Roland Burris

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, in 1790, Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson became the first government official to perform the essential duties laid out in Article One Section Two of the U.S. Constitution. He oversaw a team of marshals, who fanned out across all 13 United States to conduct the very first U.S. census. In those days, it took quite a long time to gather an accurate count and certify the results. But, in many ways, that first census laid the cornerstone of our democracy. It codified the principle that our system of government depends upon accurate representation of the people. And, even today, that's exactly what the census is all about. It determines the size of the House of Representatives, and ensures that congressional districts and electoral votes are distributed accurately. It helps target Federal funding for schools, hospitals, community centers, infrastructure projects, and a whole host of other programs. In short, it helps our government work the way it is intended in each community, so everyone's voice can be heard. It is about nothing less than who we are as a country. It is about enfranchisement, and civic duty, and ensuring the success of the American system of self-government. That is why our Constitution mandates that the census take place every 10 years. And that is why, 220 years after Thomas Jefferson started this tradition, we are once again asking all Americans to stand up and be counted. Our country has grown by leaps and bounds since Jefferson's time. Making sure we get an accurate count can be a complicated process, but it has never been more important, especially for low-income and minority communities, which are in the greatest need for the resources that will be allocated based on this census. The problem is that many of these communities also have low participation rates--so they are often undercounted, and receive less funding than they deserve. That is why we need make a special effort to reach out to these communities. We need to let everyone know how important it is to participate, so we can get a clear, accurate snapshot. Fortunately, unlike in Jefferson's day, the 2010 census will not take several months to complete--it will take about 10 minutes. This year's form is one of the shortest in history--and it bears a close resemblance to the original questionnaire that was used in 1790. Filling it out will be quick and easy--but it will make a world of difference. I ask my fellow Americans to join me in doing their civic duty, as required by the Constitution. Take 10 minutes to fill out and return this census form. It could be the most productive 10 minutes of the decade. It will make your vote count for more on election day. It will make sure hospitals, fire departments, and police departments are up to the task of serving your community. It will secure adequate funding for roads, bridges, rail lines, and other important infrastructure. And it will help us reaffirm the unwavering commitment shared by all Americans--to a representative government--a government of the people, by the people, and for the people; a government that serves not only the best interests of this great country but of the world. I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I thank Senator Warner. I compliment him for his leadership in getting the freshmen engaged and involved in making sure we are getting the message out to the American people. This piece of legislation, which was signed yesterday by President Obama, is historic. I am proud and appreciative that I had the opportunity to play a part. As you know, my position was for a very strong public option. But as to the issues that are in it, we deal with cost and accountability for the insurance companies. Therefore, it is a major piece of legislation which we want the public to understand. We want the public to understand that for some people this law takes effect immediately. Small businesses benefit in that they will get a tax credit right away. These tax credits can total as much as 35 percent of total premiums. Secondly, for children there will be no elimination for preexisting conditions. Within the next 90 days, these provisions will kick in on behalf of children. So there are a lot of things in this bill that will benefit all of us. We have been trying to do this for over 97 years. I say to my colleagues on the other side, the reconciliation bill is important to make some corrections. The battle they are waging, not from the standpoint of policy but certainly from the standpoint of politics, seeking to make a failure out of this issue, is not really fair to the American people. The misinformation that has been going out about this legislation is not fair. Not only are we going to see immediate benefits, but the long-term benefits of this legislation are also helpful. Situations dealing with preexisting conditions--in 2014, that will kick in. I remember when my daughter was changing jobs, she needed to get insurance because she had a headache problem. They wouldn't insure her. I had to battle to get insurance for my daughter. This is good legislation. It is history. I want the American people to know that it is on the books, and we are going to make necessary corrections. The people will go forward. I thank my colleague from Virginia.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, today I celebrate the 98th birthday of a true civil rights pioneer and social activist: Dorothy Height. She began her career in the 1930s, as a teacher in Brooklyn, NY. Shortly after it was founded, she became active in the United Christian Youth Movement. It was this cause that would first carry her to national leadership, though she was quite a young woman at the time. In 1938, Dorothy was selected by First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt to help plan a World Youth Conference, and later served as a delegate to the World Conference on Life and Work of the Churches. The same year, she was hired by the YWCA, and quickly began to rise through the ranks of the national organization. And it was also around this time that she caught the attention of Mary McLeod Bethune, founder and president of the National Council of Negro Women, or NCNW, who recruited young Dorothy to join the fight for women's rights. She remained deeply involved in the YWCA, and also attained high leadership positions in the Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, the United Civil Rights Leadership, and a number of other organizations. She helped to guide these pivotal groups through the stormy waters of the civil rights movement, looking always to the future, and maintaining a steadfast dedication to cause and principle. But it was Dorothy's distinguished leadership of the NCNW that would come to define her career. In 1957, Dorothy Height was elected fourth national president of NCNW--a position she would hold continuously until 1998. For more than four decades, she was at the helm of the preeminent leadership council for African-American women. Thanks to her unrivaled expertise, transcendent vision, and lifelong dedication to this cause and this great organization, when she retired in 1998, she lived in a country that was far more free, more fair, and more equal than the one she knew as a child. For her extraordinary work, in 2004 this Congress bestowed upon her its highest civilian honor, the Congressional Gold Medal. President Bush presented her with this award on her 92nd birthday. And so today, as Dorothy turns 98, I ask my colleagues to join with me in honoring the immeasurable contributions she has made to this country. I ask them to reflect upon the leadership she has rendered, the causes she has championed, and the countless lives she has touched. Without Dorothy Height, America might be a very different place. I thank her immensely for the difference she has made, and for the lifetime of hard work she has devoted to her fellow citizens. I wish her a wonderful birthday and many happy returns.