Roland Burris

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, very shortly, we are going to be voting on a judicial nomination. I come before this body to bring my thoughts on that action. As a lawyer, as a former attorney general for the State of Illinois, I consider it a great privilege to evaluate and confirm nominees to the bench. The constitutional power of advise and consent is one this Senate must exercise with discretion. It determines the makeup of our judicial branch and helps preserve the principle of equal justice under law. That is why I have come to the floor today in support of Gary Scott Feinerman, President Obama's nominee to become a judge for the Northern District Court of Illinois. Gary is an Illinois native and a graduate of both Yale and Stanford Universities. Over the past two decades, he has worked extensively in private practice--most recently for Sidley Austin, the respected Chicago law firm. He has served in the public sector, as well as a clerk to the U.S. Supreme Court and counsel at the Department of Justice. From 2003 to 2007, he was Solicitor General of the State of Illinois. That is the person who argues the cases on behalf of the attorney general before the highest court, whether in Illinois or in the Nation. He held that position with distinction, proving his commitment to the highest ideals of fairness and justice. Time and again over the years, Gary Feinerman has demonstrated his competence in the legal profession. His training is without equal. His experience is second to none. That is why I am proud to support his nomination to the Northern District Court of the State of Illinois. We must demand the very best of our public officials, especially those who are entrusted with lifetime appointments on the Federal bench. These fine men and women are charged with interpreting a body of law that is constantly evolving. They must navigate a treacherous landscape, full of gray areas, to arrive at sound legal truth. The answers are seldom easy, but I have confidence in Gary Feinerman's ability to rise to this challenge. At every stage, he has proven his considerable intellect and his passion for the law. I am proud to join the President in calling for his swift confirmation. I ask my colleagues to join me in pledging to afford the nominee with a fair and timely vote to confirm him to the bench. This body has a crowded legislative calendar in the months ahead, but cases have piled up in the Northern District of Illinois, and every single day more judicial nominees await as vacancies remain unfilled. Even as we consider Mr. Feinerman's confirmation today, another Illinois nominee, Judge Sharon Johnson-Coleman, awaits a similar up-or- down vote. We need to rise to our constitutional duty and vote on these nominees. We must waste no more time in allowing this fine public servant to get to work. Let's put our judges to work. Let's confirm Mr. Feinerman now. Madam President, I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, near the end of May, we learned that the unemployment rate in my home State of Illinois had fallen to about 10.8 percent, down from 11.2 percent in March. That is the first time the unemployment rate has gone down since 2006, when it stood at only 4.4 percent. I am the first to celebrate the creation of even a single well-paying job. I am happy for each and every Illinoisan we can put back to work because one job will help someone put food on the table, and it will help one family stand just a little taller. It will give people the opportunity to participate in the economy again, buying the goods and services they need. That, in turn, means more jobs. One by one, these folks will turn our economy around from the bottom up. So I do not dismiss this recent jobs report. This is a step in the right direction. It is welcome news. But it is only a drop in the bucket. For every person we have put back to work, many others are still hurting--and hurting badly. Our landmark stimulus law, which we enacted more than a year ago, has done a great deal to stop the economy from collapsing and set Americans back on the road to recovery. The economy is growing again. Many key indicators have turned around. I am proud to say the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act has been instrumental in preventing a second Great Depression. But job creation continues to lag behind. We have made progress in some areas, but we still have a long way to go. That is why I urge my colleagues to come together and support job creation measures so we can keep putting people back to work. At the same time, I urge them to support further extensions of unemployment and COBRA benefits so we can help people keep their heads above water until the recovery is complete. These are difficult times. Through no fault of their own, millions of people have suddenly found themselves without a job. These folks are the victims of reckless behavior on Wall Street, but they, rather than Wall Street, have been forced to pay the price. More Americans are classified as ``long-term unemployed'' and ``disadvantaged workers'' than ever before. Many have exhausted their unemployment benefits or they are dangerously close to doing so. I believe we must pass this extenders package and restore stability by helping States cover the rising cost of unemployment insurance. We need to increase access to COBRA so that people can remain on their old health insurance for a period of time after they lose their jobs. We need to extend these benefits to more hard-working Americans who are struggling to find work during this time of uncertainty. Just last month, after a long partisan battle, we passed a temporary extension of these programs. But that extension expired on June 2, almost a month ago. So it is time to take up a new measure that will carry unemployment benefits and COBRA through at least another 6 months--I would love to see more time--as our friends in the House of Representatives have discussed. This proposal would make more Americans eligible for existing benefits. It would not increase the current 99- week limit on these programs, but it would offer a helping hand to those who have lost their jobs recently and make sure they have access to the same resources. This extension would not be a comprehensive fix, but it would help ease the situation and the strain on the victims of this financial crisis until the full effects of our stimulus law have taken hold and the unemployment rate begins to decline at a steady rate. This extenders package will provide needed relief to those who need it most. That is why I am deeply disappointed that some of my colleagues have proposed cuts to this legislation. Some say we should cut $25 a week in extra unemployment compensation. Relative to the overall legislation, these cuts would be minimal. But to a family who has been hit hard by this crisis, $25 a week could make a tremendous difference. Some will say we cannot afford to provide these benefits in light of our continued recovery. But what do I say? I say we cannot afford not to. We cannot afford to nickel and dime these people who are barely scraping by as it is. We need to give them the support they deserve. Let's dispense with this hollow rhetoric about fiscal responsibility from those who have lost their credibility on this issue. Over the last decade, Republicans squandered our surplus by spending wildly on massive tax breaks for the wealthy and the special interests, a war not paid for, and a medical program not paid for. During the