Roland Burris

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, we just had a press conference this afternoon with reference to don't ask, don't tell, the action we want to take in the Senate for our military people. I would like to make some brief remarks in that regard. I come to the floor today because I believe in a basic principle, not just a political cause. I come to the floor because courage and valor are blind to race, religion, philosophy, and sexual orientation. I believe every single man and woman who puts on a military uniform is equally deserving of our thanks and our respect, and that when we dismiss the sacrifices made by those with a different sexual orientation, we undermine the strength of our fighting forces. When we fail to recognize the brave contributions gay and lesbian soldiers continue to make every single day, we diminish ourselves as much as we diminish their service. That is why I am pleased to join the following colleagues: Chairman Lieberman, Chairman Levin, Senator Gillibrand, Senator Udall of Colorado, and Senator Wyden in introducing legislation to repeal the military's don't ask, don't tell policy, a policy which is discriminatory, outdated, and detrimental to our national security. Let me start by addressing every service man and woman, to those who have served in our Armed Forces in the past. Let's give them a big shout out and a big thank-you. This Nation honors the service and sacrifice of all our veterans and those who are still serving today. Let me say the days of serving in silence--those days are numbered. This legislation will recognize that every soldier, sailor, airman, and marine is equal to every other warrior, so no one will be forced to lie about who they are if they wish to serve this country. I know there are some who believe this is too big a change, that it is not right and we need to wait. To them I would say it boils down to basic fairness. I remind them that the U.S. military has made policy changes before and with resounding success. The repeal of don't ask, don't tell is not just another vote for me, it is a very personal issue of basic fairness. When I was about 6 or 7 years old, I have a vivid memory of my family members who went off to war, my uncles and uncles- in-law and great uncles who chose to go to war and defend our country, regardless of the color of their skin or occupation or who they were as an individual. That choice defined them as patriots. I have never forgotten their patriotism or their commitment to this country. But I have also never forgotten that the U.S. military was very different in those days. My family members volunteered to protect this Nation, but simply because of who they were, they had limited opportunities to serve. For all their skill, their talent, their intelligence, and their valor, they were forced to choose among two or three roles. They were forced to either be a cook or forced to dig ditches or forced to drive trucks. The only thing that separated my uncles from their brothers in arms was the color of their skin. But in those days, some people argued that racial integration would undermine the cohesion of our fighting forces. Yet the U.S. military came to recognize this was not the case and successive generations proved that everyone who volunteered to serve was capable of the same patriotism, bravery, and heroism. That memory is especially crisp as I stand in this Chamber to bring an end to this discriminatory policy that forces our best and brightest to be willing to die for our Nation, while denying they are who they truly are. This, too, is an issue of basic fairness. More than 60 years ago, President Truman recognized the wisdom of integrating the Armed Forces. He understood that in so doing, the Armed Forces grew stronger and the Nation safer. Today we recognize it is time to end don't ask, don't tell. This repeal of don't ask, don't tell will allow our servicemembers to live their lives openly, honestly, and still fight for the country we all love. So, regardless of sexual orientation or race or any other factor, today we stand to say we are grateful to the brave patriots who chose to defend our Nation and we salute them. This is about fairness. This is about more than right versus left or Republican versus Democrat. This is about fighting for those who fight for us every day. Ending this policy is the fair thing to do, it is the right thing to do, and it is long overdue.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, we just had a press conference this afternoon with reference to don't ask, don't tell, the action we want to take in the Senate for our military people. I would like to make some brief remarks in that regard. I come to the floor today because I believe in a basic principle, not just a political cause. I come to the floor because courage and valor are blind to race, religion, philosophy, and sexual orientation. I believe every single man and woman who puts on a military uniform is equally deserving of our thanks and our respect, and that when we dismiss the sacrifices made by those with a different sexual orientation, we undermine the strength of our fighting forces. When we fail to recognize the brave contributions gay and lesbian soldiers continue to make every single day, we diminish ourselves as much as we diminish their service. That is why I am pleased to join the following colleagues: Chairman Lieberman, Chairman Levin, Senator Gillibrand, Senator Udall of Colorado, and Senator Wyden in introducing legislation to repeal the military's don't ask, don't tell policy, a policy which is discriminatory, outdated, and detrimental to our national security. Let me start by addressing every service man and woman, to those who have served in our Armed Forces in the past. Let's give them a big shout out and a big thank-you. This Nation honors the service and sacrifice of all our veterans and those who are still serving today. Let me say the days of serving in silence--those days are numbered. This legislation will recognize that every soldier, sailor, airman, and marine is equal to every other warrior, so no one will be forced to lie about who they are if they wish to serve this country. I know there are some who believe this is too big a change, that it is not right and we need to wait. To them I would say it boils down to basic fairness. I remind them that the U.S. military has made policy changes before and with resounding success. The repeal of don't ask, don't tell is not just another vote for me, it is a very personal issue of basic fairness. When I was about 6 or 7 years old, I have a vivid memory of my family members who went off to war, my uncles and uncles- in-law and great uncles who chose to go to war and defend our country, regardless of the color of their skin or occupation or who they were as an individual. That choice defined them as patriots. I have never forgotten their patriotism or their commitment to this country. But I have also never forgotten that the U.S. military was very different in those days. My family members volunteered to protect this Nation, but simply because of who they were, they had limited opportunities to serve. For all their skill, their talent, their intelligence, and their valor, they were forced to choose among two or three roles. They were forced