Cory Booker

Mr. BOOKER

Mr. BOOKER. Madam President, I have three requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority Leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate:

Mr. BOOKER

Mr. BOOKER. I move to concur in the House amendment to S. 709. I know of no further debate on the motion to concur.

Mr. BOOKER. I ask unanimous consent that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. BOOKER. Madam President, I understand that the Senate has received the House message to accompany S. 709.

Mr. BOOKER. I ask that the chair lay before the body the House message to accompany S. 709. The Presiding Officer laid before the Senate the following message from the House of Representatives: Resolved, That the bill from the Senate (S. 709) entitled ``An Act to improve performance and accountability in the Federal Government, and for other purposes.'', do pass with an amendment. Motion to Concur

Mr. BOOKER

Mr. BOOKER. Madam President, I understand that the Senate has received the House message to accompany S. 3791. The Presiding Officer laid before the Senate the following message from the House of Representatives: Resolved, That the bill from the Senate (S. 3791) entitled ``An Act to reauthorize the America's Conservation Enhancement Act, and for other purposes'', do pass with an amendment. Motion to Concur

Mr. BOOKER. I move to concur in the House amendment to S. 3791, and I know of no further debate.

Mr. BOOKER

Mr. BOOKER. Madam President, I am grateful to stand here tonight. I ask unanimous consent that floor access be granted to my communications director Jeff Giertz, the father of two amazing daughters and whose Christmas card was so moving to me. He should be home with them at this late hour, but I hope you will give him permission to be on the floor without objection. And to my chief of staff Veronica Duron, who does not have two beautiful daughters but who has a lot of plants that need watering, she should probably be home doing that, but I would like to get her permission to be on the Senate floor as well.

Mr. BOOKER

Mr. BOOKER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today momentarily, that it recess until 10 a.m. on Thursday, December 19; further, that all time during adjournment, recess, morning business, leader remarks, and consideration of the House message to accompany S. 4367 count as postcloture on the motion to proceed to H.R. 82.

Mr. BOOKER

Mr. BOOKER. Madam President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask that it stand in recess under the previous order.

Mr. BOOKER

Mr. BOOKER. I ask further that the concurrent resolution be agreed to and the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. BOOKER. Madam President, I now would like to ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of S. Con. Res. 46.

Mr. BOOKER

Mr. BOOKER. I know of no further debate on the resolution.

Mr. BOOKER. I ask unanimous consent that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. BOOKER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 934, submitted earlier today.

Mr. BOOKER

Mr. BOOKER. I know of no further debate on the resolution.

Mr. BOOKER. I ask unanimous consent that the preamble be agreed to and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. BOOKER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on the Judiciary be discharged from further consideration of S. Res. 895 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Mr. BOOKER