years when they were in control, Senate Republicans voted seven times to increase the debt limit. They refused to pay for major initiatives, they cut revenue, and they increased spending. It doesn't take a financial expert to recognize that this is just plain irresponsible. It is easy to say their record simply does not match their rhetoric. Let's be honest with the American people. Let's work together to solve this problem rather than hiding behind the same irresponsible policies that got us here in the first place. I recognize that job creation must remain our top priority, and I am confident that Democrats and Republicans can agree we need to help people get back to work. In the meantime, let's pass this extension so that folks can get food on the table and get access to the medical care they need. Let's stand up for those who have been hit hardest by this crisis and send them a message loud and clear: We haven't forgotten you and, hopefully, help is on the way. I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I recognize this is Republican time, and should a Republican come, I will then yield the floor to that colleague of mine. (The remarks of Mr. Burris pertaining to the submission of S. Res. 559 are printed in today's Record under ``Morning Business.'') Gulf Oilspill

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, very briefly, in terms of President Obama's speech last night on the crisis in the gulf, I just want to let it be known for the record that I support our President in that speech and every effort he has made in trying to get direction and a solution to the problems we are experiencing down on our gulf coast. I find it disheartening and disappointing all these commentators who want to attack our President, want him to be angry, want him to act. I have no idea what they want this man to do. But I know this man is doing all he can for the people of America. I ask those commentators to get off of his back, stop attacking the President, who had nothing to do with that problem and is putting everything he has with the resources America has to solve this problem. This has never happened before in our history. It is a problem beyond comprehension. Yet, still, these Monday morning quarterbacks sit back and criticize and bring out their undocumented types of statements about our President that I just feel emotionally disturbed about. So I say to all Americans, this President is doing all he can to support this issue we are facing, and you have to deal with BP, you have to deal with Transocean, and you have to deal with Halliburton. Those are the ones who are responsible for this problem. Let's go after them. Make them pay. Make them deal with this and get the solution and, therefore, Americans can move forward. Thank you, Mr. President. I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, on a hot day in the summer of 1776, delegates from across the American Colonies gathered in Philadelphia to cast off the yoke of tyranny and assert the fundamental right of self- government. At that moment, when our Republic was born, our Founders ratified a document unique in human history which contained the landmark words: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal. This simple creed became the justification of a great Revolutionary War, which gave rise to the thriving democracy we inhabit today. That is why we celebrate every Fourth of July as Independence Day--because of the principles laid out in that remarkable Declaration. But, tragically, for almost a century after that document was ratified, the equality of all men remained an unfulfilled promise. It began to seem that the Declaration of Independence defined our aspirations rather than our core beliefs. Slavery, brutal and unjust, remained legal throughout the majority of the 19th century and helped set the stage for the bloodiest war we have ever known. But, as President Lincoln had dearly hoped, out of that terrible violence was born a new and more complete freedom--a freedom that wiped out the scourge of slavery once and for all and realized the promise our Founding Fathers documented for all Americans. That is why, on Saturday, many in this country observe another independence day known as Juneteenth. Slavery ended in the Confederate States of America when President Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863. But many slaves did not learn of their freedom until much later. Finally, on June 19, 1865--more than 2 years after the Emancipation Proclamation--Union soldiers led by Major General Gordon Granger arrived in Galveston, TX. They brought news that must have been almost unbelievable to all who heard it. The Civil War was over, they announced, and all slaves were free. From that day on, former slaves in the Southwest celebrated June 19 as the anniversary of their emancipation. That is why I have submitted this resolution observing the historical significance of this date-- Juneteenth Independence Day. Over the past 145 years, Juneteenth celebrations have been held to honor African-American freedom. But this date has come to hold even greater significance. Throughout the world, Juneteenth celebrations lift the spirit of freedom and rail against the forces of oppression. At long last, this day is beginning to be recognized as both a national event and a global celebration. But just as the Fourth of July marks the beginning of a journey that continues even today, we must not forget that the long march to freedom that started on June 19, 1865, is far from over. Our country has made great strides in the century and a half since slavery was abolished, but deep wounds are slow to heal. We will never be able to rewrite this terrible history. But we can, and we must, do everything we can to rise above it--to seek constructive solutions to the problems that time alone cannot wash away, problems that still affect the African-American community on a daily basis, from discrimination, to crime, to health care disparities, to unemployment, to substance abuse, and so on. So let's pay tribute to the suffering of our forefathers by seeking justice for our children. Let's remember our past by looking to our future and confronting these problems with bold, new solutions. This is a day for all of us to stand together and lift up the liberties we hold so dear--a day to look forward, to look ahead to tomorrow, and continue the fight for freedom and equality. So I ask my colleagues to stand with me. I ask them to support my resolution observing the historical significance of Juneteenth Independence Day. I invite them to share the joy of those who greeted Union soldiers in Galveston more than 140 years ago.