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, in Washington there is a great deal of talk about what health care reform will mean for various segments of the population. In particular, many of us spend a lot of time talking about 47 million Americans who do not currently have health insurance and how they stand to benefit from our reform bill. This debate has centered on these folks, especially the 31 million people who will gain access to coverage under our proposal. In my opinion, this alone should be reason enough to pass health care reform. Expanding access to coverage will improve relative health outcomes and save money across the board. It will shift our focus from sick care to preventive care and will reduce wait time in emergency rooms. This will have a profound effect on the lives of millions, and it speaks to the profound need for comprehensive health care reform. But that is only a part of the story. Many of my friends in this Chamber and many people across the country recognize the need to expand health coverage. But they are also worried about the effects that health reform will have on their insurance. Middle-class Americans hear all this talk about helping people with no insurance at all and they say: That is great, but I need help too. My premiums are going up, and benefits are disappearing. I am worried that I don't have stable coverage, or that I won't have access to care when I need it. How will reform help me? I think it is time to take a deeper look at these folks. It is time to provide some answers to their questions. It is time to explain how our proposal would affect their lives. I wish to talk about what our reform bill will mean for the middle class and especially the minority community that have felt the worst effect of our economic crisis. As I address this Chamber today, there are 88 million people who lack stable health coverage. That is almost a third of the total population who live in fear that their coverage would vanish at any time. Unfortunately, those fears reflect a harsh reality that it is impossible for middle-class families to ignore. In Illinois alone, there are some 612,000 people who have nongroup insurance. These folks will see their premiums go up by as much as 60 percent this year. I am sure my colleagues can agree, that is outrageous. But it doesn't have to be this way. If we pass a final health care bill and send it to President Obama, middle-class America will start to see the benefits almost immediately. Our legislation would bring unprecedented stability to the market. No one would have to fear that their insurance providers would drop their coverage. No one could be denied care because of a preexisting condition. Our bill will give the American people more power and more choices. It will bring real competition to the insurance market. It will create significant cost savings, and it will restore accountability in the insurance industry. For the average American, this means saving hundreds or even thousands of dollars a year. It means more time with family doctors and less paperwork and redtape. It means free preventive care and discounted premiums for those who stay in shape, quit smoking, and control their weight. It means no one can be denied coverage because of a preexisting condition, and no one will be forced to pay higher premiums because they get sick. If we pass a final health care bill, 1.8 million people in Illinois will be able to get coverage for the very first time. The 612,000 people in the nongroup market will have an option to buy affordable coverage on the insurance exchange. This will reduce their premiums and improve the quality of their coverage almost overnight. But it doesn't stop there. One million additional Illinoisans could qualify for tax credits that could make it easier to afford insurance and perhaps, most importantly, 144,000 small businesses would benefit from a tax credit designed to make coverage more affordable. This strikes at the heart of the debate we have been having in recent weeks, especially as it relates to the middle class. My friends across the aisle are trying to stop us from passing reform. They want us to focus on job creation instead. But what they fail to realize is that these two problems go hand in hand. We can't solve one problem without addressing the other. If we make health insurance more affordable, American companies and especially small businesses will be able to hire more workers. They will be able to afford full coverage for their employees, and there will no longer be any incentives to lay off older workers or to save on premiums. This will make a profound difference in the lives of ordinary folks in my home State and across the country. About 75 percent of Illinois businesses are small businesses. Under the current system, only 41 percent of them have been able to offer health benefits. But if we pass comprehensive reform--if we will extend a tax credit to 144,000 Illinois small businesses and millions of businesses nationwide--it will reduce the burden on working families. It will help businesses recover from the recession, and even start to expand again. It will help create jobs. That is what our health care reform bill will mean for middle-class Americans: stability, security, better coverage; freedom to shop around and find a good price; competition in the market; renewed accountability. That is what health care reform will do for millions of ordinary folks across the country. For minority communities, these effects will be even more pronounced. In Illinois, more than 21 percent of minorities do not have health insurance, compared with 12 percent of Whites. This places them at a greater risk for problems down the road--problems ranging from higher infant mortality to increased rates of chronic diseases in later life. Combine these risks with a higher property rate, and you have a recipe for disaster. But our bill will help to change all of this. It will change that. Our bill will expand coverage, invest in preventive care, and help spur job creation. It will have a dramatic effect on the hard-hit communities and minority areas that need the help the most. So on behalf of middle-class Americans and minority individuals and small businesses, on behalf of millions of ordinary folks in Illinois and across the country, I call upon my colleagues to pass this bill without further