Mr. BOOKER. So, here, he writes about his nomination: When my nomination . . . came before the Senate Judiciary Committee, I was prepared to answer any questions about my qualifications, philosophy, or legal issues, [but] I received none. Instead, I was asked questions about Israel, whether I supported Hamas, and whether I celebrated the anniversary of 9/11. Even more revealing, however, was the tone. The underlying premise appeared to be that because I am Muslim, surely I support terrorism and celebrate 9/11. When I made clear that all these claims are false--that I condemn the Hamas attacks and all forms of terrorism, and indeed that it was my city--[my city]--that was attacked on 9/11--the next Republican Senators up just repeated their performative outrage. There were children in the audience. These attacks, nonetheless, continued endlessly for a simple reason. As Senator Whitehouse revealed on the Senate floor, this was an organized smear campaign fueled by dark money. But it did not end there. After Jewish groups came to my defense, these same attackers pivoted [their] focus to a new absurdity, claiming that I supported the killing of police officers--silently underpinned, in my view, by the notion that as a Muslim I surely support violence, including against law enforcement. Now, your father goes on to detail not only how these incredible, outrageous smear attacks were false and that there was no basis for them but how he has actually been someone who has stood up in his legal career in pursuit of justice and has the support of dozens of police organizations, attorneys general from around the country, bipartisan groups of current and former attorneys general, law enforcement groups, and more. He ends his letter with the conclusion that these tactics succeeded in stopping him from even getting a vote on the Senate floor, from ascending to the Third Circuit, and making history. Your father--your father--concluded his letter by saying a truth: Our country faces an incoming tsunami of bigotry and hatred and discrimination. It targets Muslims, Arabs, Jews, Black people, the LGBTQ community, and many others. And this is not in the letter, but I remind people that hate crimes are on the rise across our country. Azmir and Zaaran, back to your father's letter: And it always pretends to be something other than what it is. These forces are fueled not only by their proponents, but equally by the collaboration and silence of the spineless. They can be defeated only by those who lead voters with courage, not those who sacrifice principles for votes. But courage can be found outside of politics. American Muslims are part of this nation's fabric and will not cower. This campaign was intended to make it intolerable for Muslims proud of their identity to serve this nation. It will fail. Our Constitution forbids religious tests for any Office of the United States and American Muslims will cherish that fundamental American value, even if others apply it only selectively. Your father continues: I have battled for justice, even if it meant there would be none for me. I read that line, Azmir and Zaaran, and it gave me chills because it reminded me of my own family and stories of people who fought for justice that they would never enjoy. It reminded me of the history in this country when suffrage leaders fought for the vote for Black men, the vote for suffrage for Blacks, and they would not enjoy it as women. It reminds me of so many Americans who still stood up for principles and ideals that our country proclaims, even when they would not enjoy them. Azmir and Zaaran, your father continues: This unfortunate fact remains: We have a fundamentally broken process for choosing federal judges. This is no longer a system for evaluating fitness for judicial office. It is now a channel for the raising of money based on performative McCarthyism before video cameras, and for the dissemination of dark-money-funded attacks that especially target minorities. Nominees pay the price--and so . . . does our nation. Who will give up the rewards of private sector success for public service, if the added price is character assassination and wading through a Senatorial swamp like this one? This process must be reinvented to protect nominees from threats both reputational and physical in an era of Congressional dishonor where disinformation reigns and all decency has been abandoned. I set forth this record of my experience and my opinions so that this playbook will be recognized the next time-- And there will be a next time-- a Muslim is nominated to a prominent position of service. He ends with this: To return to President Eisenhower's words, Americans must now look at the story of this nomination, and ask themselves: Is this who we are now? To these two young boys he ends: For my children, I hope America one day lives up to President Eisenhower's promise, even if not today. For my part, I entered this nomination process as a proud American and a proud Muslim. I exit it the same way, unbowed. Azmir and Zaaran, I remember this day and the excitement I felt when I walked into that hearing room, this wood-paneled historic chamber. I remember how it signaled to visitors the gravity of the business that was about to be conducted within the walls. And you two were seated in the front row, just behind your dad. I remember the joy that I felt when I saw the two of you, that you were going to witness the ascendency of your father to the highest court in the land, and you two were going to witness the smashing of a barrier and seeing your father--a proud American, who happens to be a Muslim--become the first. I remember your smiles. I remember how they made my whole being smile. Your mother sat behind you beaming with pride. I sat on the dais so full of joy. And the hearing began. I told your dad I didn't know why he asked you to leave the room. I wanted you to stay for the whole hearing. But your mom and dad, wise beyond me, had you leave. At your young age then, I am glad you did not witness what then transpired. It was shameful. Not for your family, it was shameful for us as Senators. It was shameful for America. You heard your father detail the remarks and the questions that were so degrading and demeaning. They weren't successful. They couldn't degrade or demean the character of your father, but they were degrading and demeaning--questions that have never been asked in all of American history to a nominee: ``Did you support 9/11, the terrorist attacks,'' that he witnessed. How insulting was that? And they were repeated over and over, demeaning and degrading--attempting to, but your father's character can never be demeaned, can never be degraded because he stood tall on that day. In the history of this country of so many women and Black men and immigrants and Irish and Italian and Catholics and Asian Americans, Japanese and Chinese who have been insulted and looked down upon and faced bigotry, your father, like generations of other Americans who were told they weren't good enough because they were different, your father stood in the saddle and took the assaults, and he never ever, ever backed down. Calmly and repeatedly, he answered the inane questions, the darkness directed toward him, and he showed his light. I would be remiss if I didn't tell you over and over again how brilliant your father is, how he got to that seat. Amidst thousands of talented lawyers across the country, your father stood out to the President of the United States as one of the best. He is a top litigator. He is cherished by his colleagues. His legal acumen and intellect were part of the reasons I recommended him because all throughout my State, on both sides of the aisle, people told me how