Roland Burris

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Thank you, Mr. President. Every so often in the winding history of our country there is an entire generation that rises to confront the challenges of a moment. Every so often there is a movement so powerful that it changes the course of history. And every so often there is a visionary leader, a person with singular ideas, who comes along exactly at the right time to harness the energy of a movement and capture the imagination of a generation. These are rare figures whose names are etched into our national consciousness, whose memorials dot the landscape of our Capital, and whose words and actions help to redefine the very fabric of our Nation. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., was just such a leader. He rose to prominence as a key figure of the civil rights movement, but he came to transcend both the movement and the generation that brought him to national prominence. Earlier this week we came together as a nation to celebrate and commemorate the life and work of Dr. King. His message of equality and fairness for all inspired the transformative civil rights era and continues to resound throughout the United States even today. The legacy of Dr. King is one that lives on through the service and goodwill of Americans in communities across the country. And Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Day serves as an annual opportunity for people across the Nation to give back and volunteer to help those who are suffering. It was this generosity of spirit that defined Dr. King's life and work. And by living out his selfless dedication to our fellow man, we can honor his vision and continue the work he left behind. The fact that I stand before you today on the floor of the U.S. Senate is proof of the enduring legacy of Martin Luther King. Out of the chaos, violence, and injustice of segregation, Dr. King found the strength to speak of peace, hope, and righteousness. Where many saw hate and resentment, Reverend King saw an opportunity to build bridges, to seek out the humanity of those on both sides, and to appeal to the compassion that lives in each of us. There were some who lashed out with clenched fists. But although he knew he would be met with hostility, Dr. King came to the table, time and again, with arms outstretched. Half a century ago, most people could barely conceive of a world in which someone like me could address the highest lawmaking body in our land. Fewer still could have dreamed of the day when a man with a mother from Kansas and a father from Kenya would be sworn in as President of the United States of America. I never thought I would live to see the day, Mr. President. But even 50 years ago, when much of America could barely dream of such a future, Dr. King knew this day would come. His vision never faltered, in spite of the dark days he witnessed and the tragic violence that eventually took his life. The march towards equality has been long. It began long before Martin Luther King walked this Earth, and it will continue long after all of us are gone. But so long as this great Nation endures, Dr. King's spirit will live on in our highest aspirations. His voice rings through our history. And although he did not live to see the promised land, his steadfast gaze still guides our every step, his booming voice sets the cadence of our march, and we know he will be waiting for us when we get there. In the near future, a monument to Dr. King will rise on the National Mall, just a short distance from this Senate Chamber. He will stand shoulder-to-shoulder with other giants in our history: Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, and King. It is fitting that this great leader should be memorialized alongside other Americans who have helped to build a more perfect union. And as we observed Martin Luther King, Jr. Day earlier this week and as we continue to build this monument, it is my hope that we can keep his spirit alive in our hearts. As Dr. King might say, let us keep our feet on the march and our hands on the arc of history. Let us look to the future with the same fierce urgency that he showed us more than 40 years ago. Let us complete this journey together, arm in arm, and make Martin Luther King's dream a reality.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the period of morning business be extended until 3:45, with Senators permitted to speak for up to 10 minutes each, with the time equally divided between the two leaders or their designees.

Mr. BURRIS. I ask unanimous consent that time under the quorum call be equally divided.

Mr. BURRIS. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, as this debate draws to a close and my colleagues and I prepare to vote on a health care reform bill, I recognize that long hours and tense negotiations have left some nerves and tempers frayed. That is why I come to the floor. Although our work keeps us away from our family and friends for much of this holiday season, I see no reason why we cannot share good cheer with one another right here in Washington. So in the spirit of the season, I would like to share my own version of a classic holiday story with my good friends on both sides of the aisle. It goes something like this: `Twas the night before Christmas and all through the Senate The Right held up our health bill, no matter what was in it. The people had voted--they mandated reform-- But Republicans blew off the gathering storm. ``We'll clog up the Senate!'' they cried with a grin, ``And in midterm elections, we'll get voted in!'' They knew regular folks need help right this second-- But fundraisers, lobbyists and politics beckoned. So, try as they might, Democrats could not win Because their majority was simply too thin. Then, across every State there arose such a clatter The whole Senate rushed out to see what was the matter! All sprang up from their desks and ran from the floor Straight through the cloakroom, and right out the door. And what in the world could be quite this raucous? But a mandate for change! From the Democratic caucus! The President, the Speaker, and of course Leader Reid Had answered the call in our hour of need. More rapid than eagles the provisions they came, And they whistled, and shouted, and called them by name: ``Better coverage! Cost savings! A strong public plan! Accountable options? We said `yes we can!' ``No exclusions or changes for pre-existing conditions! Let's pass a bill that restores competition!'' The Democrats all came together to fight for the American people, that Christmas Eve night. And then, in a twinkle, I heard under the dome--the rollcall was closed! It was time to go home. Despite the obstructionist tactics of some, the filibuster had broken--the people had won! A good bill was ready for President Obama, ready to sign, and end health care drama. And Democrats explained, as they drove out of sight: ``Better coverage for all, even our friends on the right!'' And I say to all of my colleagues: In this season, Merry Christmas and a happy, happy New Year. Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I also would like to make a few comments on the issue that is pending before this body and which has been debated and debated and debated, discussed and discussed and discussed. It is time to bring it to a meaningful and final conclusion. As I address this Chamber today, we stand on the cusp of history. For many years, we have known that the American health care system is badly broken. Now, after nearly a century of debate, after 100 years of delay and false starts, this body is on the verge of laying the issue of health reform to a rest. This bill represents the culmination of decades of hard work. Its course has been shaped by 11 Presidents and countless Members of the House and Senate. It has taken a long and winding path to reach this point. This legislation is a product of compromise and consensus, of give and take on both sides. It is not perfect; by no means is it perfect. But here we stand. We have come further than any Congress in history on this issue. We have worked hard to craft a measure that can accomplish the goals of reform without alienating those whose support we need to pass this bill. Without a commitment to certain ideals, this bill would be empty and ineffective. But without a willingness to work together and achieve compromise, this bill can never become a political reality. As responsible legislators, this is the fine line we must always walk. It is never easy. I applaud my colleagues for the fine work they have done at every step along the way. Still, not everyone is satisfied, so the work goes on. It is the genius of our Founding Fathers and the rules of this body that allow one Senator to keep debate alive so we can work, debate, write, rewrite legislation together. One Senator can do that under the rules of this body. Some have suggested that we kill this legislation and start over. They suggest that we stop and come up with something new. They say without perfection