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Last night, and well into this morning, the sounds of celebration rang through the streets of Chicago. Throughout the city, a proud anthem was sung, an anthem which begins: Here come the Hawks--the mighty Blackhawks. Many consider the Stanley Cup to be the most difficult trophy to win in all of professional sports. But last night, thanks to an extraordinary Blackhawks team, the historic Stanley Cup has returned to Chicago for the first time in nearly half a century. This incredible season caps an impressive renaissance for one of the National Hockey League's oldest and most storied franchises. When Rocky Wirtz took the helm of this organization following the loss of his father, longtime Blackhawks owner Bill Wirtz, he moved aggressively to restore his team to excellence. He reached out to the Chicago community, which comprises some of the greatest sports fans in the world. He brought fresh talent to the team's roster and coaching staff, and partnered with Chicago institutions like WGN-TV to bring hockey to a wider audience. As a result, he was able to catch lightning in a bottle, and set his team on the path to a truly historic season. From the very beginning of this year, every Hawks fan could tell that this team showed some real promise. Time and again, they battled adversity and overcame it. Time and again they were tested, but in each successive game, they laced up their skates and took to the ice with growing confidence and a fiery will to win. Finally, after a dominant regular season and an outstanding showing against playoff opponents, only the Philadelphia Flyers stood between them and their first national title in 49 years. There is no question that both of these teams deserved to be in contention for the Stanley Cup. There is little doubt that these fine athletes, from Philadelphia and Chicago, are among the very best in the sport of hockey. So it was no surprise that this year's Stanley Cup Finals proved to be an exciting and hard-fought series of games. I congratulate the Flyers and their fans on an outstanding season, and I applaud their sportsmanship throughout the year. They played with grit and determination, right up to the very last moment. But in the end, there can be only one champion. And last night, in a thrilling overtime performance that brought the city of Philadelphia to a standstill and the City of Chicago to its feet, the Blackhawks indisputably won the Stanley Cup. That is why I am proud to join my good friend Senator Durbin to introduce a Senate Resolution in honor of this team. And I ask my colleagues to join with us in celebrating this remarkable achievement. I congratulate the owners, the entire coaching staff, and every member of the Blackhawks organization. And I applaud each and every athlete who took part in this incredible victory. Their names are etched forever into Chicago sports history, just as they will soon be etched into the Stanley Cup Trophy itself. Finally, I would like to congratulate the people of Chicago, and Blackhawks fans all over the country, who have kept the faith for 49 years, never doubting that greatness would one day return to their hockey team. I got married in 1961. That is the last time they won the Stanley cup. Their day has finally come, and this championship belongs to them. I am proud to join them in celebration, and I am eager to see the Stanley Cup on display back home in Chicago, right where it belongs.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS. I thank the Chair. Madam President, this past Monday evening, as dusk fell on my hometown of Chicago, a handful of young people took to the streets with violent intentions. By the time the sun came up on Tuesday, no fewer than seven people had been shot, in a series of unrelated incidents. This wave of violent crime continued into Tuesday afternoon, when three more Chicagoans were shot and killed in broad daylight. These incidents came right on the heels of another shocking murder. Last week, a police officer and Iraq War veteran named Thomas Wortham IV was shot to death only a few blocks from my home. These events do not occur in a vacuum. They are part of a clear and consistent pattern, a pandemic of gun violence that holds communities in a vice grip. Every year, with the advent of the long, hot summer, gang activity spikes. The line between good and bad neighborhoods evaporates. In essence, our streets become a war zone. This is not a passing concern; it is an emergency. This kind of violence should be shocking. It should spark outrage and indignation. Yet too many of us turn a blind eye. We are paralyzed by the destructive political process and numb to the consequences of our failure to take action. This problem can't simply be passed on to someone else. This violence is happening in our cities and towns, where we live and where we work, where we send our children to school. It is happening in our backyards. So it is up to us to raise the alarm. It is our responsibility to stem this rising tide and take back our communities, our homes, our schools, and our places of worship. We have seen that this is a pattern. We have witnessed the terrible outcomes and measured the tragic human cost. Now it is time to take action. Certainly, we can make progress by increasing gun control and making it more difficult for weapons to fall into the hands of criminals. This effort must be a part of any comprehensive solution, and it is an issue I have fought for throughout my career. But the reality is, a debate about gun control will quickly turn into a pitched partisan battle. It will consume time and political will, and in the end, we may not get very far. I believe we need to take a more practical, more immediate approach. It is time to give our young people an alternative to destructive behavior so they can spend their summers working to get ahead instead of getting involved in criminal activities. Today, more than half of Black men between the ages of 16 and 19 are unemployed. This number is growing rapidly. In fact, the New York Times predicts that this summer will be one of the bleakest on record. So if we would like to cut down on violent crime, this is exactly where we need to start. It is no accident that last year's landmark American Recovery and Reinvestment Act included a major summer jobs component. It created more than 300,000 summer jobs for youth across the country, including some 17,000 in Illinois alone. This year, we need to do even more. That is why I am proud to cosponsor S. 2923, the Youth Jobs Act of 2010, introduced by the distinguished Senator from Washington, Mrs. Murray. This legislation would build on the success of the Recovery Act, setting aside $1.5 billion for youth employment opportunities through the Workforce Investment Act. It would infuse money directly into the local economy and give young people the chance to gain paid work experience, what Senator Reid spoke about the other day, the gentleman who set up a work opportunity and found out that the youth don't even have the work experience or they don't even know how to work. We have to get them some paid work experience. This will keep them off the streets in the short term and give them better employment options down the road. It would create half a million summer jobs from coast to coast and put a serious dent in the youth unemployment rate. It will spur young people to invest in their future and help foster a better community. I urge my colleagues to pass this bill without delay. We can do this right now. It will cut down on violent crime and have a real effect on people's lives across America. There is no reason to wait another day or another moment. That is why I am so frustrated by the obstructionism that has afflicted this legislation for the past 6 months. It is time to make a commitment to the next generation, give them the opportunity to start down the right path because if we don't, then every summer, when the school year ends and children seek new ways to occupy their time, more and more of them will find fellowship with the criminal element. This cycle of violence will continue. I urge colleagues to pass the Youth Jobs Act before we adjourn for the Memorial Day recess. Let's provide our young people with the opportunity to turn away from violence. Let's give them a chance to build a constructive future. Let's take back our communities. Let's do it now. Let's do it today.