amazing your father was, how talented your father was, how this was a layup for the court, how he would elevate the judiciary. And what people said about him wasn't just his legal acumen; they also talked about your dad's character--a man who lives by his principles, how he even stood up to the government when it was discriminating against others because they were different, how he represented people who had no one to stand up for their values. He stood up for a man named Karl Taylor, who was held in prison and beaten to death by correctional officers. Not only did your dad win that lawsuit for Mr. Taylor's family, but he helped protect other incarcerated people in New York by having all the prisons agree to install video cameras to stop attacks like that one from ever happening again to protect other lives. Your father has this unrelenting commitment to the ideal of fairness and justice. He has modeled his life after that. He doesn't just believe these things, he acts in accordance with them. New Jersey is lucky to have him on our State bar, and we would have been lucky to have him on the Third Circuit. My mom said something about me that I think is funny. My mom says: Behind every successful child is an astonished parent. But I will never be surprised by the two of you. I think you two, knowing your parents, are going to grow up to be extraordinary lightworkers in this Nation. James Baldwin said: Children are never good at listening to their elders, but they never fail to imitate them. I have this faith in the two of you. And the reason why I am doing this, standing on the Senate floor talking to two New Jersey children, teenage boys, 14 and 13, the reason why I am talking to you is because I know who you are, with only meeting you on that day, because you were raised by these modeled citizens, by these great Americans whose character shines amidst the darkness of the storm that your family just went through. Your father was professionally attacked. For months and months and months, he was trolled on the internet. He faced streams of hate as people built entire million-dollar campaigns to try to discredit him. Yet your dad and your mom never faltered and never flinched, told the President of the United States that they would continue in the process if the President believed that it was still possible for him to serve his Nation. It is these attributes of your parents that I know live in you. I guess I want you all never to stop believing like your parents do and not just the attributes that mark your family and distinguish it but in those attributes of our Nation that we can never stop believing in. This great body failed your father. It failed the American people. It is one of the most painful chapters I have had in public life. The American people deserve a government that just doesn't function in accordance with fairness but upholds the ideals that are so core to this country; that everyone is created equal, that there should be liberty and justice for all. That is not what happened in this episode. It is not what happened to your dad. He was treated differently because of his faith. Bigotry was used to attempt to demean him. Lies were used to discredit him. The broken political system was used to dissuade and intimidate people from standing up for him. It was a dark moment in the Senate's history, I tell you this. But your father, whose character I believed in before the process, has shown a character that inspires me now more than ever. I want to ask you two to never stop believing in the ideals of this Nation because it is why your father is who he is. Your parents told me their fealty to America, their love of this country, has not faltered. It is this great tradition of people who love America so much, even when America doesn't love them back. It is people in this country, from McCarthyism to the bigotry and hate of slavery, who kept working to change this country and make it better. I ask the two of you to embrace your parents' way, to love America, to believe in her, and to know that this Nation needs you and your family. I believe sometimes we have the most difficult moments to make way for better days ahead. I believe in people and their potential and ability to make a difference. We are in a moment right now where too many leaders in our country subscribe to a politics of division. We are in a moment where we are seeing a rise of hate. I think it is an inflection point, and I think this is the point--and perhaps yours is the generation--to take our Nation in a better direction. I believe, in many ways, your dad's steadfast love of country and the fact that he is unbowed by this process, I think that that is, in many ways, the foundation that is going to help us as a nation go forward. I want to end with a poem my parents read me. I told your dad--and I got emotional when I talked to him earlier today--that when I looked at the two of you, I saw my brother and me. Cary and I were raised by two parents, the first ever to integrate an all-White neighborhood. My parents faced the same kind of awful indignities as many people who are different in that they weren't allowed to buy their house. They had to get a White couple to pose as them--I was just a baby at that time--in order to be the first Black family to move in. On the day of the closing on the house, when the White couple didn't show up and my father did, and a lawyer--like your father--the real estate agent didn't capitulate; he actually punched the lawyer in the face and sicced a Doberman pinscher on my dad. We eventually got the owners of the home to sell us the house and moved in, but my parents were conscious my entire childhood that there is hate in this world, there is bigotry in this world. It was the tunnel that you had to come through to be in the very house where you lived. But they never wanted us to stop loving America and loving other people. They wanted us to know that there were going to be times in life when you are going to face hatred and that would never define you. What will define you is how you respond to it. What your father gave America is a master's class on how to respond to lies, bigotry, and hatred--organized and financed. What your father showed is, in that darkness, he could bring light. So my parents wanted me to be like your dad in life; that if I faced the worst bigotry and hate, that I did not stop loving, that I did not stop loving others and loving Americans. And they would find ways to inspire me. So I want to read you all one of the poems my parents shared with me--not the whole poem but a few sections. It is by a woman named Maya Angelou, and it is a poem called ``Still I Rise.'' You may write me down in history with your bitter, twisted lies, You may trod me in the very dirt But still, like dust, I'll rise. Just like moons and like suns, With the certainty of tides, Just like hopes springing high, Still I'll rise. Out of the huts of history's shame I rise Up from a past that's rooted in pain I rise I'm a black ocean, leaping and wide, Welling and swelling I bear in the tide. Leaving behind nights of terror and fear I rise Into a daybreak that's wondrously clear I rise Bringing the gifts that my ancestors gave, I am the dream and the hope of the slave. I rise I rise I rise. To two young men, growing up in a great nation, to Azmir and Zaaran, I rise today to tell you that this is a great nation, to remind you that your father has made it greater, and to tell you that I am full of hope that the two of you will rise up and help our Nation redeem its difficult past and seize for itself an even greater future. God bless the two of you. In sha' Allah, you two will make America even greater. Madam President, I yield the floor.