we should give up on reform altogether. I have spoken on the Senate floor, Mr. President. You know what my position has been. But giving up on this issue is not an option. So as my colleagues and I continue to move forward from here, I would like to make one thing very clear. After 100 years of debate, we have come too far and worked too hard to turn back now. Too many Americans are counting on us to make a decision on their behalf. They need it now. They don't need it tomorrow or next week or next month or next year or never--they need it now. Killing the bill would ignore those who look to us for help in their time of crisis. We cannot abandon them at this time. Leaving tens of millions of people without any health coverage at all is also unacceptable. To all those who believe we should kill this bill I would say this: I understand their frustration, the impulse to say enough is enough. But our vote in this body on this bill is not the end of a path for this sweeping legislation, only a door to the next step of conference. I have not yet seen the details of the legislation. I have not yet seen the CBO score. I have not yet seen the provisions that will earn my vote; namely, cost containment, competition, and accountability. It is only through keeping this legislation alive that we can continue our work to make this a more perfect document. I say we must continue to work on this document we have before us. We cannot kill this legislation and start over. We must keep working through this legislation, keeping it alive so we can continue--continue--to make this document what we want it to be. That is what we must do. I yield the floor. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I rise, of course, to speak on the health care legislation. The Senate is the greatest deliberative body this world has ever known. Since the inception of this body, its Members have practiced and perfected the art of compromise. It has been said that politics is the art of the possible--and this Chamber is teeming with experienced legislators who know how to work with Members of both parties to forge a more perfect bill. This means that individual Senators must inevitably give ground in the interest of achieving legislation that is built on consensus. As a body of lawmakers--and particularly as a Democratic Party--we have compromised throughout our history to bring about the greatest legislative achievements this Nation has known. In the process, this Senate has made the country better. Today, we find ourselves debating a measure that could overhaul the entire American health care system. We stand at this point after nearly 100 years of discussion and deliberation, stretching from Teddy Roosevelt to Barack Obama. What has defined us across that century is our commitment as a party to the fundamental pillars of health care, all of which have been echoed in this recent debate. These values served us well in 1935, when the Senate took up a proposal called Social Security. History recalls that debate was fierce. It was not without struggle and was not without compromise. But in the end, we achieved one of the greatest, most enduring public policy successes in American history. Thirty years later, these very same values led this party and this Senate to take up a bill known as the Medicare Act. Again, that fight was not easy, and compromise was necessary to realize our vision. But, once again, this body and this party brought historic change to America. These hard-fought programs have been the valued cornerstone of our domestic policy for generations. They define the way we legislate and underlie the principle that this government's chief responsibility is to its citizens. Today, a new generation of Americans and a new Congress find ourselves in the midst of another historic debate. Earlier this year, a new President was swept into office, full of energy and ideas, and armed with a clear mandate to bring real reform to a health care system that was badly broken. So, once again, we took up the task of fighting for a more perfect health care system. Americans all over the country, struggling and suffering, many in personal health crises, have looked to us. There is urgency there, and this body needs to act. Those who need help the most need that help now. So let's pass this health care reform legislation, but let's also do it right. Let's not pass something just to pass something. Everyone in this room is a legislator. We approach our responsibilities with the knowledge that our most optimistic ideas must often be tempered with a pragmatic reality. In the process of this debate, we have all made concessions and we have all compromised. My own preference was for a single-payer system. Some of my friends on the other side would like to see no reform bill at all. But as a body and at least as a Democratic Party, I hope we will stay true to those fundamental pillars that have determined our course for the last 100 years. As Mohandas Gandhi once famously said: All compromise is based on give and take, but there be no give and take on fundamentals. Any compromise on mere fundamentals is a surrender. It was in the spirit of constructive compromise that 10 of our colleagues met and worked to forge the new compromise deal we have all heard about. I thank them for their hard work. We are all deeply invested in this issue. I applaud their willingness to come together at the table. At this point, the specifics of this proposal are few. As are many in this Chamber, I am actually awaiting the chance to examine the full details of the proposal. I do have deep reservations, deep concerns, about what you have heard up to this point. Until I see more, I can only say again what I have said from the very first day of this debate so many months ago: I am committed to voting for a bill that achieves the goals of a public option, competition, cost savings, and accountability. I will not be able to vote for lesser legislation that ignores these fundamentals. I will continue to fight every day to strengthen this legislation until its final moments on this floor. I fully realize how hard my colleagues have worked. I know how difficult it has been to get this far. My colleagues may have forged a compromise bill that can achieve the 60 votes that will be needed for its passage, but until this bill addresses cost, competition, and accountability in a meaningful way, it will not win my vote. The American people most in need of help know we can do better, and we must do better. Thank you, Mr. President. I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, over the past several months, I have come to the floor of this body many times to speak about the urgent need for comprehensive health care reform. I have said that our bill must accomplish three goals in order to be effective: It must bring competition to the insurance market--competition to the insurance market--it must provide significant cost savings to ordinary Americans, and it must restore accountability to an industry that has run roughshod over the American public for far too long. I would like to focus on this last point with my remarks today. We need real accountability in the insurance market. After almost 100 years of debate about health care reform, this Senate stands on the verge of making history. There are many good elements in the legislation that is before us today, but without accountability, any reform measure would be toothless and inconsequential. If we don't give the American people a chance to hold their insurance providers accountable, quality care will continue to elude certain segments of our population. We can't stand for this any longer. We must prevent insurance companies from discriminating against people by charging them higher rates or denying coverage because of certain conditions. Everyone knows it is hard for uninsured patients to get quality medical care. Under the current law, in the case of catastrophic injury or illness, anyone admitted to the emergency room should receive equal treatment to save their life. Shockingly, Harvard researchers have found that this is not the case. They examined 690,000 individual cases over 4 years and found that uninsured patients are nearly twice as likely to die in the hospital as patients with similar injuries who do have insurance. And even after these results were adjusted to account for age, race, gender, and the severity of the injuries, they found that the uninsured were still 80 percent more likely to die than those with health coverage, including Medicaid. I just had a delegation of physicians in my office. I listened to their comments in reference to wanting us to make sure we passed a health care reform bill this session. One of those physicians began to relate to me the story of his brother, who was employed but was without health insurance. At 41 years old, he died of cancer because he waited too long to try to get treatment. And because he was uninsured and no one would treat him, that took his life at the young, tender age of 