Bradley Byrne

Mr. BYRNE

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I really appreciate my friend from Maryland who, recently, he and I had an opportunity to spend some time together. I have enjoyed his company, and I recognize that he is a man of great experience and wisdom. I do have some differences with him on some of his remarks, however. He mentioned the Guantanamo Bay provision. It has recently come to light that the White House has now admitted that some of the Guantanamo Bay detainees that have been released are now back on the battlefield trying to kill American servicemen and -women. So, for those of us on this side of the aisle, that is not acceptable. We don't want more Guantanamo Bay detainees out there putting our men and women in harm's way. We want to keep them where they are, to keep our men and women in uniform safe. He talked about a funding cliff. What he is referring to is that this takes us, on the OCO account, into next spring, to when we will have a new President in place and, at that time, we can put in the rest of the funding. Now, this is exactly what was done 8 years ago when we were having a transition from the Bush administration to the Obama administration. At that time, then-Senator Obama, then-Senator Kerry, both voted for that, both supported that. So all we are doing now is the same thing we did 8 years ago. It is common sense. It was perfectly okay with them then; it is not now. And then on the Maloney amendment, I know exactly what the gentleman is talking about. The other side asked for that amendment. It was adopted by the House. It was put in the bill, and then when the bill itself, with the amendment on it, came up for a vote, only six Democrats voted for it. I voted for the bill with the language in it. The Democrats voted and killed the bill that had the antidiscriminatory language that they feel so strongly about. So let's understand what is really going on here. This is not an effort to do anything about discrimination. This is an effort to bring an end to the appropriations process, to throw a rock in the gears of what we have got to do to make government work for the American people. And our side of the aisle, the majority, is simply not going to allow that to happen. We are going to do the work that the American people sent us here to do; we are going to use structured rules; we are going to bring order out of chaos; and we are going to get the people's work done. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 783 and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. BYRNE

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Mr. BYRNE

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I rise to condemn the horrific terrorist attack in Orlando. This tragedy is a strike at every single American, regardless of your age, race, gender, sexual orientation, location, or religious beliefs. Our hearts go out to the wounded and their families, but most especially to the families and loved ones of all who were killed. There is no room for hate in America, and this ugly crime is the result of a coward following his own hate. It doesn't matter what the source of that hate was. It was and is an affront to God himself. In moments like this, it is my hope that we can come together as a nation and as a people instead of turning against one another. If we allow these attacks to pull us further apart, then we have done exactly what the attacker intended to achieve. So I hope every American will join me in condemning these hateful attacks and pledge to stand together in support of those who tragically lost their lives.

Mr. BYRNE

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Chair, I listened to the gentleman's comments, and I have to tell you, if there is enough in this bill for the reporting, why did the Treasury not say that to us? They didn't say that to us because they know there needs to be a report done. They just don't want to take the responsibility for doing it. I think this amendment is definitely necessary for us to make sure we are doing our job in exercising our constitutional responsibility. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Chair, I didn't know anything about this, and the vast majority of the Members didn't know anything about this problem before it was thrust upon us over the last several weeks. The irresponsibility of the Treasury Department in not giving this information to us months ago when they knew it was happening or when they should have known it was happening underscores the need for this. I am putting it on the GAO in this particular amendment, but in the years to come, we need to expect the Treasury to do its job, because it has failed to do so in this circumstance. I ask the House to adopt my amendment. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Chair, as we have heard over and over again today, this Congress has plenary authority over our territories. Over the course of the last century, this body has rightly delegated this power to provide for home rule for our territories. However, it is abundantly clear that this delegation of power has resulted in no oversight by the Federal Government over the debts that our territories are running up. In this particular case, out of the blue, we have been told by the United States Treasury that it is our constitutional responsibility to do something to save a territory from years of its own fiscal irresponsibility. For years, the entire Federal Government was, essentially, asleep at the wheel as one of our territories ran up huge, unsustainable debts until the day arose when the territory could no longer pay. Mr. Chair, I have absolutely no interest in interfering with the home rule of our territories. However, delegated authority can be abused. If we have a constitutional responsibility to intervene to prevent territorial insolvency, we certainly should exercise at least minimal oversight into the large debts that some of our territories are running up. My amendment is simple. It requires a biennial report to Congress on the debt of each territory, the drivers of each territory's debt, the effect of Federal policy on each territory's debt, and the ability of each territory to repay its debt. This will help us provide that minimal oversight. Unfortunately, Mr. Chair, the very agency that is coming to Congress and asking us to help Puerto Rico--the United States Treasury--has refused to provide this report to Congress, claiming it lacks resources. Let's be clear. The Department of the Treasury was appropriated $11.9 billion for this fiscal year, and they claim a lack of resources to put together a simple report on five tiny territories. That is astonishing. It is also irresponsible. In response to the Department of the Treasury, I offered a compromise. I would take one Treasury report on territorial debt if the Treasury would simply agree to monitor and advise us of what is going on with these territorial governments and what we should do to prevent insolvency. According to the Treasury, this was even worse. It would represent an unprecedented expansion into the finances and solvency of a U.S. subsovereign. Apparently, this administration doesn't like the Territories Clause of the Constitution unless it is being used at the very last minute to save Puerto Rico. I don't blame Puerto Rico for this. I blame the United States Treasury for this. If the United States Treasury is unwilling to do its job, I have changed the text of my amendment to require the GAO to put together this biennial report, and I look forward to seeing its results. Last night, Mr. Chair, in the Rules Committee meeting, we heard testimony from the representatives of two other territories, who told us that they are concerned that their territories are sliding in the same direction as Puerto Rico's while the Treasury Department sleeps. Since the Treasury Department won't take responsibility and do its job, we are going to do our job through the GAO. I hope my colleagues will join me in doing something to fix this problem before another crisis is upon us. Perhaps, then, we can even get the Treasury and the rest of the Federal Government to wake up. If they don't, I will have a lot less sympathy the next time they come asking for our help. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Chair, I thank Chairman Bishop for his leadership on this issue. This has not been an easy task, but he has provided great leadership, and I appreciate it. I also thank Mr. Graves of Louisiana and Mr. Polis for their amendment at the committee level, which requires a report from the Government Accountability Office that outlines how Puerto Rico reached this point of fiscal insolvency. My amendment is very straightforward. It would simply set a deadline for the GAO to submit this report within 18 months of the enactment of this bill. Mr. Graves and Mr. Polis are cosponsors of my amendment, and they agree that setting a deadline is important. We must figure out how Puerto Rico got to this point in order to avoid another territory's finding itself in a similar position at some point down the road. I believe having this report and receiving it in a timely manner will, hopefully, go a long way towards preventing a similar situation in the future. This amendment is about accountability, and I urge its adoption. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Utah (Mr. Bishop).