Mr. BOOKER. Madam President, I rise today to give a speech that I have never given before. It is really important that I do it on the Senate floor, but it is like I have never done it before because I am actually giving a speech to two young children who may not watch this for years, but I want them to hear it from me. These are two young boys--Azmir and Zaaran--and I write them. I give a sort of open speech to them tonight, really out of joy and faith that is untroubled by my hurt and my sadness. You see, I think something about this country that so many people have come to know who have seen the worst of America but still love America. They know how these emotions sit side by side--that you could hold sadness and joy next to faith in this Nation, even though there is disappointment. And what I rise to talk to these two young boys about is their dad. Their dad is a man named Adeel Mangi. He is an extraordinary man. I have met many people from New Jersey, but this man was so extraordinary that the President of the United States of America chose him, because of his qualifications, to be a justice on the Third Circuit Court of Appeals. That was why he was chosen. But he also happened to be a glass ceiling breaker; he also happened to be somebody who was going to make American history as the first ever Muslim judge--a man of Muslim faith--to be on the circuit court. Now, this is extraordinary that it is 2024 and we have never had someone of the Muslim faith, especially because we are a nation that says there are no religious tests; that we are found on this ideal of religious freedom--but somehow, with the millions of American Muslims and with Muslims being here at our founding and all through American history and with Muslims fighting in every war in American history, we have never had a Muslim ascend to the circuit courts. I would like to read from a letter that your father wrote. It is really powerful. I wish I could read the whole thing. I ask unanimous consent that the whole letter by Adeel A. Mangi be printed in the official Record of the U.S. Senate.