delay. Our reform proposals will ensure that everyone is part of the solution to America's health care crisis. So let's seize this opportunity. Let's move forward together. Let's extend the benefits of health reform to the middle class. That way, America can move forward in this 21st century. Madam President, I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, in 1777, when our Republic was just a year old and the Revolutionary War was raging, a man named Frank McWorter was born in South Carolina. In 1795, when the war was over and George Washington was President, he moved to Kentucky. He married a woman named Lucy. And in 1830, he and his family moved to Illinois--the very same year that a man named Thomas Lincoln, along with his son Abraham, moved to there from Indiana. Frank McWorter decided he would settle down, and so he bought a farm in Pike County's Hadley Township, and he began to plan out the town of New Philadelphia. Other settlers moved in. Soon, there were family homes, businesses, and even a school. And when Frank McWorter died of natural causes in 1854, having lived more than three-quarters of a century, he died in the town he founded and guided to prosperity. The community of New Philadelphia continued to thrive until it was bypassed by the expanding railroad in 1869. Left behind by the steam engine, and the wave of expansion it pushed across the western frontier, the residents of New Philadelphia began to disperse by the late 1880's, and the town gradually disappeared again into the Illinois prairie. The story of Frank McWorter and New Philadelphia is an extraordinary one. But as I told this story a moment ago, here on the Senate floor, I left out one defining detail. If Frank McWorter had been a farmer, or a banker, or a soldier, his tale would be remarkable because of the era in which he lived--but in many ways, he would have been no different from thousands of others who grew up in the early days of our country. But Frank McWorter's story is extraordinary because he was not a farmer, or a banker, or a soldier--no, he was a slave. When he moved to Kentucky in 1795, he did not go voluntarily. He went with his owners. On the day he met Lucy, his future wife, the two of them were slaves on neighboring farms. Eventually, Frank was allowed to work odd jobs, and hire out his own time and labor. He learned to mine a major component of gunpowder, which proved profitable. By 1817, he had earned enough money to purchase freedom for his wife. And in 1819, he bought his own freedom--and set out to build a life for himself, as a free American. That is the story of Frank McWorter. So, when he started the town of New Philadelphia in 1836, he accomplished something truly remarkable and unique. He became the first known free African American in history to legally found and plan a town. And he used the proceeds from land sales to purchase freedom for 15 of his family members. I invite my colleagues to imagine what life must have been like in New Philadelphia in the mid-1800s. In pre-Civil War America--in a time when this country still legally permitted slavery--New Philadelphia, IL, was a place where people of all races lived and worked side by side. Federal census records indicate that the town was populated by teachers, blacksmiths, merchants, cabinetmakers, and shoemakers. There was a seamstress, a doctor, a wheelwright, and a carpenter. New Philadelphia even had its own post office, which also served as a stagecoach stop. Imagine what we could learn from studying this unique place, which existed during such an important time. An in-depth study of New Philadelphia could yield important information about what life was like in an integrated community during that period. It could add new dimensions to our understanding of the history we share. I urge my colleagues to join with me in preserving this historic site, which was designated a National Historic Landmark last year. But I believe it's time to take the next step to ensure that the extraordinary story of Frank McWorter and New Philadelphia is preserved for generations to come. I ask my colleagues to support S. 1629, a bill I have introduced to direct the Secretary of the Interior to begin a Special Resource Study, which would determine whether the New Philadelphia site can be managed as a unit of the National Park Service. Today, not much remains of the structures where the town's residents lived and worked. For passersby, the site is an open field just southeast of Springfield, IL. But in 2004, a three-year National Science Foundation grant allowed archaeologists to explore this site for the first time. They found building foundations, wells, pit cellars, and a total of more than 65,000 artifacts. They recognized that these exciting discoveries have the potential to yield even more information. And if we pass this bill, and allow the Secretary of the Interior to evaluate the national significance and suitability of this site, we could pave the way for its preservation as part of the National Park Service. We can re-discover the incredible history that has been hidden among the prairie grass for more than a century. We can reclaim the spirit that drove Frank McWorter--a man born into slavery--to reach for equality and opportunity, to establish himself and his family as free African Americans, in a time when freedom was extremely hard to come by, and to establish a thriving community--a place of inter-racial peace and cooperation--in a dark period for race relations in America. I believe we must act to preserve this legacy. I believe we owe it to ourselves--and to future generations of Americans--to examine the history of New Philadelphia, and the life of pioneers like Frank McWorter. Let us pass S. 1629, so we can better understand those who came before us. In the process, I have no doubt we will discover some remarkable things about ourselves. I yield the floor. Social Justice

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I rise today to call attention to the important and essential role that health care professionals play in providing quality health care across our Nation. Our Nation's health care system is complex and people with many different health needs are served by the diverse group of caring, qualified professionals in the allied health fields. Some of these important health practitioners include respiratory therapists, music therapists, athletic trainers, clinical laboratory scientists, radiologic technologists, medical assistants and many others. There are more than 100 distinct occupations in the health professions, in addition to physicians and nurses. These dedicated health professionals are expert in a multitude of therapeutic, diagnostic, and preventive health interventions and wellness initiatives in diverse settings. These professionals work in disease prevention and control, dietary and nutritional services, mental and physical health promotion, rehabilitation and health systems management. They can be found in community, school and athletic training clinics, long-term and rehabilitation facilities, hospitals, laboratories, hospice, and private homes. These health professionals represent about 60 percent of the health care workforce and approximately 6 million jobs. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, 10 of the 20 fastest growing occupations for 2008-2018 are in the health professions. With many of these fields facing critical workforce shortages, it is essential that we work to increase awareness of the great career opportunities they offer, especially for racial/ethnic minorities. We also need to support the educational programs that will produce our future caregivers. Recent stimulus funding, for example, will go to train 15,000 people nationwide in job skills for careers in health care, IT, and other high-growth fields. In Park Forest, IL, Governors State University will use its $4.9 million grant to help unemployed, dislocated, and low-wage incumbent workers pursue careers in health care. I strongly support the vital role health care professionals play in our health care system, which could not function without their tireless efforts. I urge my colleagues to join me in recognizing this important group of professionals.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I thank my colleague from Virginia and the distinguished Senator from Rhode Island. It is a pleasure for me to join in this very important discussion in the Senate. I am proud to join my Democratic colleagues on the floor this morning to discuss some of the obstructionism we have seen from the other side on a number of Presidential nominations. It is the duty of this Senate to provide advice and consent on more than 2,000 government officials appointed by the President of the United States. These individuals range from Cabinet level officers to agency administrators, ambassadors, Federal judges, and more. They are tasked with leading important agencies and offices such as the Transportation Security Administration, our diplomatic missions around the world, and various law enforcement organizations. These nominees generally make it through committee on near-unanimous bipartisan votes. They are extremely dedicated public servants who stand ready to defend our national security, advance our shared interests, and carry out the important work of the American people. But when these nominations come out of the committee, they invariably hit a roadblock. They hit a stone wall. They are stalled the moment they come to the Senate floor. That is because my Republican friends are holding up dozens of these nominations. Scores of important offices remain vacant because of the same partisan tactics of distraction and delay that we have seen time and time again from the other side. It is not that my Republican colleagues have any problems with the qualifications of the nominees themselves. They enjoy bipartisan support in committee. They carry the high esteem of both Democrats and Republicans. When we are finally able to break the filibuster and have an up-or-down vote, these individuals are almost always confirmed unanimously, as the judge from Senator Warner's State of Virginia was, with a vote of 99 to 0. It was senseless for that nomination to be held up for that long. But thanks to the same old political games, it is difficult to get cloture on these nominations so we can get a floor vote in the first place. The same Republican Senators who vote in favor of these nominees in committee--the same Senators who later support them on the floor-- try to keep us from moving forward as a full Senate. This is obstructionism at its worst. This is pure politics at the expense of the American taxpayers. This is a waste of our time and effort, and the American people deserve better. They sent us to Washington to solve big problems--to create jobs, to reform health care, to strengthen our educational system. But my Republican friends are not interested in working together to confront these challenges. Instead, they drag their feet on noncontroversial things such as Presidential nominations in hopes of scoring political points. They bring this body to a standstill just so they can advance a partisan agenda. Meanwhile, dozens of important Federal agencies are without leadership at the highest levels. Thousands of government employees are working without the public servants who have been appointed to lead them--all because of Republican political games. So I would ask my good friends from the other side of the aisle to abandon these tactics of distraction and delay. Let's have a substantial debate about the issues, not an argument over procedure. Let's stop wasting time and start working together to solve the problems we face. In the meantime, let's confirm these nominees so they can take up their appointed offices and begin to serve the American people. I yield the floor to the distinguished Senator from New Hampshire.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I wish to commend my senior Senator from Illinois for his comments on health care and what we must do in this body to pass health care. It is long overdue. It is time for us to work with our colleagues in the House of Representatives to make sure we cover those 50 million Americans who are uninsured. Urban Prep Academy I wish to do a little presentation here for some young men from Chicago. In 2006, a brandnew school opened its doors to the community of Englewood on the south side of Chicago. This school is called the Urban Prep Charter Academy for Young Men. It was designed to provide quality education to an area desperately in need of a new approach. Local schools were failing. Last year, 93 percent of the public high school students in the neighborhood were classified as low income. The public school attendance rate was around 60 percent. The local high school ranked 81st out of 98 Chicago public schools in terms of preparing students to succeed on college entrance exams such as the ACT. Until 2006, there were few places to turn. Most residents were unable to afford to send their sons or daughters to expensive private schools. It seemed inevitable that these young people would face an uphill fight to graduate from high school, let alone move on to get a college education and find a good career. It seemed as though there was no alternative and no way to break the cycle. But then, in 2002, a group of African-American business persons, educators, and civic leaders came together under the leadership of a young man by the name of Tim King, and they decided to find a solution. They started a nonprofit organization designed to give local residents the tools to succeed in college and to build a better future for themselves. They saw beyond the low-income level and the stereotypes and the destructive cycle that kept the neighborhood schools from succeeding. So, in 2006, the Englewood campus of Urban Prep Charter Academy admitted its first class of students. Many charter schools are able to cherry-pick their students, selecting from the cream of the crop to ensure a high success rate, but the founders of Urban Prep rejected this idea. They looked at the kids in the Englewood public schools and they saw that every one of them had the potential for success, if given the opportunity. So they selected students based on a lottery system rather than strictly by the numbers. Some 400 names went into the barrel and the