41. So this new evidence is conclusive, and it is truly disturbing. The poor and the uninsured suffer disproportionately under our current system. In the most advanced country on Earth, there is no excuse for this stunning inequality. Big corporations know there is a lot of money to be made out of the poor and they do not hesitate to rake in large profits and their expenses. These companies exploit minor technicalities to deny coverage to people who are sick. They use gaping holes in the system to refuse treatment for those with certain conditions. That is because they do not see patients as real people who need help, they see them as numbers in the corporate ledger. They see risk and expenses and lower dividends for their shareholders. That is why we need to prioritize patients over profits. That is why we need to extend coverage to more people and make these companies accountable for the first time in decades. If we pass insurance reform with a strong public option it would be illegal to deny coverage because of a preexisting condition. For the first time in many years, ordinary Americans would be able to shop around if they are paying too much, or they are not being treated fairly. Costs would come down, coverage would improve, and lives would be saved. Let us pledge ourselves to this cause. Let us make sure every American can get the treatment they need in the emergency room regardless of their income, need, or the insurance coverage they have. We must not fall short in this regard. We must not settle for anything less. I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, it is also my pleasure to stand with my colleagues and be a part of this health reform package, to give recognition to those distinguished senior Senators who have put so much heart into drafting this important legislation, to our Leader Reid and to Senator Baucus, Senator Dodd, and all the individuals. It is a pleasure for me to be a part of this freshman colloquy on this major package. Over the past several months, my freshman colleagues and I have taken the floor many times to speak about the need for comprehensive health care reform. I am pleased to join them today as we discuss our cost containment package. This set of provisions will help promote accountability, increase efficiency, and reduce disparities in our health care system. Our amendment will reinforce and improve the principles of high-value, low- cost care that is central to the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act. Our amendment will strengthen Medicare's ability to act as a payment innovator, paying for value and not for volume. In speeding this process, our amendment gives Medicare more of the resources it needs to gather data, expand programs that work, and reach the neediest patients. We also work to strengthen waste, fraud, and abuse provisions in the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act in order to make sure that the Department of Health and Human Services has the tools to not only punish offenders but to prevent fraud from happening in the first place. But this is not just about our public programs. We also promote private-public data sharing to get a better picture of our whole medical system. Our amendment further takes aim at administrative costs, another barrier often cited to getting the most effective care, by encouraging public-private collaboration to create uniform standards and reduce the mountain of paperwork that takes doctors' time away from their patients. Finally, we put pressure on private insurers to change the way they pay. By encouraging insurers to reward programs that reduce disparities, providers will increasingly focus attention on populations that need it most. By proactively targeting these needy folks through cultural competency training, language services, and community outreach, our amendment will increase wellness and reduce the use of costly emergency room care. My colleagues and I are supported by top business groups, consumer groups, and providers because they all know we have to transform the way care is delivered in this country. Businesses know that without the reduced cost of care and promoting transparency, the cost of premiums continues to rise, putting a stranglehold on wage increases and making them less competitive. Consumer groups want to ensure the patients get more value for their dollar, that they do not just get more care but they get the type of coordinated, effective care that will keep them healthy and out of the emergency rooms. Those providers who focus on targeted care to get the best patient outcome want to be rewarded for doing so. The evidence could not be clearer, the conclusions could not be more decisive that the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, coupled with our amendment, will lower costs for ordinary Americans. I call upon my colleagues to take an honest look at what we are doing, and I defy them to say that health care reform will not reduce costs and improve the functioning of our health care system. The debate over health care reform cannot be scoring political points. It must be about the health and well-being of the American people. All of our great work will bear fruit, and we will reform our Nation's health system because there is no other option. Our citizens demand it, and they deserve no less. I thank our distinguished colleagues. I am happy to be a part of this freshman colloquy in presenting such an important issue at this time in history in this great country of ours. I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, as a lifelong public servant, I have always believed in the fundamental greatness of this country. I am sure this is a belief shared by every single one of my colleagues in this body. It is what drove us to serve in the first place, just as it has driven generations of Americans to serve in many capacities throughout our history. Democrat or Republican, liberal or conservative, we are united by our underlying faith in the democratic process and our respect for the people we have come here to represent. That is what makes this country great, the belief that together we can make progress. Together, we can shape our own destiny. That is why we gather here in this august Chamber, to bring the voices of the American people to Washington, to the very center of our democracy. Earl Warren, the late Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, articulated this very well: Legislators represent people, not trees or acres. Legislators are elected by voters, not farms or cities or economic interests. He said this in reference to a court case about elected representatives at the State level, but his insight rings especially true here in the highest lawmaking body in the land. I ask my colleagues to reflect upon this simple truth for a moment. We address one another as ``the Senator from Illinois'' or ``the Senator from Texas'' or ``the Senator from Colorado'' or ``the Senator from Utah,'' but we do not speak for towns, or companies, or lines on a map. Our solemn duty is to listen to the people we represent and give voice to their concerns and interests here in Washington. We strive to do this every day, but far too often partisan politics get in the way. When it comes to difficult issues such as health care reform, the voices of the people sometimes get lost in all of the talk about Republicans versus Democrats, red States versus blue States. The media gets caught up in the horse race and, more often than we would wish, the atmosphere of partisanship follows us into this Chamber. As our health care reform bill has cleared the first hurdle and moved to the Senate floor, I urge my colleagues to listen to the people--not just to the party leadership--as they decide how to vote. If they shut out the health care insurance lobbyists, the special interests, and the partisan tug of war, they might be surprised at what they will hear from the American people. In my home State of Illinois, the weight of consensus is hard to ignore. Folks stop me on the streets, stop me in hallways outside of my office, talk to me on airplanes; they call, write, and e-mail. They contact me every way possible. The message is always the same: We need real health care reform. They are telling me don't give up and don't back down. That is because the American people overwhelmingly support reform. They need health care reform now--not tomorrow or next year, they need it now. I urge my colleagues to think of the uninsured people in their own States. Think about that. Who are the ones who are uninsured? These are the folks who need reform the most. We have all heard at least a few of the heartbreaking stories. Sadly, we will never be able to hear them all because there are too many. So it is time for us to listen and to take a stand on their behalf. It is time to bring comprehensive health care reform to every State in the Union, because in my home State of Illinois, 15 percent of the population is uninsured. In the most advanced country on Earth, this is simply