Mr. BOOKER

Mr. BOOKER. Madam President, so much niceness headed toward this guy--it is killing me over here. (Laughter.) I want to clear the record, and I have a beef to settle with the good Senator from Pennsylvania. I will tell you this: I consider myself a person of faith, and I think that Senator Bob Casey has done something very irreligious if I must say. I know he grew up as a Catholic. I grew up in a Baptist church. We are both Christians. We have very different religious faiths, but I have an issue with Bob Casey because, in the organizing Bible verse that I used to tell people was how I motivated my life, I come here, and he completely eviscerates my allegiance to this Bible verse. So I am using this, and forgive me. And I might be rule XIX'd by somebody for maligning a colleague. But I am very upset that you have made me lose my religion a little bit, and I will give you an example. If you know--a point of order? No. (Laughter.) Will the Senator yield? No, I will not. (Laughter.) Matthew 25 is really one of those Bible verses that has, for so much of my life, motivated me. You know, the Lord said: I was hungry, and you fed me; or thirsty, and you gave me to drink. And it ends with this verse 40: And then you shall answer and say unto them, ``Verily I say to you, in so much as you have done to the least of these my brethren, you have done to me.'' The least of these is how--I thought that that was the calling of my faith--to do unto the least of these. And for 10 years now--11 years that I have been in the Senate, you have undermined that idea of doing unto the least of these. Now, look, Bob--if I may call you that, sir--I came into the Senate thinking that was our job, but I have watched you for 11 years never see anyone as ``least.'' You have this way of looking at everybody and seeing their grandeur. You see people not as if they are in a lower station in any way, but you have a way of seeing people as if they are a reflection of the Divine Himself. I had a very humbling experience in the past 7 days with the good Senator from Iowa. We were down in the basement of Dirksen when people from the disability community from Pennsylvania and all around America came to give you tribute. As I sat there welling up at the tributes to you from these extraordinary Americans, every person that spoke and that I spoke to afterwards told me that you saw them; that you were a person who recognized their humanity, who recognized their strength, who saw their character, capabilities; and that you were not doing to any least but that you were elevating everyone and this Nation in the process. When you remarked about the little lobbyists, you pointed out how powerful they were in saving healthcare for all Americans. So I want to tell you, in my farewell to you after your speech, that when I was coming out of college, my greatest hero in America was not a Senator or a politician; it was Marian Wright Edelman. I thought that should be the calling of this country, to focus on children. I love what Marian Wright Edelman said: So much of America's tragic and costly failures to care for all of its children stems from our tendency to distinguish between our children and other people's children--as if justice were divisible. I see this framing that has made humanity suffer for thousands of years--those who framed humanity in us versus them. You have this superpower to only see just us. It is not your family and my family; we are family--to try not to sound like a famous song. Somehow, my friend, you make real the words of one of my favorite poets, Gwendolyn Brooks, who simply said: We are each other's harvest; we are each other's business; we are each other's magnitude and bond. I look up to you, Bob. I see in you--if you ask me what is the difference between a Hollywood heartthrob--or what does Bob Casey have in common with a Hollywood heartthrob, I would say, nothing at all. (Laughter.) You are not sexy. You are not glamorous. (Laughter.) My church tradition was, you had charismatic leaders in the pulpit giving great speeches. You must have gone to a very boring church. (Laughter.) But somehow you made me aspire to know in the Senate the difference between celebrity and significance, the difference between a showhorse and a workhorse, the difference between some nobility that you feel that you are reaching out and reaching down to help others, to humbling yourself before God's creations. I end with this framing: Marian Wright Edelman inspired me at the beginning of my career, and the way you have focused on children inspires me amidst my middle-age years as a Senator. I still am inspired by people who care about kids. That is why you have been one of my greatest heroes. So to steal from Chris Coons, who is the one person, I think, who knows Swahili in this Chamber, I would like to end with some Swahili words. The Maasai warriors have this incredible tradition. These are the people who are most valued in their defense of those in the village who might not be able to defend themselves, who are powerful in their fierce fighting capabilities and fight for those who are powerless. When they are out and about, they have a greeting that they say to each other, and the greeting, if I am pronouncing it right--and Chris Coons will correct me later--is ``Kasserian ingera.'' This is the greeting of two warriors. When they see each other, they greet each other: ``Kasserian ingera.'' The response is ``Sepati ingera,'' which means--one warrior says to the other ``How are the children?'' and the response of two warriors is ``The children are well.'' This is the indicator for the Maasai people of what the strongest, what the most powerful, what the fearsome fighters are most focused on, which is the children. You, my friend, are one of the greatest warriors I have ever served with. I know your heart. I know your moral compass. I know how you live your faith every single day and how much you have deepened mine. In the words of the Maasai, I have two words to say: ``Asante sana''--thank you very much. (Applause.)