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. I ask unanimous consent that the Senate stand in recess until 2 p.m. and that the postcloture time continue to run during the recess period.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business for up to 10 minutes.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I come before this august body with a very heavy heart this afternoon. Last Friday night, just a few blocks from my home in Chicago, a terrible act of violence claimed the life of a young police officer. Thomas Wortham IV was a distinguished Chicago police officer. He was off duty on Wednesday night, so he went to visit his parents in a nice neighborhood called Chatham--in which I live only 2\1/2\ blocks away--to show them his new motorcycle. Officer Wortham was used to putting his life on the line. In addition to being one of Chicago's finest, he recently served two tours in Iraq. He devoted himself to his community and to his country. He exhibited the same courage, valor, and selfless dedication wherever he went. Thomas Wortham was a true American hero. He was the kind of person who keeps us safe and makes it possible for the rest of us to go about our lives free from fear; the kind of person who serves as an example to those around him and inspires others to give back. But last Wednesday night, as he sat on his brandnew motorcycle outside of his parents' home, this remarkable young man was violently taken from us. After two tours in Iraq and endless hours patrolling the mean streets, Officer Wortham was struck down practically in his own backyard. Several young men tried to rob him, and he was shot in the struggle. His father, who is also a military veteran and retired police sergeant, heroically rushed to his defense and returned fire on those who attacked his son. But it was too late. Gun violence had already claimed Officer Wortham's life. For all his heroism, for all the good he did for his community and his country, in the end Thomas Wortham IV was tragically killed where he should have been perfectly safe. There is no justice in this; there is no silver lining. This is just major outrage. It was a despicable, senseless act committed by dangerous people, all of whom must suffer the full consequences of the law. Today, I ask my colleagues to join me in mourning Thomas Wortham IV, who was taken from us far before his time. Let us remember his selfless devotion to his community and to his country. Let us celebrate his heroism and honor his memory by living out his values in our daily lives. I extend my deepest condolences to his family, whose pain far exceeds even the deep sense of loss felt by others in the Chicago community. This Nation stands with them today, just as their son stood with us in the sands of Iraq and the streets of Chicago. As we lay this fallen hero to rest, let us do more than remember. Let us take action. This tragic murder reminds us of the gun violence pandemic that holds cities and towns across America in a vice grip. It can strike anywhere at any time, and it is tearing apart families, communities, and our own sense of security. It is time to reclaim our future. It is time to stop the shooting and start to invest in education, violence prevention, and afterschool programs so we can keep guns out of the hands of criminals and keep kids from turning down the wrong path in the first place. This means creating jobs and cracking down on those who should not be able to buy guns. It means challenging our young people to aspire to a better life and giving them the tools to make the right choices so they do not end up on the road to violence. This is not a political issue or a matter of dollars and cents. This is about the place where we live, work, and go to church, the places where our children play and go to school. Officer Wortham lived and died for these folks, for his friends and his neighbors and his countrymen. Even in a moment of tragedy, as we grieve this devastating loss, I believe we must summon the courage to walk in this young man's footsteps, to take up his cause as our own and lift up his noble example. As I advised the parents when I met with them, let us take back our streets, our schools, our churches, and our children's future. Where Thomas Wortham IV fell, let us all rise in his place to confront this challenge and end the scourge of gun violence once and for all. Let us do that. His family is also in mourning because retired Sergeant Wortham killed one of the offenders and shot the second one, who is now in critical condition in the hospital. Thank goodness for the Chicago Police Department and good detective work because the other two offenders are now in custody. What we must do is stand and be counted when it comes to guns and young people with guns in their hands and no jobs and no future and no hope. That is what we experience. In this legislation that is before this body, there is money that has to be provided for summer jobs for our youth. Patrolman Wortham would not be the last person to expire through gun violence on our streets. I ask my colleagues to look at what we are doing and what we have to do and make sure we do our part to provide the resources and opportunity for our youth in these urban areas to have some hope, some direction, something on which to rely. Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business for up to 10 minutes.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I come before this august body with a very heavy heart this afternoon. Last Friday night, just a few blocks from my home in Chicago, a terrible act of violence claimed the life of a young police officer. Thomas Wortham IV was a distinguished Chicago police officer. He was off duty on Wednesday night, so he went to visit his parents in a nice neighborhood called Chatham--in which I live only 2\1/2\ blocks away--to show them his new motorcycle. Officer Wortham was used to putting his life on the line. In addition to being one of Chicago's finest, he recently served two tours in Iraq. He devoted himself to his community and to his country. He exhibited the same courage, valor, and selfless dedication wherever he went. Thomas Wortham was a true American hero. He was the kind of person who keeps us safe and makes it possible for the rest of us to go about our lives free from fear; the kind of person who serves as an example to those around him and inspires others to give back. But last Wednesday night, as he sat on his brandnew motorcycle outside of his parents' home, this remarkable young man was violently taken from us. After two tours in Iraq and endless hours patrolling the mean streets, Officer Wortham was struck down practically in his own backyard. Several young men tried to rob him, and he was shot in the struggle. His father, who is also a military veteran and retired police sergeant, heroically rushed to his defense and returned fire on those who attacked his son. But it was too late. Gun violence had already claimed Officer Wortham's life. For all his heroism, for all the good he did for his community and his country, in the end Thomas Wortham IV was tragically killed where he should have been perfectly safe. There is no justice in this; there is no silver lining. This is just major outrage. It was a despicable, senseless act committed by dangerous people, all of whom must suffer the full consequences of the law. Today, I ask my colleagues to join me in mourning Thomas Wortham IV, who was taken from us far before his time. Let us