to either be a cook or forced to dig ditches or forced to drive trucks. The only thing that separated my uncles from their brothers in arms was the color of their skin. But in those days, some people argued that racial integration would undermine the cohesion of our fighting forces. Yet the U.S. military came to recognize this was not the case and successive generations proved that everyone who volunteered to serve was capable of the same patriotism, bravery, and heroism. That memory is especially crisp as I stand in this Chamber to bring an end to this discriminatory policy that forces our best and brightest to be willing to die for our Nation, while denying they are who they truly are. This, too, is an issue of basic fairness. More than 60 years ago, President Truman recognized the wisdom of integrating the Armed Forces. He understood that in so doing, the Armed Forces grew stronger and the Nation safer. Today we recognize it is time to end don't ask, don't tell. This repeal of don't ask, don't tell will allow our servicemembers to live their lives openly, honestly, and still fight for the country we all love. So, regardless of sexual orientation or race or any other factor, today we stand to say we are grateful to the brave patriots who chose to defend our Nation and we salute them. This is about fairness. This is about more than right versus left or Republican versus Democrat. This is about fighting for those who fight for us every day. Ending this policy is the fair thing to do, it is the right thing to do, and it is long overdue.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak about 5 minutes in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, as a freshman Member of this body, I have a great deal of respect for those who have been a part of this institution for many years. On both sides of the aisle, veteran Senators lend their experience, and their invaluable knowledge of procedure, to the debates that take place in this Chamber every day. And, as anyone who knows the history of the Senate can tell you, this has always been a friendly place, no matter which party is in control. This has always been a place where political leaders could disagree without being disagreeable, no matter how vast their differences happen to be. This Senate has always been governed by mutual respect, mutual trust, and mutual friendship. Without these key ingredients, it is impossible for us to work together. Such was the genius of our Founding Fathers, who framed this system of government. They knew that partisan politics would rage outside these walls, so they created the Senate to be a refuge for those who are prepared to move forward together to solve national problems. The history of this Chamber is filled with legendary stories of compromise, of relationships across party lines that drove Senators from different backgrounds to find common purpose. Our dear friend Senator Kennedy, the last lion of this Senate, was one of the greatest at forging bipartisan consensus and fostering mutual respect with the other side. These stories remind us of the value of civil discourse. They speak to the necessity of working with one another, not against one another, to confront the challenges we face. But, I am beginning to wonder if these stories are just stories. Although I have served in this Chamber for only a short time, I recognize that the atmosphere in this body is not what it once was. I hear the accounts of bipartisan cooperation in the past, but I see fewer and fewer examples of it today. In fact, just last week, the country watched as two centuries of Senate procedure and privilege were abused for partisan gain. My colleagues and I were trying to move forward with a bill that extended unemployment benefits, health insurance for the unemployed, lending assistance for small businesses, and other important programs. No part of this bill was new or controversial. No part of it would significantly change the existing programs that were in place, which were due to expire at the end of the week. We all knew that, if this Senate failed to take action, all of these programs would grind to a halt almost immediately. Ordinary Americans across the country would stop getting their unemployment checks and their COBRA health benefits. Small businesses would see credit dry up literally overnight. In the middle of the worst economic crisis in decades, this would be a disaster. It would be the last thing that America needed as we tried to help people get back on their feet. But that is exactly what happened when my friend from Kentucky decided to raise objection. In an instant, a single Republican Senator slammed the door on the American people, and left thousands of ordinary folks out in the cold. He cut off assistance for those who need it most. He denied unemployment insurance to those who lost their jobs through no fault of their own. Just when folks were beginning to feel a bit more optimistic, my good friend from Kentucky held up his hand and said, ``Not so fast.'' As a result, on Sunday night, 15,000 Illinoisans lost their unemployment benefits. Another 15,000 will lose their benefits next week, and the week after, until my Republican friend drops his objection and allows us to pass an extension. These are folks who have felt the worst effects of the economic crisis. They are ordinary people, ordinary American families, who cannot afford to miss a check. But the Senator from Kentucky has objected to continuing these programs. He has prevented the government from putting these checks in the mail. He has frozen the credit that will allow small businesses to create jobs and put more people back to work. He has sent thousands of Federal workers home without pay. He has shut down important highway projects all across America. I have been in public service for almost 30 years. In all that time, I have never seen anything like this outrageous abuse of senatorial privilege. We can argue about policy. We can debate legislation. We can discuss procedure and disagree about political tactics. But I believe it is wrong to play politics with people's lives. And I urge my friend from Kentucky to stop. If my colleagues and I are able to overcome these objections and pass this bill in the next few days, we may be able to restore these benefits retroactively. But the damage has already been done. These programs are not designed to help people who can get by without unemployment insurance for a few days here and there. These programs are targeted at those who can barely survive paycheck to paycheck. They are for people who need help keeping food on the table, until they have the opportunity to get back on their feet. They are for people who do not have the luxury of waiting just a few more days to pay the bills, as my colleague seems to think. The Senator from Kentucky has brought our economic recovery to a grinding halt. He is playing politics with hard-working Americans, and he is wasting the time of this distinguished body. What has happened to the Senate of our forefathers? What has happened to the atmosphere of friendship that drove past Senators to work together to solve big problems? My colleagues and I have offered a solution that is acceptable to almost every Member of this Chamber. There are 99 Senators who either support this measure or would