Mr. BOOKER

Mr. BOOKER. First of all, I am going to come out to the aisle because this is ``doing the Sherrod,'' when you get far away from your desk. I literally think, if the leash were long enough, he would have opened the door and taken a couple steps out and come running in and down the aisle. (Laughter.) I stand today with a similar start because there was this moment in the cloakroom when I was a new guy in the Senate, and I talked about Tester saying to me very loudly in the cloakroom: I didn't think I was going to like you when I first got here. Then Sherrod chimed in right away--and you will remember this, Sherrod--and said: I didn't think I would like you either. Now, I didn't care about Jon Tester because I don't like Jon Tester. (Laughter.) But I really cared that Sherrod Brown would say that, at one point, he didn't like me. But I knew he liked me when he said it, because when I came to the Senate, he surprised me. He did something I never expected. I had great experiences when I first came here--friendships, colleagues stepping up--I see my chairman here--putting me under their arm, but Sherrod did it in a way that really surprised me. He said: Hey, Cory. I want to work with you on something really important. And I thought of all of these big issues in the Senate. Is it Social Security? Is it lowering prescription drug prices? I thought: What are we going to do for America? Sherrod Brown blew me away. He said: I want to fight for fair wages for the cafeteria workers who work in the basement of the buildings we work in. Immediately, it floored me. I started working in this place in 2013--and I will never forget--it was the least diverse place I had ever worked. I came here, and on one of the first nights I worked past 10 p.m., I left out of the employees' entrance. I saw the line of employees walking in, and they were mostly Black and Brown people. When I went to the basement to get something to eat in the cafeteria, the cafeteria workers were mostly Black and Brown folks. They didn't have a Senator living in Washington, DC, but Sherrod was someone who stood up for their dignity. Sherrod, I have been struggling all week because I feel emotional, like losing you. I had this poem that kept coming up over and over again--it is really short, and I know you know it--but I did not understand why this was the poem, and I want to try to explain it to you. It is a poem by Langston Hughes. It is entitled ``I, too, sing America.'' I am the darker brother. They send me to eat in the kitchen When company comes, But I laugh, And eat well, And grow strong. [Because] tomorrow, I'll be at the table When company comes. [And] nobody'll dare Say to me, ``Eat in the kitchen,'' Then. Besides, They'll see how beautiful I am And be ashamed-- I, too, [sing] America. Sherrod, I have served with you for 11 years, and the thing I love the most about you is you see people. You see the folks who others walk past and don't even affirm their humanity. And you just don't see people; what you have shown me time and time again from my first week as a U.S. Senator is that you see the folks who are the most important to the very idea of America--the idea that people have sweat for and cried for and bled for. To me, that is the definition of what it means to represent people, all the people. So I end with this, and it is a moment from American history because I know you are such a nerd. (Laughter.) You, frankly, just never fit my image of what I thought a Senator would look like. You are frumpy, and you are disheveled--and the only person who has messier hair than you is Bernie, for crying out loud. (Laughter.) But there are five words I think I want to say to you in my final farewell to you in an official capacity, standing in the aisle that you so defined. And it is a simple story from history after Lincoln gave his second inaugural address: Malice towards none and charity towards all--the ideal that you live that there is no us and them. It is just us. Lincoln retired to a reception afterward, and it was crowded. And people were pulling at him and trying to get his attention, and he was pushing through the crowds, looking for one person who almost didn't get into the reception. This guy had to be recognized by someone because he was Black and was pulled in to be allowed to be at this incredible reception. The President pushes by him. The historians say it was the Governor of Rhode Island who was trying to talk to him, but he kept pushing towards this man. And he said to this man: My friend, what did you think of my speech? This man, regal in stature, humble in spirit, looked at him and said: Mr. President, you should attend to your guests. And President Lincoln is said to have waved him off and said: No. I want to know what you thought of my speech. I need to know, my friend, what you thought of my speech. This would be the last time in American history that these two men would ever speak because Lincoln would soon be assassinated. These were the last words that they exchanged. And if you allow me these five words, I just want to say to you, in my last farewell to you after your farewell speech, as Frederick Douglass looked at Abraham Lincoln and simply said: It was a sacred effort. It was a sacred effort. Your 18-year career here was a sacred effort to see everyone in our great country as an American, to affirm their humanity, to affirm their dignity, and to elevate our highest virtues. Thank you, my friend.