unacceptable. We need to dramatically expand access to quality, affordable health care. But it is not just a blue States issue, it is an American issue. This is a problem that touches all of us. In fact, as we look across the map, we see that many of our States that need the most help are actually the red States. Eighteen percent of the people in Tennessee and Utah don't have health insurance and cannot get the quality care they need. The number of uninsured stands at 20 percent in Alaska, and it is nearly 21 percent in Georgia, Florida, and Wyoming. In Oklahoma, Nevada, and Louisiana, more than 22 percent of the total population is uninsured, and 24 percent without health insurance in Mississippi. More than a quarter of the population in New Mexico can't get health insurance. In the great State of Texas, almost 27 percent of the population has no health coverage. These numbers speak for themselves. We need to expand coverage to include more of these people. A recent study conducted by Harvard University shows that the uninsured are almost twice as likely to die in the hospital as similar patients who do have insurance. This human cost is unacceptable, and the financial cost is too much to bear. While my friends on the other side seek to delay and derail health care reform at this crucial juncture, this bill seeks to save the health of our citizens, to save the lives of Americans, and to save money in the way coverage is offered and delivered. By extending coverage to these individuals and increasing access to preventive care, we can catch illnesses before they become serious. That is why I am proud to support provisions such as the amendment offered by my colleague from the great State of Maryland, Senator Mikulski. This measure would guarantee women access to preventive care and health screenings at no cost. If more women could get regular screenings and tests, such as mammograms, we can catch illnesses such as breast cancer, heart disease, and diabetes. We can keep more people out of the emergency rooms, we can save lives, and we can save money. The best way to expand access is to create a strong public option that will lower costs, increase competition, and restore accountability to the insurance industry. I am fighting for every single Illinoisan to make sure they have access to quality, affordable health care, and to make sure they have real choices. I am fighting for every Illinoisan, because every one of us will benefit from comprehensive reform. But I recognize that those who are uninsured need help the most, and they need it now. I ask my colleagues to consider this need and to think about how many of their constituents stand to benefit from our reform package. It is no secret that my Republican friends seek to block and delay this legislation. Many of them represent the so-called red States, where opposing health care reform is seen as a good political move. In the cynical course of politics as usual, most of those red States will be written off because they typically support the Republican Party. But not this time. Health reform isn't about politics. It is not about one party or the other. It is about the lives that are at stake here that we are trying to help. It is about the people who suffer every day under a health care system that fails to live up to the promises of this great Nation. When it comes to our health care legislation, a vote against reform is a vote against the people who so desperately need our help. That is why I am asking my Republican friends to rise above politics as usual when they make this choice. Recently, some of my colleagues across the aisle have said our bill would slash Medicare. This is simply not the case. There is no cut in Medicare--no $465 billion cut. Our bill would do nothing of the kind. This is another cynical attempt to scare seniors into opposing health care reform. We have had enough of that. The truth is this: According to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office, health care reform will lower seniors' Medicare premiums by $30 billion over the next 10 years by focusing on prevention and wellness, increasing efficiency and making the program more cost effective. Our Republican friends can choose to engage in partisan games and spread fear and disinformation about health care reform, they can turn their backs on the people they swore to represent, or they can cast aside the tired constraints of partisanship and stand up for what is right. When they go home to the people who sent them to Washington, they can look those people in the eye and say: I fought for you. I stood up to the special interests, the campaign donors, and the political forces that tried to block reform. I didn't vote like a Senator who represents a red State or a blue State; I voted like a Senator who represented your State and all the good, hard-working people who desperately need this help. That is the spirit that drove each of us to enter public service in the first place. That is what makes this country great, the belief that policy is decided by the interests of the people, not big corporations or political parties. This country is more than just a set of lines on a map, and the more you cross those lines, the more you learn that ordinary Americans don't care who scores political points or who gets reelected. They care about results. They care about real costs and real health outcomes. It is time for us to deliver. It is time to stand for the uninsured, the sick, the poor, and all those who cannot stand for themselves. I say to my colleagues, it is time to come together on the side of the American people and make health care reform a reality. This health care legislation that is being debated on this floor will save lives, it will save money, and it will save Medicare. I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, today is World AIDS Awareness Day. We dedicate this day to educating Americans and citizens all over the world about the HIV/AIDS epidemic, and promoting awareness and prevention of this disease. Despite advances in medical technology and treatment options, racial and ethnic minorities and young gay men continue to suffer in disproportionate numbers. African Americans account for 12 percent of the U.S. population, but make up almost half of the 1 million Americans living with HIV/AIDS. Black youth and young adults between the ages of 13 to 24 make up 55 percent of all reported HIV infections. Also, Black women account for almost 70 percent of all new female AIDS cases. It is also the main cause of death for both Black men and women between the ages of 25 to 44. We continue to make considerable progress in caring for citizens with HIV/AIDS and in raising awareness, but today I call upon my colleagues to join me in demanding that we do even more. I was proud to support the expansion of the Ryan White HIV/AIDS Treatment Program in the Senate, a bill which President Obama recently signed into law. This important piece of legislation makes investments in care and treatment services, and also funds prevention and outreach programs--programs that will be improved and augmented by the sweeping health care reforms currently under consideration by the Senate. As we move forward, I will continue to work to promote awareness, education, and prevention of HIV/AIDS, and will be an ardent supporter of programs that care for those afflicted by this disease. World AIDS Awareness Day is a chance for citizens of the United States and people all over the world to get proactively involved by getting educated, and by promoting treatment and testing of HIV/AIDS. Together, we can beat this disease.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, in the last century, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., spoke often of ``the arc of the moral universe'' and how it bends toward justice. He held an optimistic but unvarnished view of our country and saw that America's greatness lives in the promise of expanding equality and opportunity. Sadly, for parts of our history, the halls of civil discourse were closed to people of color, women, and other groups. Too many Americans were denied the freedom that our founding documents guaranteed to every individual, and for far too long. But here in the United States, it is inevitable that justice wins out over tyranny in the end. Thanks to the leadership of Dr. King and countless other trailblazers--of all races, backgrounds, and walks of life--today's America is more free, more fair, and more equal than our forefathers could possibly have dreamed. And today, I come to the floor in honor of one of these real-life trailblazers. Twenty-five years ago, it was almost inconceivable that a person of color could become President of the United States. But that did not stop the Reverend Jesse L. Jackson, Sr., from mounting a serious campaign. Some applauded the effort, and some decried it as foolishness. Some said that America was not ready. But Reverend Jackson was undeterred. He laid righteous claim to the values that define