names were drawn from the barrel. Today, the very first class of Urban Prep students is preparing for their graduation date. While other local schools have had attendance rates of only 60 percent, Urban Prep maintained an attendance rate of 91 percent. The local public school ranked 81st at preparing their students for the ACT with an average score of 13.4, but Urban Prep is ranked third, with an average ACT score of 16.5. When the class of 2010 enrolled in Urban Prep in 2006, only 4 percent of these students were reading at grade level. But today, as their commencement date draws near, I am proud to say that every one of them--100 percent of the first-year class--has been accepted to a 4- year college. Not only that, they were accepted with scholarships, 4- year scholarships. This is an extraordinary success story. This is a testament to the vision of Tim King and the faculty and staff that he and other local leaders have assembled. I applaud them for their dedication and I congratulate them on this outstanding achievement. Most of all, though, this is a testament to the students of Englewood and to all of the other communities in Chicago--the students who broke the cycle and proved they do have the talent, the skill, and the drive to succeed, if only they were presented with the opportunity. Thanks to Urban Prep and the leadership of those who founded this organization, these students got that chance. But the story doesn't end here. In August of 2009, a second Urban Prep campus opened its doors in East Garfield Park, and later this year a third school will open in South Shore, extending the reach of this great organization and expanding the opportunity for Chicago students to realize their dreams. So in the coming months, as my colleagues and I take up President Obama's update on No Child Left Behind, I urge them to remember success stories such as this one. As we reexamine our educational priorities, I hope we can move in a direction that will provide investment in public schools that need assistance as well as organizations such as Urban Prep. Organizations that grow out of local communities demonstrate a shared interest in seizing the best future for our children. We need to invest in communities such as Englewood and East Garfield Park and South Shore and dozens of others in Chicago and across the country. We need to make sure more and more students have the opportunity to succeed so they can go to college, find a career, and become productive members of our society and, as I always say, become an asset to society and not a liability to society. It really does take a village to educate these young people. It takes a steadfast commitment to education and a vision such as the one Tim King shared with others in his community back in 2002. As a member of Sigma Pi Phi fraternity, we played a minor role in assisting Urban Prep with our fund-raising efforts to contribute to the purchase of a uniform for these young men. We also make ourselves available to go there and work with them during career day to point out our successes and opportunities to challenge them to do no less than what we were able to do. So the men of Sigma Pi Phi worked with these young men at Urban Prep and we made sure that we made a similar contribution to the overall efforts. Let us renew our investment in America's education system. Let us affirm our priorities for young people today and make sure every one of them has a chance to get the education they deserve. Together, we can build more success stories such as Urban Prep, and that is what we must do. Urban Prep is a public school so, therefore, we do not have to be dedicating all of the resources commitment to the private schools. We can educate our young people in the public system. I thank you, Mr. President. I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I just heard an interesting colloquy between two distinguished friends from across the aisle in reference to health care. Although I found that back-and-forth dialogue very interesting, one problem with the dialogue was it was misinformation that my distinguished colleagues are putting out on this floor and to the people of America. They keep saying we should start over on health care. They are saying we didn't incorporate any of their proposals. And that is the farthest thing from the truth. The work on this bill took over a year, and they had all the input. Even the President of the United States incorporated their ideas into the bill we passed from this distinguished body, in the bill that is now lying between the House and the Senate. So while I found their colloquy very interesting, I hope the American people will begin to look at what is being put out here, what is being said here, and realize that our distinguished colleagues across the aisle don't want to see health care reform enacted. Evidently, they want to continue with the same old ways, with the insurance companies controlling this health sick system, not health care system. It is a profit-making system for them. I hope the American people will see right through their comments. I want to talk today about whether there are real winners and losers in this health care debate. Since the beginning of the debate over health care reform, we have heard an awful lot about the political problems associated with taking on this issue. It is difficult, it is divisive, and there are no easy answers, and for those reasons, it is no wonder our elected leaders have been unable to solve this problem for almost 100 years. This is nothing new. We have been working on this in this body for over 97 years. There will never be a shortage of reasons to put off the tough questions, to avoid the tough issues and kick the can down the road. There will never be a shortage of roadblocks and excuses. Over the last century, we have heard an awful lot of them. But we must not settle for that any longer. We must reject the tired politics of the past and the tired politics of right now--and the politics we just heard from my distinguished colleagues from across the aisle. It is now time to lead. It is time to say: Enough is enough--to stop shrugging off the difficult problems and to meet them head on. It is time to fundamentally change the conversation. We have heard far too much about the political winners and losers in the health care debate and not enough about the real winners and losers in America's health care system. So let us refocus the terms of this discussion and keep the perspective where it should be: on the ordinary Americans who need our help, the ordinary Americans who need health care coverage now. Because this isn't about electoral math. It is not about poll numbers or partisan talking points or cold statistics. It is about hard-working folks who are suffering and dying every single day under a system that is badly in need of repair. It is about the people whose lives and livelihoods are on the line. Our success or failure at passing reform will have political consequences for some of the people in this Chamber, but I believe those concerns are insignificant compared to the real consequences it will have for ordinary Americans all across this country. So I call upon my colleagues in