Mike Braun

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. I ask unanimous consent that the bills, en bloc, be considered read a third time and passed and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, all en bloc.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 805, submitted earlier today.

Mr. BRAUN. I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of H.R. 6016, which was received from the House.

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read a third time and passed and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn until 10 a.m., Friday, December 18; further, that following the prayer and pledge, the morning hour be deemed expired, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, and morning business be closed; further, that following leader remarks, the Senate proceed to executive session and resume consideration of the Aenlle-Rocha nomination.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that it stand adjourned under the previous order.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation be discharged from further consideration of H.R. 2610 and that the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Mr. BRAUN. I know of no further debate on the bill as amended.

Mr. BRAUN. I ask unanimous consent that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the committee- reported amendment be withdrawn; that the Klobuchar amendment at the desk be agreed to; that the bill, as amended, be considered read a third time and passed; and the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No. 594, S. 3248.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, Rick mentioned that back in 2018, we ran on what we are talking about today. We wouldn't be honest to the people who elected us to come here. I had eight pages of prepared remarks. This is something I have talked about so often. I am going to cover some new terrain to make it relatable to the citizens across this country about how this place works and how it is so different from how anything else works. A few of us come from the world of accountability--the business world--where you don't have the luxury of doing what we do here in the Federal Government. Listen to this closely because this is what most citizens don't understand. We are given the revenues here in this place, and our only job, No. 1, should be not to spend more than what we are given. We don't do that. We borrow 23 percent, roughly, of what we spend. Try taking that to your banker, running a business, see if you can get a loan doing that. That is just a real simple way to look at how we do this year after year. On Main Street, whether you are running a business, whether it is your household--I served in State government for 3 years. We were smart enough to have a balanced budget amendment. We believed in things like a rainy day fund. It was in our DNA. We didn't have to think about it; that in the long run, you are not going to succeed if you spend more than what you take in. Coming out of World War II was the highest level of national debt we ever had--roughly, where we are now. That generation, we know what they went through. They were savers. They were investors and not only in government. We are now spenders and consumers. You would think that in the biggest business in the world--we spend about $4.5 trillion a year. We take in maybe about $3.5. Of course, in a year like this, where you had a pandemic, add another $3 trillion or so to the national debt. And structurally, we will be marching, over the next 5 to 7 years, to where that goes to $1.5 trillion a year. Start adding all that up. Here is what is going to happen. When we are in a position like we are now, where you can borrow money for nearly nothing--we are the only reserve currency in the world that allows us to do it--that doesn't mean you should do it because we are piling up obligations on our kids and our grandkids, and we might as well admit it. How have we evolved to get to where we are now? I don't think that is as much an issue as we know where we are now. It is not sustainable. Here is what is going to happen to the most important programs we have and that everybody likes: Social Security, Medicare. Medicare has been around since the mid-1960s. All of us have been paying into it, employers and employees. Every penny will be exhausted out of the trust fund, and that was about 5 to 5\1/2\ years. Now it has advanced, due to our current financial situation, to maybe 4 or 5. What happens? This will be the first reality, the shock that comes to the American public--especially elderly who depend on Medicare for their healthcare--18 percent across-the-board cuts. Think of the static and the uproar we will hear then. We can stop it if we just have a little discipline. That is mostly about embracing something like I put forward, the Fair Care Act, which is the most comprehensive, aggressive with healthcare costs in this country. As a CEO from Main Street, and CEOs across the country, small business owners, the biggest problem we deal with is the high cost of healthcare. Of course, we here protect a healthcare industry that is broken. And you have another side that wants to get more government involved. And, really, all it takes there is to have transparency and competition--have a consumer who is engaged in his or her own well-being, and you would have prices cascade down. Those are tough decisions. You take on three of the four biggest lobbies in the country--pharma, hospitals, and insurance. That is another thing that doesn't make this place work. With Social Security, we have some time there, but that was crafted back when life spans were a lot shorter than what they are now. We knew that actuarially, and it has been coming at us for years. We have until, maybe, 2032 or 2033. We have been paying into that since the Great Depression, but