us as Americans, and he shared his vision with all those who would listen and some who would not. And under his leadership, an otherwise ordinary Presidential campaign became a movement. People across America were inspired by what they saw, what they heard, and what they read. They turned out in droves to campaign for Reverend Jackson, to hear him speak, and to offer their support. Twenty-five years ago, Rev. Jesse Jackson decided to run for President. And his bold campaign changed American politics forever. As Dr. King would say, he and his supporters put their hands on the arc of the moral universe and caused it to bend just a bit further. He broke down barriers, he shattered prejudice, and he paved the way for all who came after. He left an indelible mark on the political and social landscape in this Nation and his contributions will be felt for many years to come. In 2008, thanks to the leadership and vision of Jesse Jackson, Martin Luther King, Jr., and countless others, America did what was once unthinkable: we elected an African-American man named Barack Obama to the highest office in our land. It was a day I never thought I would be fortunate enough to see. But it showed the world once again that this is a nation of high ideals and higher aspirations. It proved the enduring truth of the American dream and reinforced the true character of our great country. This Nation owes a great deal to Reverend Jackson and many like him, who continue to share their talent, their vision, and their abiding faith with the American people. So today, 25 years after his historic run for President, I rise to thank Jesse Jackson for all that he has done and for all that he continues to do. And even as we honor his accomplishments, we know that we can look to the future with optimism, secure in the certain knowledge that we are in control of our destiny. We, the American people, have the power to determine the course of this Nation, as Reverend Jackson reminded us a quarter of a century ago. That is the legacy to which he belongs--a legacy of equality and opportunity, which he has left to each of us. Let us honor that legacy and carry it forward, so future generations can share in the ever-expanding promise of the American dream.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, as I address this Chamber today, there is a broad consensus across the country that our health care system is broken. It simply doesn't work for Americans anymore. Everyone agrees that we need real comprehensive health care reform. In order to accomplish this, I believe we must include a strong public option to restore competition, cost savings, and accountability to the health care insurance industry. In fact, I have stated before that I will not vote for any reform measure that fails to include a strong public option. A few of my colleagues are still not convinced. Some have honest questions. But there are others who are not interested in winning this argument on the merits. A few of my colleagues across the aisle are trying to stop this Congress from passing any health care reform at all. Some of my distinguished Republican friends have said our proposals are simply too expensive. They say a trillion dollars is too high a price to pay for a better health care system. I beg to differ. We already pay far too much for health care. Our reform bill would reduce costs over the long term. It would allow consumers to hold insurance companies accountable for the first time in many years. It would restore real competition to markets that are currently monopolized by a few big corporations. It would accomplish all of that without adding to the budget deficit. Yet my colleagues continue to insist that health care reform would be too expensive. Despite the number of Americans suffering under our broken system, they want to talk about fiscal responsibility instead of health care reform. My Republican friends have simply lost their credibility when it comes to this issue. They say they would not support reform that will save lives and improve health outcomes for millions because it costs too much. Yet under a Republican President, they were willing to write bigger and bigger checks to benefit the wealthy. In 2001, when President Bush asked Congress to pass tax cuts that mostly helped the super rich, the total cost came to $1.35 trillion over 10 years. That is more than $300 billion more than our health care reform bill, and it provided significant benefits to far fewer Americans. More than half of the current Republican caucus was serving in the Senate at the time of this vote. Did they try to block the bill? Did they stand up and say: $1.3 trillion for the super rich--that is wasteful, irresponsible, and far too costly? No, they did not. When President Bush called, they answered. My Republican friends voted in favor of this massive spending program, even though it added more than $1 trillion to the deficit. Many of the same people now want to put the brakes on a deficit- neutral health care reform bill designed to help millions of ordinary Americans. Later in 2003, just as this country began to spend hundreds of billions of dollars to conduct two wars, President Bush asked for yet another tax cut. This tax cut also benefited the richest of the rich and added $330 billion more to the deficit. But did my distinguished Republican colleagues urge fiscal responsibility? Did they demand that the President explain how he would finance the wars or balance the budget before they voted on another massive tax cut? No, they did not. Their vocal support for fiscal responsibility was nowhere to be found. Once again, they voted overwhelmingly for the second round of tax cuts. Yet as I address this Chamber today, a few of the same Senators are doing everything they can to stop us from passing health care reform. I would urge the American people to consult the record for themselves. The same voices that now oppose extending health care coverage actually supported spending significantly more money to pad the bank accounts of the richest people in this country. It is the same story for expensive programs such as Medicare Part D. More than half of the Republicans still in the Senate voted for $400 billion of new spending back in 2003. Almost all of these distinguished Senators voted time and again to fund the ongoing wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, which have cost the American taxpayers more than $1 trillion and far too many American lives. I do not mean to suggest every single one of these spending programs was a bad idea. But I would like to point out that when my Republican colleagues talk about ``fiscal responsibility,'' they are talking about an issue on which they have lost their credibility. They recklessly added trillions of dollars to the deficit under a Republican President, but today they oppose health care reform even though it will be paid for by cost offsets. Their actions simply do not match their words. They are placing cynical politics ahead of good policy. So I have a question for my Republican friends who have been Members of this Senate since 2001: If they supported almost $2 trillion of deficit spending for tax relief for the rich, then, I ask them, exactly how much are we allowed to spend for health care that will benefit millions of people across this country? Mr. President, 45,000 Americans die every single year because they do not have insurance and cannot get the quality care they need. Without competition in the industry, insurance companies have raised premiums, denied benefits, and refused coverage to millions. So I ask my colleagues: How much is too much for this Congress to spend to save these lives? My colleagues like to talk about responsibility, so I put it to them that the only responsible course of action is to pass this health care bill, and pass it now. That is the reaction we need. Unfortunately, there are some in this Chamber who are not interested in addressing the issue of health care reform. There are some who do not want to have an honest, open debate on the subject. They want to kick the can further down the road, as our predecessors have done time and time again for the last 100 years. That would be the easy answer--to leave it to someone else to solve the difficult problem of health care reform after the problem has gotten even worse, to settle for the status quo or put a band-aid on a gaping wound and hope that future legislators will muster the political will that a century of lawmakers has lacked. There are some in this body who would settle for this. But I believe the American people deserve better. Especially in difficult times, they demand better of their representatives in Congress. So I say to my colleagues, as great leaders have said to us time and time again throughout our history: Let's seize this moment to do what is right, not what is easy. Let's summon the will to succeed where others have failed. It is time to deliver on meaningful health care reform. It is time for competition, cost savings, and