Mr. BYRNE

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I appreciate the remarks of the gentleman from Puerto Rico. I hope he was in the Chamber and he heard words that I said. Everybody in this House stands with the people of Puerto Rico. Our hearts go out for them. This is a very difficult situation. He used a very strong phrase. He said that they are on the brink of collapse. And I agree with my friend from Florida: no one would know better than the gentleman from Puerto Rico. We want to keep them from collapsing. There are many of us on this side that would rather do nothing, but we understand that there has to be some responsibility here. And so this is an effort to exercise responsibility in a fiscally sound way, and I believe that is what this does. So I appreciate the gentleman's remarks. This is an urgent time for him and his people, and it is time for us to act. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only. General Leave

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings), my colleague on the Committee on Rules, brings up two very important issues. Indeed, nothing in this bill would require people to pay the subminimum wage. It simply allows it. It provides it as an alternative. I think this is a situation where Puerto Rico is going to need all the alternatives it can possibly have at its disposal to deal with what is truly a devastating fiscal problem and a devastating economic problem, which gets to a second point he brought up. When you have a breakdown in the economy, as you have got, and a breakdown in the government's financing, as we have got in Puerto Rico, it has dramatic effects in other parts of society. We are already seeing a breakdown in their hospitals and their ability to deliver health care. And education, for that matter. So the best way we can address healthcare problems, whether it is Zika or something else or the other myriad of problems that result from this, is to get this bill passed and get Puerto Rico quickly on the road to recovery, both fiscally and economically. I heard my friend's comments. I understand them. But the best way to get where we are trying to go is to give Puerto Rican people the most options we can to deal with this problem and also get them on the road as quickly as we can. And that is what the bill is designed to do. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 770 and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 770 provides for consideration of H.R. 5278, the Puerto Rico Oversight, Management, and Economic Stability Act, or PROMESA. The resolution provides for a structured rule and makes in order eight amendments. This bill addresses a very serious issue as it relates to the financial situation in Puerto Rico. The Government of Puerto Rico has racked up over $118 billion in debt. They have already defaulted on portions of their debt in May, and they face another deadline on July 1. The territory has reached a point where they can no longer meet the basic demands of their citizens. The Constitution makes clear that Congress has the authority over territories. Article IV, section 3, clause 2 of the Constitution states: ``The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States . . . '' After hearing calls for greater autonomy, in 1950 Congress recognized Puerto Rico's authority over internal matters through passage of the Federal Relations Act. Congress also approved Puerto Rico's constitution in 1952. So we gave them the control they demanded, and with that, they attempted to become a liberal paradise by raising taxes, expanding government programs, and spending at unsustainable rates. To help pay for these policies, Puerto Rico issued billions of dollars in bonded debt that they can no longer pay back. Now they are demanding help, which puts Congress in a very difficult position. The fact that we have reached this point is a direct result of the President and the Treasury Department being asleep at the switch. They either were not paying attention to the financial situation in Puerto Rico or they were paying attention and chose to do nothing. I want to highlight a few important things about this bill. First, this bill is not a bailout. The American taxpayers did not create this problem, and we shouldn't send their money to something they did not cause. What really worries me is that if Congress doesn't act on this legislation, then we will find ourselves in a position at some point facing serious pressure to vote on a true actual bailout of Puerto Rico. That would be a grave mistake. As the president of Americans for Tax Reform noted in an op-ed for the National Review, ``Congress needs to step in now; otherwise, a huge taxpayer bailout is the likely outcome. PROMESA is the best, most fiscally responsible way to prevent a bailout from occurring.'' This bill does not include a single penny in taxpayer money. In fact, the Congressional Budget Office found that this bill would have ``no significant net effect on the Federal deficit.'' So let's try and get this problem resolved in a fiscally responsible way that does not use taxpayer dollars. Second, the policies in Puerto Rico have led to this problem, so