like to see an up-or-down vote. But my friend from Kentucky does not mind taking advantage of the rules of this Chamber to make a political point, even if it means adding to the misery of hundreds of thousands across this country, including his home State. Perhaps we should not be surprised. After all, we have seen this kind of obstruction time and time again from our Republican colleagues, even on issues that are critical to the well-being of more than 30 million Americans. So maybe it should come as no surprise that a Republican Senator would once again choose to manipulate Senate procedure for partisan gain. In many ways, I suppose that is all we can expect from a party that has refused to offer solutions of their own. I believe the American people deserve much better than that. I believe regular folks expect us to help make their lives better, not worse. And I believe they are tired of obstructionism. They are tired of hearing that their representatives in Washington can not get things done. I would urge all of my colleagues to reach for the generous spirit of our forefathers, which defined this Chamber as a friendly and inclusive place for so many decades. I would urge my colleagues to debate the issues honestly and without resorting to distractions and obstructionism. No legislation will ever be perfect. But I believe it is irresponsible to hold up an important and fundamentally good bill for political reasons. I ask my friend from Kentucky to drop his objection, as others in this Chamber have asked him many times over the last few days. Let us move forward together. Let us be constructive. Let us recapture the friendly atmosphere that helped our predecessors rise above partisan politics and achieve great things. This is not how the Senate was intended to function. So let's prove to the world that this is still the greatest deliberative body on the planet. Let's reject these tactics and move forward together. And let's, without delay, stop the obstruction on this important legislation. Madam President, I would like to speak on another issue as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS. Thank you, Madam President.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, we live in a world divided. International tension, mistrust, and even war too often separate nation from nation. But every 2 years, thousands of athletes from countries all over the world come together to celebrate the human spirit. They meet in competition, arriving on the world stage from all five inhabited continents. Each of these five continents is represented by a simple, colored circle--a ring intertwined with four others to form the familiar symbol worn by every Olympic athlete. The Olympic Games are a powerful force for world unity. And this year, for the 21st Winter Olympics, the eyes of the world turned to Vancouver, Canada--just across the border we share with our good friends to the north. As always, the competition was fierce in every sport. The greatest athletes in the world tested their skills on some of the most challenging courses in history. Records were set and broken. The world witnessed many triumphs--such as the success of a young Canadian figure skater, only days after the sudden loss of her mother. We also came together in the face of great tragedy, mourning the shocking death of a young athlete from the Republic of Georgia. Such Olympic moments, both triumphant and tragic, are blind to region or nationality. They remind us of the qualities and the limitations we share in every field of human endeavor. And at every moment, from the opening ceremonies until the Olympic flame was extinguished, these Winter Games served as a testament to all that we have in common. In a divided world, they served as an affirmation of the human spirit, and the value of friendship through sport. I am proud to note that the United States Olympic team ended these games with a total of 37 medals--more than any other country, and a new record for the most medals won at a single Winter Games. I would especially like to recognize and congratulate the Olympic athletes who hail from my home State of Illinois. These young men and women had the great honor of representing this country on the world stage, and they did us proud. In fact, 8 of the 37 total U.S. medals were won by Illinoisans. From Champaign to Chicago--from Wheaton, to Glenview, to Plainfield, to Glencoe, to Naperville--these 10 athletes took to the ski slopes, and the ice rinks, and the bobsled tracks, and they gave it their all. Some came home with Olympic gold. Some fell short of the finals. But they are all Olympians, and they all represented our country--and our State--with honor, integrity, and sportsmanship. So I take great pride in thanking the following Illinoisans for their dedication and hard work at this year's Olympic games: Lana Gehring, Katherine Reutter, Brian Hansen, Nancy Swider-Peltz, Jr., Shani Davis, Jonathon Kuck, Lisa Chesson, Evan Lysacek, James Moriarty, and Ben Agosto. I ask my colleagues to join me in congratulating these 10 Illinoisans, along with their teammates, and every coach, parent, and supporter who contributed to the success of Team USA. I thank them for all they accomplished in Vancouver, and wish them nothing but continued success in the future. There are few international spectacles as singular and as inspiring as the Olympic games. A force for unity in a world divided, these competitions have the power to bring us together as one people, celebrating the human spirit with one voice. Thanks to the world-class athletes who took part, from the United States and more than 80 countries in every corner of the globe, this year's Winter games in Vancouver were no exception. I hope that as the world's athletes return to their respective countries, and as we turn our attention back to the challenges we face in our daily lives, this Olympic spirit of unity will persist until we meet again on the world stage, in London, for the 2012 Summer games. Congratulations to the Illinoisans and all of those who participated from the great United States of America in these games. Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, as I address this Chamber, President Obama is hosting the leaders of both political parties in a summit on the issue of health care reform. He has asked for all serious proposals to be brought to the table, once and for all, in an effort to bridge the gap between the House and Senate legislation and pass a final bill. He even provided his own proposal for how we can reconcile these bills with one another. I thank the President for his leadership on this issue and his continued commitment to the issue of health care reform. I am glad he has called Republicans and Democrats to the table once again in yet another effort to reenergize this debate and move forward on behalf of the American people. I remain confident that we can still get this work done. That is why I have come to the floor today: to reaffirm my commitment to comprehensive health care reform and to urge my colleagues to join with our President and the leadership of our respective parties to find a real solution. In fact, I recently joined many of my colleagues in signing a letter urging this Senate to pass a bill that includes a public option--something everyone in this room