accountability in the insurance industry. It is time to be honest with the American people. Friends, colleagues--Republicans and Democrats--this is no time for partisan games and empty rhetoric. This is time for action. Millions of Americans are counting on us to make health care reform a reality, and we must not let them down. I will say that again. We must not let them down. Mr. President, I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS. I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, on November 11, 1921, exactly 2 years after the armistice that ended the First World War, a brave soldier was laid to rest at Arlington National Cemetery. His grave was marked, not with a name, but with the inscription ``Here rests in honored glory an American soldier, known but to God.'' Like all of his brothers in arms, this soldier left his home and his family to defend his nation in an hour of need. Perhaps he was a factory worker or a farmer or a businessman. Perhaps he had a wife and children; perhaps not. But whoever he was in civilian life, he heard the call--as many have done before and since--and he took up arms in defense of our liberty. He laid down his life that others might live free. He gave what Lincoln called ``the last full measure of devotion.'' And today, although his name has been lost to the ages, the power of his sacrifice endures. It is a sacrifice that every American veteran has been prepared to make, if duty should require it. As we observe Veterans Day this November 11, let us express our thanks and appreciation for those brave veterans who are still with us. And, in doing so, let us remember this man who was brought to his rest exactly 88 years ago. He reminds us of the dear price of freedom--a price which all veterans must be ready to pay. These men and women put their lives on the line to defend the United States. We must recognize and honor the enormity of such patriotic devotion. So let us celebrate the heroes who walk among us--our grandparents, our parents, and our children. Our friends and our neighbors. Let us honor their sacrifice. Let us express our support, our friendship, and our gratitude for the service they have rendered to their country and all its citizens. Their stories are woven into the story of this Nation. These men and women have become a part of something greater than themselves--greater than all of us. More than two centuries ago, when a tyrant from across the ocean refused to grant basic freedoms to his subjects, a brave few decided to claim it for themselves and for their countrymen. When Europe was consumed by violence and genocide--when a dictator seemed poised to march across an entire continent--a generation of Americans rose to this threat and joined with our allies to save the world from oppression. From the hallowed fields of Saratoga and Gettysburg, to the muddy trenches of France, to the rugged Korean peninsula-- From the humid jungles of Vietnam, to the arid sands of Afghanistan, and Iraq, and every theater of combat in between--America's veterans are the valiant protectors of American liberty. We must never forget our servicemen and women--those who fought bravely and returned home, and those who perished on the field of battle. Our freedom is their legacy. And, just as we ask them to make great sacrifices for our Nation, so this country owes them a deep debt of gratitude. We must give our veterans nothing but the very best. As a member of the Veterans Affairs and Armed Services Committees, I will work with my colleagues to make sure we keep our promises to those who serve. This means increasing educational benefits through programs like the Post-9/11 G.I. bill. It means stepping up impact aid support to military communities. And it means providing high quality healthcare to every single soldier, sailor, airman, and marine who puts on a uniform. I will not stand for anything but the best. And I urge my colleagues to join me in renewing this commitment. These men and women answered the call in America's hour of need. And now America must be ready to answer in their hour of need. Colleagues, let us see this Veterans Day as a time to remember--a time to celebrate the heroes of all wars, and to honor their service and sacrifice. But let us also see this Veterans Day as a challenge for the future. Let us see it as a time to keep our promises, and to fight for those who have fought for us. Eighty-eight years ago, a brave soldier was laid to rest at Arlington National Cemetery under the inscription ``Here rests in honored glory an American soldier, known but to God.'' And although we call him the Unknown Soldier, in reality he is anything but unknown. He is our countryman--our brother--our protector. He is every American soldier, past and present. His sacrifice lives in our freedom. His service is carried on by all those who wear the American flag into combat, and all who perish under its standard. My friends, this Veterans Day is a time for remembrance and celebration. It is a time for American heroes.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, 234 years ago today, a group of American patriots gathered to found a new branch of the Armed Forces. They organized and trained a robust fighting force that has distinguished itself time and again in the years since that day. In 1805, these brave warriors were ordered into battle by President Jefferson. They fought for safe passage of American ships and American citizens, defending our fledgling nation against a grave new threat. In fact, they carried this fight halfway around the world to the city of Derne, on the shores of Tripoli. And 40 years later, at the height of the Mexican-American War, this fighting force again proved their bravery. They charged enemy positions at Chapultepec Castle, eventually capturing the enemy capital, and leading U.S. forces into the very halls of Montezuma. In these defining moments, from the halls of Montezuma to the shores of Tripoli, the legend of the United States Marine Corps was born. Since the early days of our Republic, the Marines have been at the forefront of America's defenses. And in every subsequent conflict from the days of the Revolution to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan these brave warriors have proven their mettle, and put their lives on the line to defend our freedom. For their sacrifice, their bravery, and their heroism, they deserve the praise and thanks of a grateful nation. So, to every man and woman who has worn the uniform of the U.S. Marines: we thank you. And we owe you our very best. As a member of the Armed Services and Veterans Affairs Committees, I am inspired by stories of those who serve almost on a daily basis. And I will work with my colleagues to make sure this country keeps its commitment to these fine individuals. So this Veterans Day, as the Marines celebrate 234 years of distinguished service and brave sacrifice, let us all offer our utmost gratitude and support to all of those in uniform.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS. Thank you, Madam President. Two months ago, I stood on the floor of this Chamber and made a solemn commitment. It is a commitment I have restated almost every day that the Senate has been in session, and I will say it once again today: I will not vote for any health care reform bill that fails to include a strong public option. Unfortunately, there has been a great deal of misinformation about what the public option is really about and what it would mean to ordinary Americans. So let's cut through the distractions and scare tactics and talk seriously. Let's define exactly what a strong public option means. I hear people talk about public options and triggers and opt-outs and opt-ins and all kinds of other proposals. Some people throw words around interchangeably. But words are important, and this is not some abstract idea, this is a real set of proposals that will affect real people in real ways. So let's define exactly what we are talking about. The strong public option is about three things: competition, lower costs, and accountability. That is why a strong public option is essential to achieve real, meaningful reform. We can all agree that we need to fix our health care system now, but let's also agree to fix it the right way. First and foremost, a strong public option must create true competition in the health care insurance market. A key problem with health coverage is that consumers do not have any options. In America today, only two industries are not bound by antitrust laws that apply to every other business in this country: health care insurance and Major League Baseball. When every other private enterprise has to compete in the open market for their business, why does big insurance deserve special treatment? In my opinion, they don't. In such a highly concentrated environment, there is no incentive to compete. There is no reason to improve service, expand access, or work with patients and doctors to achieve better health outcomes. In fact, there is every incentive