remember his selfless devotion to his community and to his country. Let us celebrate his heroism and honor his memory by living out his values in our daily lives. I extend my deepest condolences to his family, whose pain far exceeds even the deep sense of loss felt by others in the Chicago community. This Nation stands with them today, just as their son stood with us in the sands of Iraq and the streets of Chicago. As we lay this fallen hero to rest, let us do more than remember. Let us take action. This tragic murder reminds us of the gun violence pandemic that holds cities and towns across America in a vice grip. It can strike anywhere at any time, and it is tearing apart families, communities, and our own sense of security. It is time to reclaim our future. It is time to stop the shooting and start to invest in education, violence prevention, and afterschool programs so we can keep guns out of the hands of criminals and keep kids from turning down the wrong path in the first place. This means creating jobs and cracking down on those who should not be able to buy guns. It means challenging our young people to aspire to a better life and giving them the tools to make the right choices so they do not end up on the road to violence. This is not a political issue or a matter of dollars and cents. This is about the place where we live, work, and go to church, the places where our children play and go to school. Officer Wortham lived and died for these folks, for his friends and his neighbors and his countrymen. Even in a moment of tragedy, as we grieve this devastating loss, I believe we must summon the courage to walk in this young man's footsteps, to take up his cause as our own and lift up his noble example. As I advised the parents when I met with them, let us take back our streets, our schools, our churches, and our children's future. Where Thomas Wortham IV fell, let us all rise in his place to confront this challenge and end the scourge of gun violence once and for all. Let us do that. His family is also in mourning because retired Sergeant Wortham killed one of the offenders and shot the second one, who is now in critical condition in the hospital. Thank goodness for the Chicago Police Department and good detective work because the other two offenders are now in custody. What we must do is stand and be counted when it comes to guns and young people with guns in their hands and no jobs and no future and no hope. That is what we experience. In this legislation that is before this body, there is money that has to be provided for summer jobs for our youth. Patrolman Wortham would not be the last person to expire through gun violence on our streets. I ask my colleagues to look at what we are doing and what we have to do and make sure we do our part to provide the resources and opportunity for our youth in these urban areas to have some hope, some direction, something on which to rely. Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. On this vote, the yeas are 60, the nays are 40. Three- fifths of the Senators duly chosen and sworn having voted in the affirmative, the motion is agreed to. The majority leader.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I am proud to join my colleagues on the floor of this Chamber today. Here, in our Nation's Capital, we gather to confront shared challenges. We celebrate our great leaders, and mourn fallen heroes. Here, we carry out the hard work of self-government. We try to make this union a little more perfect every day. It is messy. It is difficult. We make mistakes, and at times we fall short. In any other country, these flaws and missteps might be fatal--but not in the United States of America. Here, we are defined by our ability to correct injustice to confront problems and move ahead peacefully, with respect for the rule of law even when those problems are great. Mr. President, much of our history has been written right here in this city. But in some ways, the city itself tells two divergent stories: More than two centuries ago, the foundation of this country was laid by a group of American patriots, who chose this land for their new Capitol. They fought--and many died--for principles of freedom and equality. They framed the greatest, most progressive system of government in the history of the world. And then, in an irony both tragic and unjust, the foundation of this very building the heart of our democracy was laid by enslaved African Americans. So, from the very beginning, our Nation has struggled to live up to its highest ideals. But, in many ways, I believe that is where our greatness truly lies: in our ability to determine our own course, and correct the mistakes of the past. That is why the American civil rights movement is perhaps one of the greatest periods in our history. During the 1950s and the 1960s, citizens and activists joined together with lawmakers to overturn policies of hatred and discrimination that created a powerful nonviolent movement for civil rights under the rule of law which brought about one of the most significant social and cultural changes in our Nation's history. Earlier today, I spoke before the Subcommittee on National Parks, chaired by my friend, the distinguished Senator from Colorado, Mr. Udall, to advocate for a piece of legislation that is very important to me. I am proud to sponsor the United States Civil Rights Trail Special Resource Study Act, S. 1802, a bill that will help identify and preserve the history of the people and places that defined the civil rights movement. This bill joins a bipartisan companion measure from the House of Representatives, H.R. 685, which passed unanimously last September. It will honor folks who forever changed the landscape of this Nation. Their stories deserve to be told. In any other country, this kind of progress would have been impossible, but not in America. We have the capacity for sweeping change woven into our very identity, and that is what my bill would recognize, celebrate, and preserve. This Capitol Building was constructed under slavery. Yet it embodies a system of government that allows subsequent generations to correct this terrible wrong. During the civil rights movement, thanks to ordinary people with extraordinary vision, we witnessed a revolution of values and ideas that changed this Nation forever. I come to this floor today in celebration of the pioneers who made these changes possible. My bill would direct the Secretary of the Interior to identify the places, the resources, and the themes associated with this movement and consider adding them to the National Trails System. This would include the sites of the famous march in Selma and Montgomery, AL, the Greensboro sit-in, and the Montgomery bus boycotts. We would commemorate these places where peaceful protesters demonstrated for equal rights, and even in some places where violence broke out and lives were lost in the cause of freedom. My bill would also recognize folks such as the citizens and elected leaders of Savannah, GA, who were ahead of the rest of the country and took peaceful action to desegregate local communities well before Federal laws were passed. We need to make sure the next generation learns and does not forget the story of the civil rights movement and the ideals it strove to achieve. That is why this legislation is so important. This bill, with the companion bill in the House, would highlight this powerful legacy. Yes, these injustices were great and they must never be forgotten, but it would be a mistake to dwell exclusively