every penny out of the trust fund will be gone. I think you get the picture. When I came here--as did Senator Johnson from Wisconsin, Senator Scott from Florida, and a few fiscal conservatives, like Senator Lee and a few others who will weigh in on this--I talked about what was uncomfortable. Well, to me, we have had all of this time, and we have not done anything about it. We have the perfect opportunity. We know we are in this current dynamic, and we know we will have to get through it, but what we are here to do today is to get a vote on a simple bill that says, do not shut the government down when we are trying to get through these issues. Put a little bit of rigor and discipline into the process with the No Budget, No Pay Act, and then, maybe, we can get to the point at which we give the American public a better product. Imagine if everything were given to you in terms of your revenues. First of all, don't spend more than what you take in. When you have a year to do something, start on day one. That is the way it works in the real world, and that is the way it works in a household. That is the way it worked on a school board on which I served for 10 years, and that is the way it works in a place like Indiana, which balances its budget every year, has a rainy day fund, and lives responsibly. I yield the floor.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, today I rise in proud support of legislation that will break down barriers for those with medically determined ALS. ALS is a progressive and fatal neurodegenerative disease that affects the motor nerve cells in the brain and spinal cord, gradually robbing patients of the ability to eat, speak, and eventually breathe. Currently, there are no meaningful treatments, no known cause, and no cure. But today, we have reason to hope. Since 2016, Senators Whitehouse and Cotton have championed the ALS Disability Insurance Access Act. Thanks to their tireless efforts, we are about to give ALS patients and their families more timely access to their Social Security disability benefits. No longer will these patients have to wait 5 months to access benefits they have earned. Passing this act will help alleviate some of the financial burdens that accompany an ALS diagnosis and will allow patients and their families to focus their precious time where it needs to be--on their loved ones and their battle against the disease. ALS is not a rare disease. More than 5,600 individuals in the United States are diagnosed each year, meaning 15 Americans are diagnosed each day. Not only is ALS common, it is also extremely personal to many in this Chamber, and it is personal to me. My cousin Anne Seitz lost her battle with ALS on Thanksgiving Day 10 years ago. Her husband Terry Seitz currently resides in my hometown and is my State director of outreach. My budget and appropriations staffer, Robert Ordway, and his sister Jennifer lost their father, Douglas Raymond Ordway, to the disease. Kathy Laesch, a member of my Indianapolis team, has a son Brian who was diagnosed with ALS this summer. Brian, who also lost his father, has fortunately been enrolled in a clinical trial. We are all praying for his treatments to be effective. In the network of people I have come to know back home and here in the Senate, it shows you just how many lives are affected by it, and there are countless patients it has affected in the Hoosier State. I would like to personally thank Tina Kaetzel, the executive director of the Indiana ALS Association, for bringing this bill to the attention of our office. I would also like to give a heartfelt thank you to Corey Polen, of Brownsburg, IN, for his passionate and unwavering advocacy in support of the bill. Corey has become a friend to our office and has also been a champion of legislation I introduced, the Promising Pathway Act, which would provide new FDA authority to more rapidly approve drugs specifically for diseases like this. I would be remiss if I did not thank I AM ALS, especially Brian Wallach, Danielle Carnival, and Dan Tate, for their unyielding devotion to this and to fixing our broken healthcare system. Today, we come one step closer to accomplishing this pursuit. It has been a great honor to cofound the first-ever Senate ALS Caucus with my colleague across the aisle, Senator Chris Coons, of Delaware. The passage of the ALS Disability Insurance Access Act has been a priority for this caucus since its inception about a year ago. We readily acknowledge that the bill's passage is long overdue and that there is much more work to be done. We look forward to rolling up our sleeves and coming together to advance policies in the future that will continue to improve the quality of life for ALS patients. In doing so, we celebrate ALS patients--those we have lost, those who are currently fighting this dreadful disease, and those whose journeys have not yet begun. It is a disease that does not have the luxury of a large community from which to raise awareness and fight for reforms. ALS has no survivor community. It is up to us, then, to speak up for those who can no longer speak and to stand up for those who can no longer stand. To those whom we have lost to ALS and to those currently battling this disease--Anne Seitz, Douglas Raymond Ordway, Brian Laesch, Corey Polen, Brian Wallach, Dan Tate, and so many others impacted by ALS--we here in the U.S. Senate are your advocates. I yield the floor.