the Senate and my friends in the media to focus our attention on what matters. Let's talk about what reform means for regular folks, not politicians or special interests or even insurance lobbyists. This is bigger than politics. This is about addressing a national problem that has touched untold millions of lives over the past 100 years. As we debate this legislation today, there are 47 million people in this country without any insurance coverage at all, and there are another 41 million people who lack stable coverage. For every year we fail to pass reform, another 45,000 Americans will die because they do not have health insurance and can't get access to the care they need. These are the people who are depending on us--folks in Illinois and every other State in this Union. These are the people who stand to benefit from our reform proposals and who continue to suffer every single day that we fail to take action; for example, people such as Linda and her husband, back in my home State of Illinois. In 2008, they were paying $577 per month for health insurance under the COBRA program. They each had a clean bill of health and had no reason to fear illness or injury. But when their COBRA coverage ran out on the first day of 2009, their premiums jumped up to over $1,000 per month. They had no idea why the change was so drastic. They were perfectly healthy. Yet their monthly bills had almost doubled. So to try to save money, Linda and her husband switched to the individual insurance market and got a plan with a $5,000 deductible and a large copay. The switch was easy. They didn't even have to get a physical exam. Like many Americans, they had every reason to believe their coverage was secure. When Linda's husband got sick in October of 2009, he had a successful bypass surgery. The insurance provider approved the procedure ahead of time. But once the surgery was complete, the company simply changed its mind. Even though Linda and her husband had never been treated for previous heart problems, and even though he had not even been diagnosed with anything, Blue Cross/Blue Shield suddenly decided he had a preexisting condition and they rescinded his policy. His coverage ended on the spot, and he and his wife were left out in the cold. Today, they owe medical bills that add up to $208,000, with $89,000 about to go into collection. Linda and her husband are just like millions of us in this country; they were perfectly healthy; they thought they had stable insurance; they paid for quality coverage. And then, when they needed it most, their insurance company walked away from them. That is absurd. That should not happen to anybody in the United States of America. I think Linda said it best when she said: They did nothing but take our money, and now they're sticking us with the bill. This is outrageous and it is totally unacceptable. Yet this is the reality faced by millions of Americans every single day. Insurance companies should no longer be allowed to pull this kind of bait-and- switch action on anybody. That is why we need to pass reform that will give people like Linda the ability to hold insurance companies accountable so they can stop abusing their customers. That is why we need to restore robust competition to the market, so people can shop around if they don't think they are getting a fair deal with their insurance provider. That is why we need reform that will provide real cost savings, so coverage is affordable for Linda and her husband, along with millions of others like them. These are the people our legislation is designed to help. I think we have heard enough talk about the political winners and losers in the health care debate. We have heard enough about Washington. Because across America, the only real winners are the big insurance corporations that continue to rake in the cash, making record profits. We saw the reports given on their income for 2009--record profits for the insurance companies, with less coverage, and millions of Americans being denied coverage. The only real losers are the hard- working Americans who can't afford coverage and can't get treatment. It is our duty to fight for these folks, and I would urge my colleagues to honor this sacred trust. The other day President Obama gave a stern speech that captured the spirit of this fight. He called for bipartisan cooperation and urged regular Americans to get angry and to get fired up and to say: We aren't going to take it anymore. He asked them to get involved in this process so we can pass this bill and make reform a reality for Linda and millions of others. My colleagues, let us take President Obama's speech as a wake-up call. Let us listen to the will of the American people. We have moved this legislation further than any other Congress. At this time, we cannot let this legislation not become effective. It should become effective, it will become effective, and we must finish the job. Madam President, I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, there was an article in last Thursday's Chicago Tribune, my hometown newspaper, that caught my attention. It is shocking news for many of my fellow Illinoisans. I would like to share it with my colleagues today. According to State records, Illinoisans who lose their jobs and have to buy their own health insurance will see their premiums increase by as much as 60 percent this year. As the Tribune notes, this is affecting more people than ever before because of the economic crisis. There are currently more than one-half million consumers in Illinois who have individual health plans. Their base rates, which stand at 8.5 percent at the moment, will jump to more than 60 percent. Those are just the base rates. Elderly folks will likely see additional increases on top of that. So will those who have a history of illness. So will people who live in certain areas or who have only had a policy for a short period of time. Insurance companies will pile on additional increases for all these folks, on top of a 60-percent increase that will affect every Illinoisan with an individual health plan. Let me remind my colleagues that these are mostly folks who have lost their employment, so they do not have a steady stream of income to absorb these increases, and they do not have a choice but to pay whatever the insurance companies demand or go without the coverage they need. This is bad news by itself, but it gets worse because they are not the only ones who will see their premiums go up. Small businesses are finding it harder than ever to afford coverage for their employees because they are being hit with big rate hikes even though business is not as good as it was a few years ago. Companies, such as Illinois Blue Cross, have even acknowledged they will be increasing their rates by an average of 10 percent across the board and much more for some of their customers. We have seen this kind of thing before. Just recently in California, a health insurance company raised its rates by 39 percent, a move that sparked national outrage and investigations by State and Federal regulators. When we hear about this kind of behavior, there is an obvious question for us to ask, the same question that many folks in Illinois will be