knows I have supported since the beginning of this long debate. No matter what comes out of this afternoon's summit, I will judge our final proposal based on its ability to acknowledge three goals--the same three goals I have called for time and again over the past several months. Our reform bill must restore competition to the insurance market, it must give us the tools to hold insurance companies accountable, and it must provide real cost savings to the American people. I am confident we can pass a measure that is capable of meeting these goals. I remain confident that after nearly a century of inaction, the American people demand and deserve nothing less. Every President, every Congress, every ordinary citizen in the past 97 years has had to wrestle with a health care system that is broken and inadequate, a system that our predecessors consistently failed to fix; a system that has deteriorated badly over the last few decades and that remains unworthy of this great Nation. Today, 47 million Americans are without health insurance and 88 million do not have stable coverage. As a result of our broken system, 45 million Americans die every single year because they had no health insurance. These shocking facts should never be far from our minds as we debate these issues. They are more than statistics; they are ordinary Americans who desperately need our help. As I address this Chamber today, we stand on the verge of correcting the oversights of the past century and getting these people the help they need. Legislation has been written, amended, and rewritten. We have compromised and compromised again. Each Chamber of the Congress has passed a comprehensive bill. Neither bill is perfect but both represent significant progress. We are so close to doing this. Now is the time to finish the journey. Late last year, both the House and Senate voted for health care reform with a strong voice and a clear majority. At this point, we have only to reconcile the differences between these two bills. Just this week, President Obama released his detailed proposal outlining exactly how we can get this done. I urge my colleagues from both Chambers and from both parties to strongly consider this option. Regardless of how we choose to proceed after today's bipartisan health care summit, let us come away with a definite plan of action. Let us come away with a plan to get this done, a plan that includes competition, cost savings, and accountability. It is time to realize the promise of the last 100 years. I urge my colleagues to finish the fight that Teddy Roosevelt first waged more than a generation before any of us were born. Now is not the time to lose our nerve. Now is the time to act with conviction. Let's not allow the obstructionist tactics of a few to undermine legislation that garnered 60 votes in this Chamber and 220 votes in the House. I refuse to accept that a handful of ``no'' votes can invalidate 280 votes. I refuse to accept that the minority party can stifle the voices of millions of Americans and hundreds of Members of Congress who have demanded that we win this fight. I call upon my colleagues in both Chambers to look past our differences and carry out the will of the American people. They sent Democrats to Congress with the largest majority in decades. They elected a President who has pledged himself to this cause. As far as the American people are concerned, this debate was over a long time ago. This issue has carried the day. This is the measure that the American people voted for in 2008 and, my fellow Democrats, this is what our party is all about. Now is not the time to shrink from the fight but to engage in it. Now is not the time to falter or to second- guess the wisdom of the folks who sent us here. Now is the time to take bold action, to forge ahead, to carry forward the ideas and principles of our party by delivering real results and delivering for the American people a health care plan that will give them protection and not see their premiums going up 39 percent and 40 percent. Comprehensive health care reform will extend quality coverage to 31 million Americans. It will reduce premiums and prevent insurance companies from abusing their customers or discriminating against people who get sick. Can my colleagues imagine: You get sick and think you have coverage today and then they cancel your policy and you have no coverage. The majority leader stood on the floor yesterday and told the story about the young kid with the cleft lip where the father paid $90,000 because the insurance company canceled the policy because the kid was born with a cleft lip. That is unconscionable. We in this country should not tolerate it. The Senate bill could even cut the Federal deficit by about $1 trillion over the next two decades. I ask my colleagues: What are we waiting for? This is about values, not politics. Our country deserves better, so let's make it happen. In politics, it is easy to find excuses. It is easy to wait, to delay, to place blame on another and throw up our hands. That is not leadership. That is not what the American people have called upon us to do and it is far less than they deserve. The American people have been waiting for 100 years, and I, for one, think that is quite long enough. I say to my colleagues: It is time for us to lead. It is time to take up the mantle of Teddy Roosevelt and, yes, Teddy Kennedy, and everyone in between. Because this isn't just about health care; it is about creating jobs, helping small businesses, and keeping America on the road to economic recovery. These issues are not separate as some would have us believe. They are tied inextricably together. Fixing the American health care system will reduce the deficit, make it easier for small businesses to meet expenses, create jobs, and provide health coverage to more Americans than ever before. The way I see it, we cannot afford to wait any longer. So let us act with a strong, united voice. I urge my colleagues to join me in passing a final health care bill and sending it to President Obama as soon as possible. Yesterday would have been all right. Let's win this fight. Let's stand up for what we believe in and succeed where our predecessors came up short. The stakes are too high to settle for anything else. I say to my colleagues, and to those who are meeting today with the President, we must come up and out of this summit with a plan that is going to give health insurance to the people of America not tomorrow, not next week, but right now. Thank you, Madam President. I yield the floor, and I note the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, this Monday, I was honored to stand before this Chamber and read George Washington's Farewell Address. This annual tradition invites Members of the Senate, as well as the American people, to pause and reflect on the wisdom of our first President. In this historic text, the father of our country lays out a unique view of the Nation he helped to create. It is a testament to the American spirit and a tribute to the American people that this country has come such a long way since the days of our ancestors. Washington's vision was especially poignant to me, having traced my personal ancestry back to the days of slavery. As I looked out over this Chamber on Monday, I thought about the reasons we