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I have only been here a little under 2 years, and in the time that I have been here, it has been disappointing that when it comes to real attempts to make legislative progress, so often I see that we are far apart in terms of how we want to go about it. I came here from a State like Indiana, where serving in our State legislature and running a business for 37 years, we seemed to get things done. Even though we were divided, of course, like most legislative bodies are, we came together and did things that made a difference for our constituents. In the time before the impeachment saga came along, COVID, and civil unrest, I thought many of us were putting our shoulders to the grindstone--and I am on committees like Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions--wanting to weigh in on talking about some of things the Democrats have brought up about healthcare. And, to me, again, I think it brings in front of us differences in approach, certainly. I am a believer that rather than trying to get government even more involved in certain things, that we might look at what actually works in the real world and works in many States, including healthcare, which I agree is probably the No. 1 issue we face in the country. It was the No. 1 issue when I was running a business I think there is so much commonality, in the sense that we have a broken healthcare system. We sometimes, as conservatives, are slow to maneuver and may not be interested in doing things that need to be done, but I think there is a time and a place for that. I was pleased to see, I think, that 70 or 80 Senators weighed in on trying to fix healthcare. But what interrupted that progress was several months of an impeachment saga that proved to go nowhere, and then we have been confronted with the biggest health crisis, certainly, in a century-- other issues. But, in this case, I think, to me, trying to cut to the chase, this is clearly a sequence of maneuvers that is trying to interject in a process of getting one of the most qualified judges across the finish line to become a Supreme Court Justice. I think the American people are watching, too. They see what goes on here. They see that, year after year, we seem not to deliver results. When it comes to stuff that should be simple--when it is clear, based upon the credentials, especially, of someone like Amy Coney Barrett, who comes from my State, who has done such an outstanding job as an appellate judge, has impeccable credentials, and to where now this is being litigated not on the merits of who she is and how she will handle herself as a Supreme Court Justice--it has gotten so partisan. I think that really does turn people off. I think this is more a sequence that maybe we are both guilty of, to where we do not roll up our sleeves and get to the heart of the matter. I was happy to be the first Republican to come across and acknowledge that climate is an issue. I formed the Climate Caucus and got six other Republicans to do it. I think we have to be engaged in the key issues of the day. Again, as I said earlier, we sometimes are slow to come to the discussion, but in the time that I am going to spend here, I would hope that we do legislation in the time that is there to do it and not try to interject it into a process like this. I am so happy that we have this in a situation where we are going to get her voted in on Monday, and, in the meantime, I think that any of the attempts that are made by the other side to belabor the point just shows the American public what is wrong with this institution. So, that being said, I do think that she is a qualified nominee to the Supreme Court. It is of the utmost importance that we do not belabor the process, and I object to proceeding to legislative session.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, I object to proceeding to everything en bloc.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, reserving the right object, as I said earlier, the Senate is currently considering the nomination of a highly qualified nominee to be an Associate of the Supreme Court. This request is another procedural move just to belabor the process. They voted to adjourn until after the election four times this week, so, obviously, this bill, even though it may have merits that we need to discuss, should not be done in this format. Continuing to consider this highly qualified nominee to the Supreme Court is the utmost, most important thing that we should do here. Therefore, I object to proceeding to legislative session.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I want to go through just a few--and it is really more than a few; it is a lot--of what is embedded in this bill. I would call it the ``Democratic Politician Protection Act.'' Let's listen to a few of these things. The Constitution vests primary responsibility in the States to set time, place, and manner of elections. States and localities have determined how to conduct elections for a long, long time. H.R. 1, through a top-down, Federal approach, completely reverses this longstanding tradition. Rather than strengthening the election process, it paves the way for rampant, I think, fraud, abuse, and litigation that diminishes the value of a legitimate vote, by doing these rushed reforms. Let's look at the 2018 midterm elections. Polling showed that 92 percent of voters found their experience very easy or somewhat easy. Why fix it if it isn't broken? It imposes a DC-style election process on the States, requiring all State agencies and Federal agencies, including colleges and universities, to automatically register voters, including those who are 16 and 17 years old. It preempts State registration deadlines and requires same-day registration without verification safeguards. It expands the number of agencies that must contribute voter records, even to those who have no experience or expertise in voter enrollment, forcing States to accept a sworn statement as proof of identity, instead of photo identification, and to record the vote as a regular ballot. It expands absentee ballot availability and requires States to provide prepaid postage for all mail-in ballots. It does so many things that are different from what we currently have in a system that in most