almost a decade. In 2008, Judge Coleman was elected to the Illinois Appellate Court. She has served there ever since and is doing a tremendous job in her deliberations. I am proud to support her nomination to become a district judge for the Northern District of Illinois. We are short of judges in that district. The caseloads are heavy, and we can stand to have a few more of those nominees confirmed by this body. Judge Coleman is an excellent jurist, and I place my full confidence in her as President Obama's nominee for this post. She has been supported by all of our bar associations. She has won numerous awards and received recognition in her career. She has been a tremendous member of the bar and of the judiciary. I am asking my colleagues to join me in supporting her in this confirmation. I agree with my chairman. These judges should be confirmed so we can move on with some other important business of this body. Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. I thank the distinguished Senator from Connecticut, who has certainly been an inspiration to me in this body, and an inspiration to all of us. I will be leaving with him, although I certainly did not come with him. But he has been an inspiration to all of us. He knows what my--I will not say publicly, but I thought the Senator would have made a heck of a Supreme Court Justice. Madam President, as a public servant, I have long been a strong advocate for American small businesses--especially disadvantaged and minority-owned businesses. And even before I sought elected office, when I was a banker, I worked hard every day to spur investment on Main Street. I fought to make capital available to small businesses, so entrepreneurs and innovators could create jobs and bring prosperity to local communities. But in today's harsh economic climate, many of these businesses are finding it harder than ever to stay afloat. Credit has largely dried up, and capital investment is difficult to come by. And even as our economy begins to inch along the road to recovery, small and disadvantaged businesses continue to lag behind. I believe we need to do better. I believe we need to place small businesses at the very center of our response to this economic crisis. They are uniquely positioned to create well-paying jobs and generate growth at a local level--so it is time to make them a priority again. Because, if this Congress fails to take action, if we neglect to pass the Small Business Lending Act, and fall short of our commitment to America's innovators and entrepreneurs, then I fear that our Nation will slip into a jobless recovery, and disadvantaged businesses will continue to suffer the full effects of this great recession. I recognize that government cannot directly create jobs in the same way that the private sector can. But few can deny that government has an important role to play in setting America back on the road to recovery. Our job is to support and encourage responsible practices, impose common sense regulations, and help to direct investment to the areas that need it most. That is why I believe we need to pay special attention to the disadvantaged and minority-owned small businesses that have borne the brunt of this crisis. Under current law, the Small Business Administration provides key support to these entities through its 8-A program. This initiative offers technical assistance, training, and contracting opportunities to small businesses that meet specific criteria. I am a strong supporter of this program, which has helped to keep disadvantaged businesses viable, and made sure everyone has the chance to share in economic prosperity. Since its inception, 8-A has made a difference in countless communities, and eased some of the worst effects of this crisis for those who stood to suffer the most. Yet, despite its success, this program's impact has been artificially limited, because only a small number of businesses are eligible for this kind of support. As we cast about for a solution to our economic troubles, I believe we should leave no stone unturned. At various times since the onset of the recession, both Democrats and Republicans have come to the table with constructive ideas. Many of these have been passed into law--and I think they have made a real difference. But we must not find false security in early reports of success. We have made progress--but the situation remains fragile. There is still much more to be done. That is why I have introduced an amendment that would improve and expand the 8-A program. This measure would increase the continued eligibility amount, from $750,000 to $2.5 million, so more small businesses could benefit from this assistance. It is no secret that minority-owned businesses, particularly those in poor or urban areas, have been hit hardest by the current economic downturn, so as we look to our recovery, these are the areas we should target for our strongest support. By expanding the existing 8-A program, we can increase its economic impact, without having to reinvent the wheel. We can rely on a proven initiative to inject new life into disadvantaged areas. I ask my colleagues to support my amendment, as well as the underlying bill as a whole. On behalf of small and minority-owned businesses, I ask for their assistance in these troubled times. Our economic future may be uncertain, but with my proposal and the Small Business Lending Act, we have the rare opportunity to influence that future. Let's pass these measures, to guarantee some degree of relief for the people who continue to suffer the most. Let's renew our investments in America's small businesses, and rely on them to drive our economic recovery. Let's do so today. Let's do it now, for tomorrow may be too late. I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, a few months ago, my colleagues and I passed a landmark health insurance reform bill. President Obama signed it into law, and together we ushered in a new era of transparency, accountability, and cost savings for the American people. Now, these reforms will go a long way towards fixing our broken health care system. They will restore responsibility to the insurance market, and impose commonsense regulations, to ensure that every American can get a fair deal. Some of these provisions have already gone into effect. Others will take time to implement correctly. But as we move swiftly to translate this legislation into reality, we need to be mindful of those who would take advantage of this period of transition. Already, there are reports that some health insurance companies have drastically increased their rates, using our reform law as an excuse. I recently heard from Charles, a