asking when they get their insurance bills over the next few months. That question is why. Why are insurance companies raising rates by as much as 60 percent? Why does it keep getting harder and harder to pay for health coverage when benefits are being slashed at the same time? It does not make any sense. But when Illinoisans pick up their phones and they call their insurance providers and they ask them why, they probably will not be able to get an answer. Most insurance companies do not release that information and do not feel they have an obligation to explain the outrageous rate hikes. Ordinary Americans do not have a way of finding out. That is exactly why we need to pass comprehensive health care reform without delay to restore competition to the insurance industry so folks can shop around and try to get a fair deal, to help us hold insurance companies accountable so we can keep them honest, and to provide cost savings so hard-working Americans and small businesses can breathe a little easier in these difficult times. The Senate health reform bill would have accomplished all these things and more. If we had combined our bill with the House version at the end of last year and sent it to President Obama, we would have had a law on the books by now. We would almost certainly not be seeing these dramatic premium increases. Instead, people's premiums would be going down significantly, and 3l million more Americans would have health care coverage. This Chicago Tribune article would have read very differently if we had finished this health care bill a few months ago, as we easily should have done. But because of our inaction in Washington, because of delays and the obstructionism, these companies continue to have free rein. As we struggle to find common ground between the House and the Senate, we must never forget the American people are locked in a much more serious struggle. We have experienced the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. The unemployment rate exceeds 10 percent in Illinois, and it stands just under 10 percent nationwide. Millions have watched helplessly as their hard-earned economic security vanished overnight. Individuals and families are finding it harder than ever to make ends meet. One of the greatest challenges they face is paying for health insurance. Under the current system, too many people are forced to choose between keeping food on the table and buying health coverage. It is a terrible choice. Premiums are so high it is almost impossible to afford quality coverage. As the Chicago Tribune reported, they are about to get even higher, but without insurance we are all just one accident or catastrophic illness away from bankruptcy or even death. It is time to turn our attention away from the partisan fight that consumes Washington every day and focus on the fight that is taking place in America's heartland. My colleagues and I must never forget why we entered public service in the first place. Why are we here? What is our purpose? We must always remember our actions and our failures to take action have real consequences for ordinary people from coast to coast. This legislation was stalled and delayed for the better part of a year. As a result of this obstructionism, we are about to see premiums go up by 60 percent instead of going down. If my Republican friends had come to the table and acted in the spirit of compromise and listened to the will of the American people, we would have passed health care reform and a dozen other things by now. But instead, it is the same old politics. It is easy to find excuses. It is very difficult to govern. Once again, I invite my colleagues across the aisle to join us in these efforts, come to the negotiating table. You heard President Obama speak yesterday very vividly and forthrightly about what we need to do to bring health care reform to the American people. We have a fresh sense of momentum, a new opportunity to deliver on this promise of reform. Let's keep having this conversation. Let's confront these challenges together as the American people have asked us to do. Let's move forward as one Congress, as one Nation. It is time for Republicans and Democrats to say enough is enough to big insurance: No more outrageous rate hikes; no more coverage denials; no more abuse. It is time for Republicans and Democrats to reaffirm our commitment to the hard-working people we represent in Illinois and across the country. It is time to pass comprehensive health reform so every American can get a great deal on health insurance and foreclose the possibility of losing their life or their assets. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. I move to lay that motion on the table. The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, after I speak I ask unanimous consent that the Senator from Delaware be able to speak for a period of time.

Mr. BURRIS. Yes, after the Senator from New Hampshire.

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I rise to speak on H.R. 4213. One amendment has already been dropped. I do plan to submit a second amendment. This amendment is dealing with the Recovery Act funds. During my three terms as State comptroller of Illinois, I worked very hard to maintain accountability for the money we spent from our State. I have been contacted by my State officials, the various auditors, comptrollers, and treasurers, to say the stimulus money that is coming into the States is coming in and they have no funds to do all this transparency and accountability. I put an amendment on this bill to say that we should. I filed amendment No. 3388 which addresses currently underfunding the costs of tracking and reporting the stimulus money. This measure would set aside up to one half of 1 percent of all existing stimulus funds and allow States and local governments to use this administrative expense reserve to distribute and track this money as it is received and spent. It would allow the American people to hold their representatives accountable and it would help ensure that every dollar is targeted effectively and spent wisely, without waste, fraud, or abuse. Agreeing to this amendment will restore oversight to this process and will keep Americans on the road to economic recovery without incurring a dime of new spending. In addition to restoring accountability, I believe we need to take an active role--as my second amendment would do, which I have not dropped yet; it is coming, though. It would deal with small businesses. I believe we should take an active role in supporting small and minority businesses because Main Street will be the engine of the American economic recovery. That is where jobs will be created. That is where the rubber meets the road--where we can turn this crisis around. That is why I am proud to offer another amendment which will require the Transportation Security Administration, the TSA, to award contracts to small businesses and disadvantaged businesses wherever and whenever possible. This amendment would ensure compliance with existing standards of government contracts and subcontracts and would keep dollars flowing into real communities rather than to the corporate treasuries. By strengthening reporting standards and forcing participation goals for TSA projects, we can target Federal spending to the capable worker who has always been at the center of the American economic prosperity. We are also saying we need these two amendments. They will strengthen and improve upon the key provisions of our jobs bill as well. I ask my friends in this Chamber to join me in renewing our commitment to transparency, honesty, and accountability. I ask them to stand for small businesses and minority subcontractors so we can make sure Main Street has a major share of our ongoing economic recovery. The issue is the amendment to H.R. 4213 which would be the amendment No. 3388, and also the other amendment I am getting ready to drop which will deal with small and minority businesses. I yield the floor.