celebrate each February as Black History Month. This year, as Black History Month draws to a close, I cannot help but reflect that Washington's address reminds us that Black history and American history are inseparable from one another; that the American story cannot be distilled into the Black experience and the White experience but that both are essential components of the American experience. The story of this country is a story of expanding equality and opportunity, of people and institutions grappling with social change and striving to live up to the promise of a single line in the Declaration of Independence which laid out the creed that came to define this Nation: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal. . . . With these simple words, a slave owner named Thomas Jefferson laid the cornerstone of the free America we know today, even if the noble sentiment was not realized for all Americans until more than a century later. Although we have seen such injustice--though our journey toward freedom and equality is far from over--we can draw great strength from the promise that was woven into the fabric of our Nation on the day we declared our independence. Black History Month is a time to remember those who have taken part in every step of that ongoing journey and to celebrate the legacy they have left behind for each of us. At every moment in our past, African Americans have stood shoulder to shoulder with their countrymen from all races, backgrounds, and walks of life to help chart our course and define who we are to become: from the slaves who laid the very foundation of this Capitol Building to the businessmen and entrepreneurs who helped build our modern economy; from the ``King'' who dared to dream of an America he would never live to see to the President who reached the mountaintop; from the man who was born into the bonds of slavery to his great grandson who stands today before his peers in the Senate. Each of these stories, however ordinary or remarkable, illustrates how Black history is woven deeply into the broad canvas of American history and why the two are inseparable from one another. For me, this reality was brought to life the moment I stood at the front of this Chamber and began to read the words that our first President wrote to his countrymen more than two centuries ago. Yet it was the visionary leadership and high ideals of men such as Washington and Jefferson which transcended the prejudice of their times and made it possible for later generations to tear those inequalities to the ground. All Americans have benefited from this profound legacy. We all have an interest in preserving the history we share. In the closing days of this Black History Month, I urge my colleagues to reflect not only on the ways African Americans have contributed to American history but also on the ways we can move forward together as one Nation, just as Washington calls us to do in his Farewell Address. Mr. President, I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak for 6 minutes as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, we remember the giants of American history, those who led troops into battle, or rose to high office, or gave their lives for something greater than themselves; the warriors, the statesmen, the heroes who fought to defend our values and our freedoms. We quote their words and etch their names into stone. We rightfully honor their place in the annals of history. But the quiet moments of our history are often overlooked. There are many unsung heroes whose actions give shape to our national identity. Too frequently, these brave men and women are pushed to the margins or relegated to obscurity. That is why I am here today to honor one woman who did not fight in wars, give great speeches, or perish on the battlefield. Make no mistake: those pursuits are noble, and it is right that we honor them. But our quiet heroes have just as much claim to our national attention, and also deserve our respect and praise. So today I would ask my colleagues to pause and to think of just such a quiet American hero: She never wore a uniform, though in a sense she led a great and diverse army. She never rose to high office, although she paved the way for others, including myself to do so. Rosa Parks began her life in a world that largely considered her to be undeserving of equal rights. She knew the injustice of segregation, and was no stranger to racism and hatred. She grew up poor in Tuskegee, AL, where she wasn't even allowed to ride the bus to school. But, thanks to a life of principled activism, and a moment of quiet courage on a city bus in Montgomery, this poor country girl would grow into a strong woman whose name became synonymous with ``freedom'' and ``equality.'' And when she passed away, not on a foreign battlefield, but quietly in her home, at the age of 92, she was mourned by her friends and neighbors from back home in Alabama, but also by an entire nation, in a funeral held at the National Cathedral and lasting a full 7 hours. Such was the impact that Rosa Parks had on our social and political landscape. Such was the indelible mark left by her decision, on that first day of December in 1955, to say ``no.'' To refuse to accept that she was a second-class citizen. To claim what was rightfully hers as an American, not by force, and not by attacking or degrading her fellow man, but by insisting, with quiet conviction: I am your equal. I am any man or woman's equal. On that day, she knew that her cause was just. She had unshakable faith not only in the righteousness of her beliefs but in the heart and soul of this great nation that its people would turn away from bigotry and hate, that unjust laws could be changed, and that the great promise of America lives not in the imperfect here and now, but in our ability to define who we wish to become, to chart our own course, and remake our destiny. Rosa Parks was not alone in this belief. There were many others, from all backgrounds and walks of life, who shared a similar faith in American ideals. But, by refusing to give up her seat on that bus in Montgomery, Rosa Parks brought those ideals to life. She helped give wings to a movement that grew, and gathered steam, and inspired millions to work tirelessly on the side of justice and equality. Today, Rosa Parks would have celebrated her ninety-seventh birthday. Just this morning, I joined Leader Reid and our Congressional colleagues to commemorate this milestone. And as we observe Black History Month, I can think of no finer way to begin this time of remembrance and celebration than by honoring the legacy of a great American like Rosa Parks. So I ask my colleagues to join me in remembering this quiet pioneer and millions of others like her, ordinary people who are not afraid to reach for extraordinary things. Regular folks who see this country and this world as they are, but are not afraid to imagine what they can be. Few of these unsung heroes will ever see their names in print, or etched into our collective history, but all remind us of the enduring greatness of the United States of America and the fundamental goodness of our fellow human beings. Mr. President, I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, last night, just down the hall from this Chamber, my colleagues and I assembled