Mr. BOOKER

Mr. BOOKER. Mr. President, I would like to rise and join some of my colleagues in speaking about Ben Cardin, but I perhaps want to take a little bit more of a personal approach to sharing my thoughts about my departing colleague. I don't know if he remembers this, but I was elected in a special election, and I came here plopping down, sworn in on the auspicious day of Halloween. And I knew I had to meet my colleagues, so I started the process of going to their offices. They took me to meet everybody from John McCain sitting in his office, obviously, to Harry Reid who was here then. But my journey to go see Ben Cardin was different than any of my other meetings because we sat down, and he asked me about myself, and before I knew it, we were talking about Judaism. Now, it was an amazing conversation to me because I did not realize how deep his faith was, how knowledgeable he was of the Torah, something I have been studying for decades as a non-Jew, and I found this incredible connection to him around the principles that he spoke about at the top of his speech, principles of hesed, principles of tzedakah, this idea of living a good and moral life. But what was amazing to me over these last 11 years that I have been at the Senate is that maybe some joking from time to time about Judaism, but we really haven't had much of a Torah discussion as we did on that very first day. He has never invited me to a minyan; he and I have never prayed together. He never talked to me about his religion. I have traveled around the whole world, but that first conversation was the most we ever talked about his religion and his faithfulness. But what is amazing to me is even though we haven't spoken about it, as someone who knows and loves the religion, I will say I have seen it in him every single day. In my faith, there is a theologian that says: Everywhere you go, preach the gospel, but only sometimes use words. I am a big believer that before you tell me about your religion, first show it to me in how you treat other people; before you preach to me how much you love your God, show it to me in how you love all of God's children; before you tell me about your passion for your faith, show it to me in your compassion for other people. This has been the beauty of serving with my colleague Ben Cardin because I have seen through the work and the dedication and the labors and the attention to detail and the leadership how deep his integrity is and his alignment between his beliefs and how he conducts himself in the world. And so in honor of that, Ben, I am going to try to do something that I am sure has never been done in the history of the Senate is I am going to say good-bye to you in a d'var Torah. Now, maybe there has been a d'var Torah on the Senate floor, but I am confident in the history of America there has never been on the Senate floor a d'var Torah given by a big Black goy. And so here it is. There is a moment in the Torah where Moses, a great leader, has been given the 10 Commandments, but the Jewish people are worshipping a golden calf. We all know the story of him crumbling, smashing the tablets, but what I didn't know until I started studying Judaism and doing Torah studies on Fridays, I didn't know there was a moment where God said: OK. I will destroy these people and give you new people to lead. And what was amazing to me, astonishing to me, about this story from the Torah is you would think that devotion, this fealty to God, that whatever God says goes, but Judaism struck me when I started studying the Torah as a strange faith that all of these major figures get into fights with God, whether it was the incredible story of Abraham arguing with angels about defending a city, Sodom and Gomorrah. But in this moment, what Moses said to God was: (English translation of statement made in Hebrew is as follows:) If you destroy these people, then erase me from your book. I want no part of you, God. I have watched you for 11 years. And like that ideal of Moses, despite all of the imperfections of humanity, despite our faults and our foibles, despite the tragedies we have wrought unto ourselves, you have shown that leadership of Moses, not accepting the world's happenings as God's will but standing up and standing in the breach. You have, through your work, both here in America and across the globe, you have been one of those people who has defended the weak, who has protected the vulnerable, and who has championed the best of humanity. Yes, you have preached the gospel, my friend, but you have more profoundly dedicated your life to its work. There is an ideal in Judaism that we should all be dedicated toward tikkun olam, to healing this world. I believe there is a God in Heaven. I share your sense of faith, and I believe at the end of this chapter of your life, God is saying: Well done, my good and faithful servant. And I know God is not done with you yet, so as you go on into the world, I simply say, as your brother, yasher koach. Thank you. (Applause.)