on the errors of our past. Instead, I believe we should celebrate the progress we have made. We accomplished what many other countries find impossible. We corrected the greatest mistakes of our history. We encountered obstacles and overcame them. We took control of our shared destiny and redefined it. Our Union remains far from perfect, but challenges persist, and it will be up to future generations to address these challenges. But there is no denying we have come a very long way. Two centuries ago, my ancestors would not have been allowed in this building except as laborers. Today I stand on the floor of the Senate as a Member of the highest ranking body in this land. That is a powerful affirmation of what this country stands for. Let's preserve this history and pass it on to the next generation. I thank Chairman Udall, Ranking Member Burr, and other members of the Subcommittee on National Parks for allowing me to offer a statement earlier today. I ask my colleagues to join me in supporting this bill before the full committee and the full Senate so we can send it to the President's desk. I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, as I take the floor today, my colleagues and I are caught up in a momentous debate over the shape of our Wall Street reform bill. This legislation will not only help secure America's continuing economic recovery, it will also help prevent this kind of economic crisis from happening again in the future. It would create commonsense regulations designed to keep major institutions from gambling with America's economic stability, and it would extend a helping hand to the underserved populations that are currently suffering the most especially minority individuals and the elderly. I believe when the history of this economic crisis is written, we will judge that its most damaging legacy was the harm it did to people's savings and investments. It wiped out stock portfolios and 401(K)s. It forced many fixed- income retirees to go back to work, and it undermined the hard-earned retirement security of an entire generation of Americans. So it is time to take action. We need to do everything we can to protect people's savings, investments, and retirement security. In a broad sense, this means limiting the risk that big firms can pose to the economy as a whole, and shoring up our overall financial stability. But it also means we need to guard against fraud and abuse. We need to prevent scam artists and people like Bernie Madoff from taking advantage of hard-working Americans, so folks can breathe a bit easier, so people know that their money is safe. Today, many Americans--including 39 percent of minority households-- invest in the financial markets. Most of these folks expect their portfolio to be there for them when they retire. But when big companies sell risky investment packages, and then bet against those investments--when companies have no incentive to be honest about high-risk opportunities--regular folks are bound to get the short end of the stick. That is why we need to institute basic rules of the road--to cut down on fraud and misrepresentation, and make sure financial institutions are operating fairly. That is why our Wall Street reform bill includes a number of key protections for American investors. Our legislation would create a new program at the Securities and Exchange Commission which would mandate an annual assessment of all internal supervisory controls, and encourage folks to report violations. It would establish a new Office of Credit Rating Agencies to strengthen regulation, expose hidden risks, and make sure a warning system is in place so we are never caught off guard again. Our bill would also require companies that sell mortgage-backed securities to hold on to at least 5 percent of the credit risk--or meet underlying loan standards--so their performance is tied to the products they are distributing. It would require these companies to be more transparent about the assets that underlie these securities, and more straightforward in their quality analysis. Finally, our legislation would give a company's shareholders the right to a nonbinding vote on executive pay so pay can be brought in line with performance, and these folks can make their voices heard. Together these measures would help to bring transparency and stability back to the financial markets. This would bolster the integrity of people's investments, and would help ensure that their retirement savings are secure. There will always be risk associated with making investments, and that is exactly as it should be. That is how our free market system is designed to work. But we need to eliminate the possibility that fraud and abuse can undermine the security of our entire economy. We need to pass rules of the road that will keep financial institutions honest, so ordinary Americans will be protected from serious harm at the hands of those they entrust with their savings. I yield the floor, suggest the absence of quorum, and ask unanimous consent that the time under the quorum be charged equally to both sides.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak for 5 minutes as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, in 1933, a 16-year-old girl named Lena Horne joined the chorus at a famous nightclub in Harlem known as the Cotton Club. This young woman was passionate about performing so she jumped in with both feet. And she never looked back. The following year, Lena Horne made her debut on Broadway. And not long after, she became the first African American performer to sign a long-term contract with a big Hollywood studio, MGM. She blazed a trail. She knew that her talent could outshine the ugliness of racial prejudice so, in the 1940s, she became a major movie star. But despite her success, Lena Horne never forgot her roots or the plight of those who were subjected to hatred and bigotry on a daily basis. She knew that she was a role model and an authority figure--and she used her fame as a platform to raise these issues, and to fight against intolerance. She partnered with First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt to pass anti-lynching legislation. After the Second World War, she worked with Japanese Americans who had suffered internment and discrimination. And all the while, her star was on the rise. In 1957, she recorded ``Lena Horne at the Waldorf-Astoria'' a record that would become the best-selling album by a female singer in the history of RCA. During the civil rights movement, she stood with leaders like Dr. King at the famous march on Washington. She spoke out for racial equality, and became involved with the NAACP and other groups. And she never stopped doing what she loved: performing. In 1981, she returned to Broadway in a one-woman show, which won a Tony Award, two Grammies, and endless critical acclaim. And she kept creating original material well into the next decade. Mr. President, Lena Horne departed this life only a few days ago on May 9 at the age of 92. As a performer, her legacy is unsurpassed. She rose to become one of the most successful entertainers of the last century, and blazed a trail for countless other minority performers to follow. Her personal legacy is no less remarkable. She consistently lived out her values, and did not shy away from opportunities to stand up for what she believed in. She embraced every chance to make a positive difference in the lives of others and that, more than anything, is what she will be remembered for. Lena Horne left an indelible mark on this Nation. And that is why I am proud to join Senator Gillibrand in sponsoring a resolution in her honor. I ask my colleagues to stand with us in celebrating the life of this remarkable woman--a trailblazer who achieved great success in the face of tall odds, and then used that success to better the lives of others. Lena Horne is gone. But in her classic recordings--in the lives she touched, the movies she made, and the change she helped to bring about she will always be with us. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, in recent days, since the Chamber opened debate on Chairman Dodd's financial reform bill, we have all heard a lot of talk about the irresponsible behavior on Wall Street. We have heard about the recklessness that cost this country trillions of dollars in lost savings, not to mention 8 million American jobs. We have heard about the consumers, especially minority populations and the elderly, who have suffered a great deal as a result of this economic crisis. I thank my colleagues on both sides of the aisle for joining in the debate about how to address these issues, and I am confident we can reach and find common ground. Just yesterday, I came to the floor to voice my strong support for the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau that would be created under Chairman Dodd's bill. I believe this bureau should be at the heart of any reform legislation--to end abusive practices, serve as an advocate for ordinary Americans, and make sure everybody can get a fair deal. It would even help to prevent a similar financial crisis from taking place in the future. But we need to make sure our bill is about more than prevention. We need to be proactive about finding solutions for millions of Americans--especially minority individuals--who are hurting right now. We need to start by expanding access to credit. Under the Dodd bill, the Secretary of the Treasury will be authorized to establish a multiyear program of cooperative agreements, financial agency agreements, and grants--all designed to make credit more available to low- and middle-income Americans. For the first time in years, our legislation would give ordinary consumers access to mainstream financial institutions and provide alternatives to those payday loan operations. It would help defray the costs of programs that make small loans so folks could find it easier to get the resources they need without incurring unnecessary risks. Our Consumer Financial Protection Bureau would also play a significant role in making credit more available. Currently, 16 percent of minority households do not have bank accounts, compared with only 4 percent of White households. As a result, African Americans and other minorities are more likely to use payday lending services, some of which are questionable practices, to take advantage of their customers. That is why our Consumer Financial Protection Bureau would have the authority to supervise large, nonbank financial companies to cut down on abusive tactics. It would also help enforce fair credit card laws, rein in automatic overdraft programs, and clarify the complex web of rate charges. In short, this legislation would reduce or eliminate many of the factors that keep people away from banks. It would help raise financial literacy and establish reasonable terms and conditions for loans. At its core, it would significantly expand access to credit--especially among those who continue to feel the worst effects of this economic crisis. That is why I am proud to support the Wall Street reform bill that has been introduced by my good friend, the distinguished Senator from Connecticut, Chairman Dodd. I urge my colleagues to join me in passing this important legislation. Mr. President, I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I am pleased to join the distinguished Senator from Louisiana in supporting this small business legislation. There is a growing chorus in Washington of national leaders and advocacy groups, concerned citizens who have all come together to call for financial reform. Across America, folks are demanding a return to accountability, commonsense regulations, and fair business practices. Each of us has been touched by this economic recession. Every Member of this body has heard from countless businesses and families back home who have had to tighten their belts and brace for the worst. We have all seen the raw numbers. We have heard the statistics over and over. Too often, we forget what is behind the numbers--real folks experiencing real pain. This economic crisis is far from abstract. It has touched millions of American lives. It has made people wonder when or even if our economic future will be secure again. It has shaken us to the core. Things are finally starting to look a bit better. Thanks to bold steps taken at the national level, America is back on the road to recovery. Key economic indicators are turning around. But we are not out of the woods yet. The national unemployment rate stands at almost 10 percent. Our economy is growing but more slowly than we had hoped. Some people, especially the elderly and racial and ethnic minorities, remain especially vulnerable. Their pain is real. That is why, as the Senate considers financial reform legislation, we need to make sure they are protected. We need to make sure recovery continues along the right path and, at the same time, to stand up for these folks and prevent this from happening again. That is why we need to create a Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, a strong advocate standing squarely on the side of the ordinary American, defending them from abuse at the hands of large corporations. This new bureau must be at the center of the financial reform package. It must be empowered to set and enforce strict consumer protection rules. We should start with the mortgage industry. For years, banks have been allowed to relax their standards. They have made bad loans to people who were never able to make the payments. As a result, foreclosures skyrocketed. Almost no community in America was immune to the subprime lending crisis, but minority populations were hit the hardest. At the height of the subprime boom, 54 percent of the loans made to African Americans were high-priced loans. The recession has caused these borrowers to come under severe stress, and as a result the Black home ownership rate has decreased. We need to stop this kind of predatory lending and restore basic principles of fair play to the mortgage industry. That is why our Consumer Financial Protection Bureau would take a hard look at the way the mortgage brokers operate. It would ensure borrowers have access to loans they can afford. It would shut down scam operations, end abusive practices, and keep all brokers honest. But it doesn't stop there. I believe we should extend many of these same protections to the student loan industry. Today's young people represent the best America has to offer. They are our future, and we need to invest in their education, so we can make sure they have the tools that will help them succeed in the global marketplace. That is why our Consumer Protection Bureau would have the authority to set basic rules of the road, to make sure students are empowered to make smart choices. The bureau would provide assistance to borrowers and institutions alike, increasing the flow of information and breathing transparency back into this complicated system. This would provide significant benefits to young people across America. But it would have the