with our friends in the House of Representatives to take part in a tradition as old as our Republic. This is more than just a Presidential address. It is mandated by the U.S. Constitution, and it is one of the great rituals of modern democracy, the practice of bringing the major officers of our government together to assess our national priorities. Last night, President Obama laid out a bold vision for the years ahead, and a renewed commitment to the uniquely American ideals that make this country great. So today, I would like to take this opportunity to discuss a few of the things we heard in yesterday's speech, and how our agenda will benefit the people of Illinois. I am glad the President recognizes that this is not a time to change our priorities it is a time to recommit ourselves to the values and the ideas that the American people voted for in 2008. The mandate for better policy could not have been more clear. Voters want us to focus on job creation. They want us to help small businesses, repair our national economy, and invest in clean energy. They want us to pass real health care reform, reduce the deficit, and keep corporate money separate from politics. Under President Obama's leadership, my colleagues and I have already made significant progress on a number of these issues. A year ago, we passed far-reaching economic recovery legislation that brought us back from the brink of disaster. We voted to extend unemployment benefits, and keep sending help to the people who need it most during these difficult times. Even today, we are poised to take up job creation and climate change bills, and are closer to passing comprehensive health reform than ever in our history. We are examining ways to address the deficit, and in pursuit of that goal I believe we need to keep all options on the table. And in the wake of the recent Supreme Court ruling, which dealt a major blow to campaign finance reform, I believe we need to take steps to minimize the ability of giant corporations to influence elections. We need to keep companies from overriding the voice of the people in Congress. Our system is designed for incremental change, so none of these things will come easily. But the agenda set by this President, and the demands of this trying moment in history, dictate that we must set aside our partisan differences and come together to solve big problems. We have made gains over the last year, and we are continuing to make tangible strides almost every single day. So I would like to talk about what this means for my home State of Illinois. When Congress passed a sweeping economic recovery plan about a year ago, this country was losing more than 700,000 jobs a month, and the economy was in freefall. Today, the economy is growing for the first time in 2 years, and job losses have fallen to a tenth of what they were last year. For ordinary Illinoisans, this has made a real difference. In Danville, IL, recovery act funding created 20 jobs at the East Central Illinois Community Agency. It put additional police officers on the street and created 14 jobs at the local housing authority. It created summer jobs that allowed local kids to help support their families. It helped fund a Head Start program in neighboring Gibson City, and it funded three local projects through the Illinois Department of Transportation. This is the measurable impact our legislation has had on only one community in Illinois. But letters and phone calls and news stories have been pouring into my office from across the State, and the message is always the same. From Danville, to Chicago, to Rockford, to Elmwood Park, I have heard from Illinoisans who have felt the positive effects of our new economic foundation. We must not forget that America is still on the road to recovery. But our policies have already made a real difference in people's lives. One Danville business owner even said: ``I was leery of the whole stimulus thing at first, but they got it right.'' That is why it is time to look ahead. It is time to redouble our efforts and prove our commitment to the values the American people voted for in the last election. The national economy is no longer in freefall, but there are still far too many people without jobs and far too many families that are struggling to make ends meet. We need to use the remaining recovery act funds to create more jobs in cities such as Danville, IL, and across America. We need to provide tangible help to the small businesses that form the backbone of our economy, and the local banks that are essential to our national prosperity. As a former banker myself, I understand how important these institutions are to the communities they serve. And I know they are hurting badly right now. I am grateful that the President shares my support for these initiatives. And I look forward to working with my colleagues in the Senate and with the administration to take action. Already, President Obama's speech is being analyzed by the media as a partisan rallying cry, a recap of the administration's record, and a dozen other things. But as I sat on the House floor last night, I heard more than that. I heard a bipartisan call to arms, a sober recognition of the current situation, and a strong vision for job creation, continued economic recovery, and healthcare reform in the coming year. The truth is, the American people do not need politicians in Washington to tell them about the current State of the Union. They are the Union. They know about the challenges we face, and the distance we have yet to go. They do not care about partisan politics, or electoral math, or which party has the majority in Congress. The American people are interested in the answer to one question: Where do we go from here? So, as we set out to tackle the ambitious agenda that was laid out last night, we must approach these proposals with the same mindset. We must draw our energy and our strength from the American people, and summon the principles and ideas that can make that vision a reality. This is not about scoring political points or winning elections. It is about how we move forward together as a Congress, as a nation, and as a people. It is about making a difference for the hard-working people of Illinois, and every other State in the country. This is a time to be thoughtful and reflective and forward-thinking, but it is also a time to roll up our sleeves. Colleagues, as President Obama reminded us last night, this is a time for bold action. So today, let us get to work.