small business owner from Plano, IL, who reported that his employees will see their premiums go up by an average of almost 28 percent next year. And some folks will have to pay an arbitrary increase of 35 percent-- even though their benefits haven't changed yet. That is because a few big insurance companies have chosen to hike up their profits before our health reform law requires them to improve their services as well. Now, there is nothing wrong with making an honest buck. But these abusive increases will make it harder for ordinary folks and small businesses to get coverage in the short term. There is no question that they violate the spirit of our reform law-- so I believe we need to take action. It is time to close this loophole, so big companies must compete with others in an open marketplace--and so they can be held accountable for unreasonable rate hikes. That is why I am proud to support the Health Insurance Rate Authority Act. This legislation would require insurance companies to justify major increases in their premiums--a power that already resides with regulators in a handful of States. Our bill would merely bring similar regulatory authority to a national level, in response to numerous claims of abuse all across the country. Mr. President, this wouldn't put insurers out of business or prevent them from making an honest profit, but it would increase transparency, restore accountability, and ensure that these corporations can remain solvent. In my home State of Illinois, some insurers must already supply rate increase information to the State department of insurance. But under current law, regulators are powerless to rein in obvious abuses when they occur. And as a result, small business owners like Charles--and countless folks in the individual market--are held hostage to the same corporate agendas that led us to pass a health reform law in the first place. This is unacceptable. We need to pass the Health Insurance Rate Authority Act, to keep insurance providers in check until the full effects of the new law have taken hold. I would urge my colleagues to join with me in standing up to the insurance giants. Let's give regulators the authority to approve or deny excessive rate hikes, so we can make sure every American can get a fair deal--starting today.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, early this morning, our country lost an icon and a national treasure. Our friend and colleague, Senator Robert C. Byrd, became a legend in his own time. And in many ways, he came to embody the institution of the Senate. As a leader, and as a guardian of Senate procedure and tradition, Senator Byrd was without equal. For more than half a century, he helped shape federal policy, and guided the course of a nation. But on the day he was born, in 1917, this unique place in history was far from assured. Raised in the coal country of West Virginia, few could have predicted that this intelligent but unassuming young man would rise to the very highest levels of our democracy. He was an avid fiddle player, and valedictorian of his high school class. But he could not afford to go to college until many years later. So as a young man, he found work as a meat cutter, a gas station attendant, and a store owner. And the store owner is very dear to me because our family were store owners, and I know how tough that business is. He welded Liberty and Victory ships during the Second World War, and several years later entered politics at the State level. That is where Robert Byrd found his true calling: public service. He was first elected to the House of Representatives in 1952, and has served the people of West Virginia in this Chamber since 1958. Over the course of his extraordinary career, he worked alongside 11 Presidents. He served in Congress longer than anyone in American history, cast more than 18,000 votes, and was elected to more leadership positions than any other Senator. Most recently, he assumed the role of President pro tempore of the Senate, ranking him third in the line of Presidential succession. At every turn, he dedicated himself to the sanctity of our Constitution, and fought to uphold its principles and the weight of Senate tradition. It is difficult to measure the vast impact he has had on the lives of every single American. No, he was not right on every issue. His past was not without mistakes and errors in judgment. But it is a credit to Senator Byrd that, over the years, he gained the wisdom to recognize the moments when he strayed from the right path. It is the mark of greatness that he worked hard to overcome these errors and set America on course for a more prosperous, more inclusive future. In recent years, Senator Byrd raised his voice against the unilateral invasion of Iraq. He fought to preserve the filibuster, ensuring that the voice of the minority will always have a place in this august Chamber. He offered his support to a young Senator from Illinois named Barack Obama, as he fought to become the first African-American President of the United States. Senator Byrd's historic tenure spanned 11 administrations, thousands of bills, and more than half a century. Thanks to his leadership, and the leadership of others he has inspired and mentored over the years, we live in a very different world today. The year he launched his first campaign for the House of Representatives, gas cost about 25 cents a gallon, Winston Churchill was Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, and I was only 15 years old. Senator Byrd has left an indelible mark on this Nation, and for that we will be forever grateful. But today, as we remember and celebrate the contributions he has made, we also offer our condolences to his friends and loved ones in this time of mourning. We offer our sympathies to the people of West Virginia, who have lost a staunch advocate. We offer our fervent hope that a new generation of Americans, liberal and conservative; Black and White; from all races and religions and backgrounds. We hope that a new generation will take up the legacy of patriotism and service that was left to us by Senator Byrd; that today's young people will inherit his fierce loyalty to the Constitution, and recognize their responsibility to confront every challenge we face. So I ask my colleagues to join with me in honoring the life of our dear friend, Senator Robert Byrd. And I call upon every American to learn from the example set by this son of the West Virginia hills who overcame poverty, lack of education, and the prejudice of his times to become one of the greatest public servants in our history. Mr. President, I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.