it is important that the legislation address some of these policies and require greater accountability. The bill does this through the creation of a seven-person financial oversight board which is responsible for the development of budgets and fiscal plans for Puerto Rico. The bill also includes some commonsense policy changes that will hopefully ease the burdens on the Puerto Rican Government by prohibiting the costly new overtime rule from taking effect and giving them flexibility with minimum wage requirements for young workers. Through better oversight and regulatory reforms, it is my belief the Puerto Rican economy can grow and the country can get back on a more stable financial footing. I want to make one thing very clear. I and every Member of this House have great empathy and appreciation for the Puerto Rican people because they did not cause this problem. I have had the honor of traveling to Puerto Rico and visiting this beautiful place. I enjoyed meeting the people and really appreciated their hospitality. I believe it is important we do what we can in a responsible manner to support the Puerto Rican people. Ultimately, I wish this legislation wasn't necessary, but the reality of the situation demands action. So I call on my colleagues to support this rule, support the underlying bill, and let's address this problem in a responsible way without a bailout. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution. The previous question was ordered.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. I appreciate the remarks of my friend from Florida. This is a tough issue, there is no question about it. There are many of us that don't really understand how we got to this point. I have been trying to do some digging about that. The truth of the matter is that the people in the Federal Government who were supposed to be looking over this and watching Puerto Rico and making sure that, if things needed to be done, they were done appropriately, under the law, were the President of the United States and the Treasury Department, and they failed. Now, they failed in watching the situation and raising the alarm for the rest of us. Let's make no mistake about it. The people of Puerto Rico elected governments, and those governments that have home rule authority made decisions that have put this island, as we just heard, on the brink of collapse because they spent money they didn't have, and they racked up debt they can't pay back. Now, let's just stop and think for a minute. Where are we going in the United States of America? We are spending money we don't have, and we are racking up debt that there may come a day, for our country, as it is for Puerto Rico, that we won't be able to pay back; and then we, as the United States of America, will be on the brink of collapse. So perhaps we should learn a lesson here, that the decisions we make in this House about the future of the United States of America, those decisions could lead to the very same result for our country that we see for Puerto Rico. My heart goes out to the people of Puerto Rico. They are suffering, and the suffering will get worse if we do not act. The sponsor of the bill used two phrases with regard to this legislation that really struck me. He said it is ``common sense'' and ``bipartisan.'' Isn't it a good thing that we have commonsense legislation that is bipartisan? Isn't that what the people of the United States of America send us here to do? Let's come together, as one House, with one voice, help the people of Puerto Rico, and then, together, sit down and learn the lesson of what has happened here so that we don't repeat those mistakes for our country and end up with the United States of America on the brink of collapse.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to another gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Duffy), the sponsor of this bill.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner).

Mr. BYRNE

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Chairman, I want to make very clear that my amendment says not one single thing about discrimination. It talks about religious freedom. We treat religious freedom sometimes in this country like it is a secondary right. It is not. It is a fundamental right. And what my amendment does is make sure that people of religious conscience still have that freedom. So, far from being discrimination, it makes sure that we have freedoms for people that they have had for over 200 years; under the 1964 Civil Rights Act, for over 50 years; under the Americans with Disabilities Act, for over 25 years; and under RFRA, for over 20 years. This is not new. This is not novel. This is settled law. We are making sure we protect people here. This has nothing to do with discrimination. I know that some people would like to wipe out the effect of church, the effect of religion, the effect of faith in the public square in America. But that is not what our Constitution is about, and I think this House should stand up for religious freedom for everybody. So I ask that everybody in this House vote for this very important amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.