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, a little over a year ago this country stood on the brink of economic disaster. Banks and financial institutions wavered on the verge of collapse. The foundation of our economy was shaken to its core. But that is when this Congress took bold action. In the face of public discontent, many of my colleagues summoned the courage to cast a difficult vote--a vote that set aside hundreds of billions of dollars to prop up our failing financial institutions, a vote that was not popular with the American people but that I feel history will judge as the right thing to have done. These are the moments that define us--as individuals, as public servants, and as a nation. The American people called upon their representatives to make tough choices, to exercise their best judgment, and rise to every occasion that may impact the quality of life of the people of this country. I applaud my colleagues on both sides of the aisle who lived up to these expectations and made the decision to do what was right, not what was popular. As a result of their courage and their ability to reach for something larger than the small politics of the moment, our economic foundation has been stabilized. That vote brought us back from the brink of disaster and restored confidence in the financial institutions that threatened to undermine our entire system. It did what was necessary to prevent a complete economic meltdown. But make no mistake, this emergency legislation did not solve every problem. It was not a cure-all. And as many hard-working Americans will tell you, we are not out of the woods yet. There are still miles to go. Our country remains on the road to recovery. If we want to continue down this road, this Congress needs to take the next step. So at this point, we must turn our attention to the ordinary Americans who are still suffering. It is time to help Main Street. It is time to take bold action to create jobs, help small businesses, and stabilize community banks. It is time to shift our focus to the innovators, entrepreneurs, and local institutions that drive our economy on a daily basis. In some places, things have already started to turn around and we need to continue that progress, but especially among poor and minority communities, these groups are falling further and further behind. As a former banker, I understand the vital roles these institutions play in local communities and our economy as a whole, and I understand the challenges they face in tough times such as these. That is why we need to embrace a new economic program which will encourage banks to start lending, make capital available for small businesses, and mitigate the foreclosures. Let's stop shutting down people's homes and putting them out in the streets. If we work together to tackle these priorities, we can have regular Americans get back on their feet without spending another dime on Wall Street. Let us come together right now to send a strong message to Main Street: Help is on the way. The cavalry is coming to help them. We can do this right now. We can do it without passing a new round of emergency appropriations. We can do it without increasing the deficit or the national debt and without writing another 100-page bill. When the original economic stimulus was passed more than a year ago, this Chamber set aside roughly $700 billion to aid in the recovery effort. These efforts have been effective and, as we speak, there is still $320 billion that has not been spent. So rather than begin the process again, as some have suggested, let us simply change the focus of the existing program. Let us draw from the money we have already set aside to help small businesses, local banks, and ordinary folks. At the moment, we don't have the resources or the time to start over with a new round of stimulus legislation, so let us seize this opportunity to direct funds we have already designated for this purpose. Every Member of this body has seen the devastating effects of the economic crisis in their home States. Everyone in this Chamber knows we need to act with urgency. We can't wait another moment. Thankfully, if we decide to embrace these priorities, there is no reason to wait. We can restore hope and optimism to Main Street, we can help the minority communities, small businesses, and local banks that are still in grave need of our assistance. We can do this, and I believe we must do it. The resources, the funds are there, and the commitment should be there. Let us use those resources now to put them into Main Street and help ordinary folks. Constituents come up to me all the time wondering: Where is my piece of the stimulus package? Well, it could be in Main Street. It could be in our local banks. So let's do it. I call upon my colleagues to use those dollars that are now in the stimulus package to put them into Main Street, into the local banks, and start helping the local communities. Thank you. I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Madam President, for the past few days I have heard a number of my colleagues come to the floor to discuss whether this Congress should vote to raise the limit on the national debt. As this debate has unfolded, I am beginning to hear a familiar refrain from my friends on the other side of the aisle. Instead of offering constructive criticism or original ideas of their own, my Republican colleagues keep returning to the same irresponsible politics and empty rhetoric that got us into this mess in the first place. They seek to shift the blame and hold Democrats responsible for the failed policies that led us to this point. The American people remember who really is responsible. In 2001, at the end of the last Democratic administration, our country enjoyed a $236 billion budget surplus with a projected surplus of $5.6 trillion over the next decade. But then Republicans took control of the Congress and the White House. Were they good stewards of the surplus left to us by the Clinton administration? Were they? Did they spend only what America could afford? Were they responsible with our pocketbook? After all, the decade is over. I ask, so where is the $5.6 trillion surplus? It is nowhere to be found. Republicans squandered our surplus by spending wildly on massive tax breaks for the wealthy and the special interests. They tried to place the blame on President Obama, but the reality is that this President inherited a massive deficit of $1.3 trillion on the day he took office last year. Now, as we try to clean up the mess we have inherited, our Republican friends are trying to pass the buck. They seem to be more interested in scoring political points than making sound policy. Who is going to be hurt if we don't extend this debt? We are all going to be hurt. It is not going to be Democrats who are hurt. It is not going to be Republicans. Every American is going to be hurt. We need to raise the debt limit so that America can avoid the economic catastrophe that would be created if the United States defaulted on its debt. If we fail to take action now, our Nation's credit would be undermined, our economy would be further weakened, and important programs, such as Social Security and veterans' benefits, would be at grave risk. Raising the debt limit is the only responsible course of action at this time. It would not authorize one penny of new spending, but it would allow us to pay the bills we have already incurred. We ate the meal. We had the dinner. Now we have to pay the check. I am asking my Republican friends to join us on this measure. I am asking them to take responsibility for the mess they helped create and to be a part of the solution, rather than leaving other people to clean up their mistakes. During the years when they were in control, Senate Republicans voted seven times to increase the debt limit. They refused to pay for major initiatives. They cut revenues and increased spending. It did not take a financial expert to recognize that this was just plain irresponsible. So when our Republican colleagues talk about fiscal responsibility, they are talking about an issue on which they have