to do just the opposite. We have seen unprecedented consolidation in the insurance market, and that has led to a lack of competition and choice for American consumers. Over the past 13 years, there have been more than 400 corporate mergers involving health insurers. As a result, 94 percent of our Nation's health markets are now considered ``highly concentrated,'' meaning they are virtual monopolies. In my home State of Illinois, just two companies control 69 percent of our market. Sadly, Illinois is far from alone. In Alabama, a single company controls almost 90 percent of the market, and in Iowa, Rhode Island, Arkansas, Hawaii, Alaska, Vermont, Wyoming, Maine, and Montana, the two largest insurance companies control at least 80 percent of the market. In fact, there are only three States in the entire country where the largest three companies control less than 50 percent of the insurance market. This must end. We must restore competition and choice to the health insurance industry. It is time to create a strong public option that will make insurers compete for people's business, just like any other company in America. A strong public option will give people a choice for the first time in decades. No one would be forced to change their coverage, but if their current provider isn't treating them right, they deserve the opportunity to choose something better and more affordable. That brings me to my next point. In order to achieve real reform, a public option must be strong enough to significantly lower costs. Every Member of this Senate knows what America pays for insurance. One dollar out of every $6 we spend in this country goes to pay for health care. Health outcomes are down, but somehow insurance company profits are through the roof. This does not make sense. Premiums are rising four times faster than wages. In fact, between 2000 and 2007, 10 of the country's top insurance companies increased their profits by an average of 428 percent. There is nothing wrong with making a profit. I think all businesses should make a profit. But there is nothing fair about creating a monopoly and then wringing money out of sick Americans who are counting on them in their hour of need. Not only are there almost 50 million Americans without health insurance, there is also a massive segment of the population who can't afford what little coverage they have. The American people deserve the chance to shop around, to compare options and pick plans that are right for themselves and their families or small businesses. If private companies have to compete with a strong public plan, people's premiums will come down, companies will bring costs under control, and this will help save money. But it is not just costs that will improve. Providers will also improve quality of coverage. They will start to focus on patient outcomes rather than profits. As a result, better care will become available to more people. A strong public option would require some capital to get off the ground, just like any other business, but after that, it would rely on the premiums it collects to remain self-sufficient. It would operate like a not-for-profit insurance company, setting affordable rates based on the actual cost of care, not a desire to give giant bonuses to their executives and pay dividends to their stockholders. The current system is a drain on the American taxpayer, but a strong public option would not be. It would not be a handout, it would not force anyone to change their current coverage, but it would drive down costs and give people a real choice for the first time in decades. A strong public option would provide a cheaper alternative to private companies and would force those companies to improve their product or risk losing customers. That brings me to the third goal we must achieve with real health care reform. A public option must be strong enough to bring real accountability to the health insurance industry. For far too long, private insurance providers have been running roughshod over the American public. More often than not, those most in need are the ones who suffer the worst abuse. There is a lot of money to be made off of the poor. I will repeat that statement. There is a lot of money to be made off of the poor. Insurance companies don't seem to mind raking in the cash at their expense. Private insurance companies will drop your coverage for almost any reason. They routinely exploit minor technicalities to avoid paying claims for those who need assistance the most. These companies continue to look at new and innovative ways to deny coverage to sick Americans because they know these people have nowhere else to turn. A strong public option, coupled with the rest of our insurance reform, will change all of that. Our reforms would make it illegal to deny coverage because of a preexisting condition. A strong public option would allow people to shop around if they don't like the coverage they have or if they are paying too much. As the system exists today, the health insurance corporations are accountable to their shareholders first and their customers second. A strong public option would reverse that; it would prioritize patients over profit. It would give the American people the chance to hold their companies accountable for the first time in many years. So that is why I support a strong public option. That is what it would mean for America: competition, cost savings, and accountability. Unless we are able to meet these three conditions in the bill, I will not vote for it. I believe a strong public option is the best way to achieve these goals. In fact, my preference is to have a robust plan that would be tied to Medicare. Whatever form the legislation takes, I will ultimately judge it based on its ability to bring about real competition, lower costs, and restore accountability. So it is time to make good on the promise first articulated by Teddy Roosevelt almost 100 years ago. It is time to make comprehensive health care reform a reality. After a century of debate, we are faced with the opportunity to accomplish something truly historic. If we do this now and if we do this right, we can make a real difference in the lives of millions of Americans. That is why I will not stop fighting until this fight has been won. I ask my colleagues to join me to make sure America has access to quality, affordable health care through a system that is competitive, cost-effective, and accountable. With that, Madam President, I yield the floor and note the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, 40 years ago, just a few miles south of Chicago, a brand new public university first opened its doors to an incoming class of students. The school was designed to reflect the core values of higher education, but in an innovative, nontraditional way. To bring exceptional undergraduate and graduate- level academics to a diverse student body, and to extend the benefits of a quality education beyond the walls of the college classroom. This week, as Governors State University observes its 40th anniversary, I am pleased to join the students, alumni, administration, and faculty in celebrating the continued success of their fine public institution. Since its inception, the Governors State community has grown and developed into an educational and cultural center of Illinois. And even as the university looks back with pride on the last 40 years, they recognize that the best way to celebrate their past is by looking to the future. I would like to commend Governors State University for its indelible contributions to the quality of higher education in Illinois, and its continuing leadership in this field. Their evolving vision continues to inspire thousands to enroll every year. Their commitment to excellence has touched the lives of generations of students. And with the recent creation of a doctoral program in physical therapy, Governors State continues to expand its reach and broaden its horizons. I am proud to join Governors State University in celebrating its first 40 years as a bastion of the Illinois educational community. And I have no doubt that as we look ahead to the next 40 years, this fine institution will continue to lead the way.