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, my colleagues and I have spent much of last year debating the issue of health care reform. After nearly a century of false starts and broken promises, Democrats came to Congress determined to enact comprehensive reform. We were confident that this time we would not fall short as our predecessors had done; this time we would deliver the changes the American people have been demanding for so many years. But over the course of the debate an unfortunate pattern emerged, a pattern of obstructionism and delay and scare tactics designed to derail our efforts to make a difference. My Democratic colleagues and I worked hard under President Obama's leadership to craft sweeping legislation, but our Republican friends were not interested in passing health care reform. They had no desire to take action and no plan of their own. Instead, they found every opportunity to stall, to clog up the Senate, and score political points by attacking those who supported our efforts. They spread misinformation about death panels and higher costs and rationing coverage even though they knew these things were not in our bill. But they kept repeating this bad information and repeating it until it finally started to take hold. The ordinary folk who heard these distortions had no reason to believe their elected officials would try to misinform them, so they retained this bad information and they did exactly what our Republican friends wanted them to do--they got angry. They held rallies. They called their Senators and Representatives. They regurgitated the talking points that had been written for them by obstructionists and special interests and the insurance lobby. As a result, our Republican friends succeeded in holding up our health reform bill. By misinforming the American people, they stirred up an opposition that was tailor made to create confusion and gridlock no matter how hard some people tried to explain the truth because the facts are these. No Democratic health care proposal has ever included a so-called ``death panel.'' None of our legislation would result in rationing of any kind. And, rather than driving costs up, as my Republican friends have argued, nonpartisan analysis consistently shows that the Senate bill would lower costs significantly. It would reduce the deficit by more than $130 billion in the first 10 years, and almost $1 trillion in the decades after that. In addition, our bill would extend health coverage to 31 million Americans. It would prevent corporations from discriminating against their customers because of pre-existing conditions. And it would reduce health premiums for individuals and families, to the tune of hundreds, or even thousands, of dollars per year, depending on income level. From the very beginning of this debate, I have called for a bill that fulfills the three goals of a public option: A bill that creates competition in the insurance market. A bill that gives us the tools to hold insurance companies accountable. A bill that will provide cost savings to millions of Americans. I believe our current proposal can accomplish all of these things. This legislation is not perfect, but it represents a major step in the right direction. So I would urge my Republican friends to thoroughly examine the legislation we have introduced. And I would ask that they fulfill the public trust that has been placed in them, by being honest with the American people. By building their arguments on facts, not misinformation, and offering constructive suggestions rather than partisan talking points. We all agree that our health care system is badly broken. And we owe it to everyone in this country to have a vigorous national debate about how to fix it. In spite of the obstructionism and the delays that we have seen from the other side over the last year, I remain confident that my colleagues and I can pass a comprehensive health reform bill in the coming weeks. We have come further than any Congress in history. So it is time to finish the job. In light of recent developments, I think it is more likely than ever that our efforts will be successful. Just last week, President Obama invited a group of Republicans and Democrats to join him for an open conversation about health care reform. Millions of Americans watched on TV as leaders from the House, the Senate, and the executive branch laid out their respective ideas for reform. Yes, we heard some partisan talking points from a few on the other side. But for the most part, both Republicans and Democrats seemed eager to engage in a real conversation. They challenged each other's ideas. They debunked some of the myths that have taken hold over the past year. In the end, I think we discovered that we share more common ground than many people thought. So it is time to move forward. President Obama has announced that he is open to four specific Republican ideas that emerged from last week's health care summit. I share the President's support for these proposals, which include eliminating waste and fraud, funding demonstration grants, increasing Medicaid doctor reimbursements, and expanding health savings accounts. I hope that my colleagues on both sides of the aisle will give these ideas a hard look, so we can incorporate them into our existing legislation. And I hope that my Republican friends will recognize that, while our current bill is not perfect, it contains a number of things they can strongly support. So let us end the obstructionism and the delays. Let's stop spreading misinformation, and continue the conversation that emerged from the President's health care summit. And once we have a final bill that incorporates some of these suggestions, let us have an up or down vote. The American people are tired of hearing excuses. They are tired of watching some members of this chamber manipulate the rules to prevent us from taking action. That is not how this Senate is supposed to work. So, whether my colleagues support or oppose the final legislation, I hope they will have the courage to let it come to a vote, rather than hiding behind the threat of filibuster. This debate has been going on for a year. And the American people have been calling for comprehensive reform for almost a century. So I think it is high time to move forward together. Let's get this done. Let's do it right. Let's do it now. I yield the floor and I suggest the absence of a quorum.