absolutely no credibility. Their record simply does not match their rhetoric. This demonstrates yet again that they do not have a plan to solve the economic challenges they helped create. I believe it is time to move forward. Let's be honest with the American people. Let's work together to solve this problem rather than hiding behind the same irresponsible policies that got us here in the first place. I call on my friends across the aisle to join us in passing this measure. This should not be a partisan issue. We all have a responsibility to keep this Nation on the road to economic recovery, and if we do not extend this debt ceiling, what will the consequences to the American people be? It is essential that we get an extension of this debt ceiling and that we pass this legislation and that we be responsible as we go forward in our programs and policies of spending so that we will not have to be back here time and time again talking about raising the debt ceiling. We must get it under control at this time because if we do not, a catastrophe could be overwhelming and we may not even recover from it. Madam President, I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, 150 years ago, a group of outstanding doctors assembled to establish a new medical school, which would offer the first graded medical curriculum in the history of the U.S. This medical college eventually became a part of the world-renowned Northwestern University--located just outside of Chicago, IL--and grew to become one of the most prominent medical schools in the Nation. Today, it is known as the Feinberg School of Medicine, and it stands at the forefront of education, research, clinical care, and many related fields. Today I am proud to join the students, faculty and staff of the Feinberg School in celebrating 150 years of excellence. Thanks to their fine work and their lasting commitment to the highest standards of medical care, thousands of lives have been saved. Countless patients have received high-quality treatment from some of the most skilled caregivers in the medical profession. At the same time, the Feinberg School has prepared the next generation of leaders, innovators, and researchers, who will shape the course of healthcare in this country for generations to come. I would ask my colleagues to join with me in celebrating the hundred and fiftieth anniversary of this outstanding institution, which is located in my home state of Illinois. Along with my good friend Senator Durbin, I am proud to offer a Senate Resolution to mark this momentous occasion, and to shine a spotlight on one of the finest medical schools in the United States. As we are all well aware, health care is one of the most important issues in America today. But quite apart from the contentious debate that continues to capture so much national attention, it is vital to recognize the exemplary work of institutions such as this one. I invite my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to come together to recognize the tremendous track record of the Feinberg School of Medicine, and their continuing contributions to health care services.

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, are we in morning business?

Mr. BURRIS

Mr. BURRIS. Mr. President, I also wish to address a matter that is impacting our hemisphere; that is, the country of Haiti. In recent days, we have all heard the tragic news and seen the shocking images of the earthquake that devastated the nation of Haiti just last week. Even today, more than a week after the earthquake, the full measure of this catastrophe is difficult to ascertain. Relief workers have only just begun to go out into the cities and towns that surround the Haitian capital, and we are starting to get initial reports from the outlying areas. Essential infrastructure has been destroyed by the earthquake. Shelter, food, and water are in short supply, and it is nearly impossible to get aid to the people who need it most. But it is the human toll of this natural disaster that is truly the most horrifying. Estimates have soared to include over 200,000 people who may have died, and as many as 3 million who may be injured or homeless. My thoughts and prayers are with all those whose lives have been touched by this terrible tragedy--those who have died, those who have been injured, and those who cannot yet get in touch with their loved ones. I know my colleagues on both sides of the aisle will join me in pledging steadfast support for the people of Haiti in this time of crisis. Haiti is one of the poorest nations on Earth, so this earthquake only compounds the challenges its people continue to face every day. There are shocking disparities between Haiti and all other nations within the Western Hemisphere, and this tragedy has only widened the gap and exposed these disparities for all to see. That is why it is especially gratifying that, in the wake of great calamity, America has answered the call again. I commend President Obama for his focused and timely humanitarian response to this situation, and I applaud the excellent work of the volunteers, rescue workers, and military personnel who have rushed to provide aid. They continue to save lives and provide care to those in need. And I will work with my colleagues here in the Senate and with the administration to make sure these people have the tools and resources they need to be a part of the recovery. Americans have already made a difference in the lives of many Haitians. But we can and should do more. The humanitarian crisis in Haiti is growing more desperate by the hour. In spite of the best efforts of relief workers, aid is not arriving fast enough, and thousands of lives hang in the balance. That is why the American people have already responded in record numbers to requests for help. They realize that, in many ways, the Haitian people are no different than ourselves. And while they are not our countrymen, they are our neighbors in the world community, and today they require our assistance. The American people have shown an extraordinary capacity for generosity. Donations and volunteers continue to stream into the disaster area. Here in Washington, we must do everything we can to encourage people to keep giving, and to make sure we can get supplies and assistance to those who need it most. We must pledge ourselves to this humanitarian cause--to the belief that, in the aftermath of great tragedy, we can help restore hope to the beleaguered people. Out of rubble, and chaos, and pain, we can help the people of Haiti begin to rebuild their lives and their country. We can play a constructive part in the rebirth of this island nation, to help them chart a new course as they emerge from these trials and hopefully relegate the days of poverty to the past. I ask my colleagues in this great body to join me in this pledge, and to join the millions of Americans who have already rallied to this cause. Both individually and as a nation, we can make a difference. In this situation, we must make a difference because some of our brothers and sisters in that country are in dire need of our assistance and help for which we have responded very aggressively and very favorably to help them. I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. BURRIS. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.