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, over the last few months I have addressed this Chamber many times on the need for a strong public option as part of our health reform legislation. The need, I believe, is quite clear, but the controversy remains. There are some who continue to attack the public option as a ``government takeover,'' or an unnecessary intrusion into the free market. We must not be deceived by these baseless attacks. They are the instrument of a political opposition that cannot win this argument on the merits. The American people know this better than anyone. They recognize that our health care system is broken and that they must not settle for anything less than comprehensive reform that only a public option can provide. They know that the insurance companies maintain a virtual monopoly over regional markets and that large corporations are squeezing families and businesses for extraordinary profits. Those who oppose reform see no problem with this lack of competition and accountability and that is why their arguments fall short. That is why their talking points seem tired and disingenuous, because they are out of touch with what is going on in America today. Let's reject the constraints of partisanship. Let's shut out the lobbyists and special interest groups that stand to profit from the poor health of hard-working Americans. Let's talk about why we desperately need a strong public option in this country right now. The key problem with health coverage today is that American consumers do not have any options. The principles of competition and choice have always been at the heart of our economic system. They have driven innovation and they have served as the foundation of so many great ideas and achievements throughout our history. In many ways, these principles are uniquely American. Yet the health industry is somewhat exempt from their influence. Private insurance companies are free to fix prices, monopolize local markets and deny coverage to almost anyone for almost any reason. We have seen unprecedented consolidations in the insurance market and that has led to a lack of competition and choice for American consumers. In the past 13 years, there have been more than 400 corporate mergers involving health insurers. As a result, 94 percent of our Nation's markets are now considered ``highly concentrated,'' meaning that they are post-antitrust concerns. In my home State of Illinois, just two companies control 69 percent of the market and, sadly, Illinois is far from alone. In Alabama, a single company controls more than almost 90 percent of the market and in Iowa, Rhode Island, Arkansas, Hawaii, Alaska, Vermont, Wyoming, Maine, and Montana, the two largest health insurance companies control at least 80 percent of the market. In fact, there are only three States in the entire country where the largest three companies control less than a half of the insurance market. This is a staggering statistic. In that kind of highly concentrated environment, there is no incentive to compete. There is no reason to improve service, expand access, or work with patients and doctors to achieve better health outcomes. In fact, there is every incentive to do just the opposite. These companies continue to look for new, innovative ways to deny coverage to sick Americans. They increase premiums, they cap lifetime benefits, they increase corporate earnings at the expense of families and businesses that are already stretched to the breaking point. While the rest of us suffer the effects of recession, they post record profits. That is why health care premiums are growing four times faster than wages. That is why profits are up and, relatively, health outcomes are down. In the last quarter, one major insurance company reported profits that had more than doubled when compared to the same quarter last year. In fact, between 2000 and 2007, 10 of the country's top insurance companies increased their profits by an average of 428 percent. Today, $1 out of every $6 spent in this country goes to pay for health care. This is wrong. This flies in the face of every value our Nation holds so dear. It is time to stand up for the American people and restore the American values of competition and choice to the system. It is time to hold insurance companies accountable. It is time to create a strong public option that will make insurers compete for your business, like any other corporation in America. There is nothing wrong with making a fair profit. I understand that. I have been in business myself. They have to make a profit. But there is nothing fair about creating a monopoly and then wringing money from the sick Americans who are counting on you in their hour of need. That is why we need a strong public option. We cannot have real reform without competition and we cannot have competition without a public option. A strong public option would be a self-sustaining, would provide a low-cost alternative to private companies, and would force them to improve their product or risk losing customers. The public option would give people a choice for the first time in many years. No one would be forced to change their coverage, but if their current provider isn't treating them right, they deserve the opportunity to choose something better and more affordable. The American people deserve the chance to shop around, to compare options and pick the plan that is right for themselves and their families or small businesses. That is what the public option would mean for Americans. That is why I will not settle for anything less. I will not compromise. I will not stop fighting. The good hard-working people in Illinois and across America demand the real reform that a strong public option would provide. Now is not the time to back down. Now is the time to act with conviction. I urge my colleagues to join me in standing up for choice and competition in the health insurance industry. Let us rise to this challenge and include a strong public option in the reform bill we send to the President. Mr. President, I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I thank my colleagues. I join my colleagues this morning to speak out on this very important issue. I am proud to join my freshman colleagues on the floor once again. And I am glad to be talking about the innovation that will come with meaningful health care reform. I agree with the points my colleagues have raised on this issue. Health reform will certainly spark employer innovation, to the great benefit of the American consumer. And that is a good reason to support reform. But few people are talking about the kind of innovation that will come about only if we include a public option in our reform package. So that is what I would like to discuss today. A public option means competition in the private market. As any businessman will tell you, competition breeds innovation. But this is especially true of the competition we can expect with a public option. That is because a public plan will not only encourage reform and innovation in private companies--it will actually step up and take the lead, just as Medicare has done in the past. In fact, a recent study shows that many private companies have adopted the innovations, such as improved payment methods and rigorous reviews of technology and treatment, that were developed under the Medicare system. That speaks volumes about the potential for innovation under a new plan that has the broad base, accountability, and transparency that only a public option could provide. The public option would be in a position to test and implement meaningful changes to the way health coverage works. These innovations will help to streamline the health care system, save money, and reduce the administrative costs that have run rampant among private insurance providers. The public sector will lead the way, and private companies will adopt their innovations. We have already seen this with Medicare--and with a broader public option, this trend is bound to increase. That is because, without competition, private corporations simply don't have any incentive to innovate. There is no reason to spend money on research when you have a virtual monopoly over the insurance market. There is no reason to develop new ways to improve coverage when you can increase premiums at will without incurring much risk. Certainly, private companies specialize in finding innovative ways to deny people's coverage--but that is the only kind of innovation we're likely to see from them. And I think America has had enough of that. A public plan would be entirely different. The recent study indicates that a public option would be at the forefront of improving coverage, through innovations such as: pioneering technologies and inventive treatments, improving efficiency, expanding access, lowering costs, evaluating the quality of care to help payers and purchasers get maximum value, coordinating care for those with chronic illnesses, and finding better ways to reward high-quality primary care providers. These are only a few of the innovations we could hope to see with a public option. And all of these developments would be shared with the private sector. This would help reduce costs, restore accountability, and improve health outcomes for every American. Mr. President, that is why we need the competition and innovation that only a public option can provide. It is time to lower the cost of health coverage. It is time to restore accountability to the system. It is time to make sure every American has access to quality, affordable health care. A public option will spur new innovations that will help us get there. That is why I will not back any insurance plan that does not carry with it this major issue of a public option. I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak for the next 7 or 8 minutes in morning business.