strongest impact on minority households, 49 percent of which currently have installment loans, including student loans. Finally, we must task our new bureau with increasing financial literacy among consumers. Today, far too many Americans get caught up in the fine print, trapped by the deceptive practices of major financial institutions. So if we pass financial reform that includes a Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, these folks will have access to clear information in plain English. If they are still confused, they will be able to call a consumer hotline. This will connect them directly with experts at an office of financial literacy, so they can get their questions answered and make sure they are getting a fair deal. This will empower consumers to make smart choices and will prevent big financial institutions from taking advantage of ordinary Americans. It would ensure that we stay on the road to recovery and extend a helping hand to regular folks who need it--especially the disadvantaged communities that have felt the worst effects of this crisis. Most importantly, a Consumer Financial Protection Bureau will help prevent this kind of crisis from ever happening again. We must never forget that cold statistics and Wall Street balance sheets do not tell the complete story of this financial meltdown. It is important to think of the real human beings--individuals and families--who are behind these numbers: the ordinary folks who continue to suffer. I believe it is time to stand up for these folks. That is why I am glad a Consumer Financial Protection Agency is at the center of our Wall Street reform bill. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, roughly 2 years ago, the American economy stood on the verge of collapse. After years of growth and seemingly endless prosperity, the honeymoon was suddenly over. The bubble burst. The world was plunged into recession. Banks began to fail, foreclosures skyrocketed, businesses struggled, and many Americans lost their jobs. Working families saw their hard-earned economic security evaporate almost overnight. Some of our largest and most respected financial institutions were forced to close their doors and others were in imminent danger. In Washington, policymakers found themselves face to face with the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. They took action. They were forced to make some difficult decisions, but they stopped the bleeding and set America back on the road to recovery. It is well known that reckless actions by large Wall Street firms helped get us into this economic mess. These companies skirted rules and regulations. They gambled with the securities of the entire financial system, and they lost. But my colleagues knew that if these large institutions collapsed, they would bring down the rest of our economy with them. They had become, as we say on this floor, too big to fail. In the face of the potential catastrophe, many of my colleagues summoned the kind of political courage that is rare in this town. They bit the bullet and voted to bail out these large firms, not because the firms deserved government help but because it was the only way to stop this recession from turning into a depression. It must have been a painful decision, but it provided stability at a volatile moment. It propped up ailing markets all over the world and helped pull this country out of an economic tailspin. Today, our recovery remains fragile, but we are moving in the right direction. Too many Americans remain unemployed, but the economy is starting to grow again. Key indicators are finally turning around. As this Chamber considers Wall Street reform, I believe it is time to make sure this can never happen again. Let's protect our financial system from the kind of recklessness and abuse that has cost us so much. Let's make sure we never again will be forced to prop up big banks or risk total collapse. Let us end too big to fail. As a former banker, I have a deep understanding of the role our financial institutions play. Banks help direct investment to local communities. They provide credit to small businesses and security to working families. When they make bad decisions, they deserve to suffer the consequences of those decisions. That is how our free market system works. When big banks try to get around these responsibilities, when they package these risk investments and sell off the risk to someone else, that is not banking, that is gambling. Without commonsense regulations and vigorous oversight, Wall Street becomes a casino. I heard my distinguished colleague from Nevada mention that Nevada is the gambling capital of the world. But Nevada would not even buy some of these odds in which some of these banks are involved. Sometimes these companies get lucky and their bets may pay off. But other times they are not so lucky. That is when they look to working families to either bail them out or suffer a second Great Depression. We need to make sure Americans never have to face this choice again. We have to prevent firms from growing so large and reckless that they threaten our entire economy. That is why I support the bill introduced by Chairman Dodd and say that it is a good bill, it is a strong bill which will end taxpayer bailouts, restore oversight, and set basic rules of the road so we can make sure too big to fail is a thing of the past. This bill will institute the Volcker rule, which will both restore and modernize some of the key protections of the Glass-Steagall Act of 1933. I am also cosponsor of an amendment that is coming forward in this regard. I really support us going back to Glass-Steagall, having been a banker during those days when you couldn't invest in insurance companies, you couldn't invest in mortgage banking activity, and you had to be a commercial bank that took in the lending and the security of people's assets and made loans in that regard. So this would help prevent fraud, discourage conflict of interest, and keep banks from growing so large they threaten our economic security. The bill would also give us the tools to monitor big banks for risky behavior so that we could crack down on the irresponsible practices that caused this mess in the first place. I urge my colleagues to pass this bill as it will be amended, and I call upon them to join my good friend Senator Boxer in passing her amendment, which will help us bring down large unstable institutions without taxpayer bailouts. Taxpayers aren't going to take it anymore. We aren't going to be bailing out these big institutions only to have them turn around and pay huge bonuses to their top officials. Over the past 2 years, we have made great strides in helping to turn our economy around. In the last Congress, Members of both parties did what was necessary to stop the recession from deepening. Then, a little more than a year ago, I was proud to join many Members of this body in passing the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act--a landmark bill that continues to bring prosperity back to communities all across this country. As a result of these bold actions, our economy is finally on the right track. So let us in this body, at this time, finish this job. Let's pass this Wall Street reform bill, as amended, so that we can establish the basic rules of the road and allow our free markets to thrive again. Let's end too big to fail so no large bank will be able to gamble away our economic security. Let's do it now because the time is now. I yield the floor. Passing of Ernie Harwell