Mr. BOOKER

Mr. BOOKER. Mr. President, I appreciate being recognized right now. But I would be remiss if I let Jon Tester leave the floor without telling some of the truth about this guy. All the niceties here are making me a little nauseous. I want to set the record straight and say for the record, for the rest of the history of this country going forward, that I want it to be known that I do not like Jon Tester. So I want a rebuttal. I need to clear the record. He has had his piece, and I want my piece. I came to the Senate as this kind of naive guy. I did not think the Senate would be like what I experienced. I got here in earnest. My idea for who a Senator was, was very set in stone. I watched great movies about the U.S. Senators. I saw ``Mr. Smith Goes to Washington.'' And then I met Jon Tester, who is more like a combination of John Belushi and John Wick go to Washington. I didn't know Senators cursed until I got here and met Jon Tester. I think, if I remember the exact first quote that Jon Tester said to me, it was: Booker, I didn't think you were much. I thought you were a big hole--and there was a word in between that--but now I realize you are not a big hole; you are really not that big. This was the beginning of a relationship. (Laughter.) I have to say, I was the guy who played college football. I have some scars still from running into the likes of Junior Seau. But I literally wear physical scars because of my hitting Jon Tester. My mom said: I think you finally got an answer to the question of what happens when the unstoppable force meets the immovable object. Literally, he invited me to play basketball with him once. I have played some rough-and-tumble hoops before. There is a court here on the Senate grounds. What he did to me on that basketball court is illegal in six States. I have video evidence that I was planning--you know, he has cited the speech and debate clause protects what Senators do when they are in their official capacity, but now that he is leaving the U.S. Senate, I will be filing charges against this man. (Laughter.) Jon Tester is mean. He is cantankerous. He is ornery. He is rough. He is truly a son of a gun. Now, despite the fact that, again, I do not like Jon Tester, I have learned a heck of a lot from him. I was the mayor of a city, an urban place, and I hadn't gotten to know farmers in my State yet, but I came here and I met a farmer. And despite our issues and the tension between the two of us, he was willing to sit down with me and--perhaps more than any other Senator in my experience here--take the time to help me learn the urgencies about America's farm system. You see, what I learned about Jon Tester is he doesn't give a damn who you are. Will you work with him to advance the causes of his State? I realized that, despite the fact that I do not like Jon Tester, he loves the people of Montana. Look, I hear him complain about this place, complain about how it works. But I watched him and learned from him about how you fight here to get things done; that it is not about people or personalities; it is about fighting for causes and the communities that you care about. So Jon Tester taught me a heck of a lot. In fact, some of the things I feel most passionate about about the American food system were things that he taught me. And what he showed me was that, in this Nation, whether you live in rural Montana or urban New Jersey, we share common cause. Jon Tester showed me that we still have a common American fight and that this place still needs people who don't care about partisanship, who don't care about camaraderie, who don't care about the formalities, but just care about fighting for people. And so I am grateful for that, but I still don't like Jon Tester. (Laughter.) I used to come by his office. And I just want to look at his staff right now and tell them: God bless you. I mean, the HR claims you could have probably filed against this guy are extraordinary, and it shows me your loyalty to him because sometimes I would walk in there, and there was, like, full combat staff games being played. I mean, I couldn't believe it. I mean, what was being tossed around that office sometimes was extraordinary. But the fact that somehow he bred extraordinary loyalty from his staff members, dedication, work ethic, and people that delivered real results, in this place that is often hard to get things done, is a testimony to you and how much, in his office, he bred a sense of commitment to country. And so I thank you all for that. And being now that there is no limit on what I can say and get off my chest, I want to thank his chief of staff Dylan because, unbeknownst to you, we would break into your house often, sir. When you were back in Montana, yes, I have been in your home and done things in that home that will be in my next book. (Laughter.) Dylan, I can't get you fired because you are leaving anyway now at this point. I want to end by saying this: I have stories to tell about Jon Tester. I have charges to file about Jon Tester. I have a lot of language that has been expanded in my vocabulary because of Jon Tester. And I thought that I would come down tonight and write an original poem. I was very excited about the chance to rhyme ``Jon Tester'' with ``Uncle Fester.'' I thought it would be great. I had this incredible poem that I wanted to read. But I, instead, want to end with this poem. I watched Jon Tester do something that was extraordinary. He chose to run again--a guy that I knew how he felt about Washington but decided to do something recklessly audacious. Most Senators, when they see the odds are against them and their chances of winning are slim, they decide to retire. Jon didn't go quietly into the night. He ran an election. And so many people on both sides of the aisle actually believed that if anybody can win in a State that Donald Trump won by 20 points, where there are probably as many vegans in Montana as there are Democrats, he chose, because of the love of his State, to run again, run an election. And by golly, the people I saw pouring their heart into this fight--it was extraordinary. It was an election to me--and in talking to Dylan on so many days-- that was one of the more exciting ones because I really felt like he was from a movie like ``Braveheart'' or the men in ``300'' in Thermopolis. He was running one of the most extraordinary fights in this place. And because the world believed that--oh, my God--Jon Tester could pull off the greatest upset in American politics, he drew fire into that State. You talk about campaign finance reform. Literally, tens if not well over $100 million that would have probably gone to Wisconsin, Michigan, Arizona, everybody was pouring into this fight. He drew so much fire and went down in an election, to me, that was a testimony to his character. So instead of reading an original poem, I just thought I would read a poem by a man that I have known all my life. And now I have to say this poem most describes the man I don't like, Jon Tester. It is by a guy named Rudyard Kipling. It is entitled ``If.'' If you can keep your head when all about you are losing theirs and blaming it on you; if you can trust yourself when all men doubt you, but make allowance for their doubting too; if you can wait and not be tired by waiting, or being lied about, don't deal in lies, or being hated, don't give way to hating, and yet don't look too good, nor talk too wise; if you can dream--and not make dreams your master; if you can think--and not make thoughts your aim; if you can meet with Triumph and Disaster and treat those two impostors just the same; if you can bear to hear the truth you've spoken twisted by knaves to make a trap for fools, or watch the things you gave your life to, broken, and stoop and build `em up with worn-out tools; if you can make one heap of all your winnings and risk it on one turn of pitch-and-toss, and lose, and start again at your beginnings and never breathe a word about your loss; if you can force your heart and nerve and sinew to serve your turn long after they are gone, and so hold on when there is nothing in you except the Will which says to them: `Hold on!'; if you can talk with crowds and keep your virtue, or walk with Kings--nor lose the common touch; if neither foes nor loving friends can hurt you; if all men count with you, but none too much; if you can fill the unforgiving minute with sixty seconds' worth of distance run, yours-- Jon Tester, yours-- is the Earth and everything that's in it, and--which is more--you'll be a Man, my son! Mr. President, I have served with a lot of people in a lot of levels of government. Jon Tester is a man and one of the greatest ones I have known. I do not like Jon Tester, but, God, I love the man. Thank you. (Applause.)

Mr. BOOKER

Mr. BOOKER. Did I miss that? The Senator from New Jersey.