places is working fine. It does not include provisions that require or encourage States to remove inaccurate voter information. It reduces the integrity of voter rolls by restricting the State ability to maintain voter rolls and records that ensure voter identity accuracy. There are no penalties for anyone who is falsely registered. It prohibits States from being able to continue routine maintenance on their own voter lists. It also creates numerous private rights of action that pave the way for trial lawyers to sue when the results of an election are not to their liking. It makes the Federal Election Commission a partisan body. It politicizes the FEC by changing the neutral, evenly divided, six-member body into a five-member panel. It makes a new partisan FEC. It changes the latitude to determine and interpret the subjective enforcement test established by this bill. It, in essence, takes what is working and complicates it with a top-down Federal system. We should not be rushing into something like this that is that comprehensive. We should be paying attention to the process of getting a bona fide judge across the finish line, which I think most of us intend to do. Therefore, I object to this bill and to moving to legislative session.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Madam President, in 2002, 18 years ago, Senator Tom Daschle raised a similar resolution--a resolution on the importance of the Pledge of Allegiance. With unanimous support in the U.S. Senate, it passed on the floor uneventfully and without amendment. This body can choose to do the same today--to reaffirm our support for the Pledge of Allegiance. I also rise to honor a Hoosier who understood the innate value of the Pledge of Allegiance to civic education. In 1969, Red Skelton, an American comedian and entertainer who was well known for his program on CBS, ``The Red Skelton Hour,'' wrote a speech on the importance of the pledge. In reflecting on his time in Vincennes, IN, he wanted to talk about how important the value instilled by it is still applicable today. After the performance of his speech, CBS received 200,000 requests for copies. His speech would go on to be sold as a single by Columbia Records and performed at the White House. I think it would be an honor to repeat this, and I will do so after yielding the floor to my colleague, Senator Scott from Florida.

Mr. BRAUN. Madam President, I thank Senator Scott. The emphasis on faith, family, community, freedom, liberty, and equal opportunity is what makes this country great. We can never forget it, for it is embedded in the Pledge of Allegiance. I return now to reading the point of view from Red Skelton. This is in terms of his recollection when he was a kid back in Vincennes, IN. He begins: I heard, I think, one of the most outstanding speeches I have ever heard in my life. I think it compares with the ``Sermon on the Mount,'' Lincoln's ``Gettysburg Address,'' and Socrates' speech to the students. We had just finished reciting the Pledge of Allegiance, and he [Mr. Laswell, the principal of Vincennes High School] called us all together, and he says, ``Uh, boys and girls, I have been listening to you recite the Pledge of Allegiance all semester, and it seems that it has become monotonous to you. Or, could it be, you do not understand the meaning of each word? If I may, I would like to recite the pledge, and give you a definition for each word.'' I saw this many years ago myself, and when I looked at the video again, I thought it would behoove everyone to listen to his own words back when he did it on CBS. I--Me; an individual, a committee of one. Pledge--Dedicate all of my worldly goods to give without self-pity. Allegiance--My love and my devotion. To the Flag--Our standard. ``Old Glory''; a symbol of courage. And wherever she waves, there is respect, because your loyalty has given her a dignity that shouts ``Freedom is everybody's job.'' of the United--That means we have all come together. States--Individual communities that have united into 48 great states; 48 individual communities with pride and dignity and purpose; all divided by imaginary boundaries, yet united to a common cause, and that's love of country-- Of America. And to the Republic--A Republic: A sovereign state in which power is invested into the representatives chosen by the people to govern; and the government is the people, and it's from the people to the leaders, not from the leaders to the people. For which it stands. One Nation--Meaning ``so blessed by God.'' [Under God] Indivisible--Incapable of being divided. With liberty--Which is freedom; the right of power for one to live his [or her] own life without fears, threats, or any sort of retaliation. And Justice--The principle and qualities of dealing fairly with others. For All--That means, boys and girls, it's as much your country as it is mine. Afterward, Mr. Laswell asked his students to recite the Pledge of Allegiance together, with a newfound appreciation and reinvigoration for the words: ``I pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America, and to the Republic for which it stands, one nation, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.'' Mr. Skelton concluded his speech by saying: Since I was a small boy, two States have been added to our country, and two words have been added to the Pledge of Allegiance: ``Under God.'' Wouldn't it be a pity if someone said, ``That is a prayer''--and that be eliminated from our schools, too? Just as those students that day, Mr. Red Skelton included, recommitted to the meaning of the words of the Pledge of Allegiance, I call upon the U.S. Senate to recommit to the meaning of these words. There are times today that the words of the pledge are tossed around without too much care. Other times, they are altered to remove what today is deemed offensive or antiquated, but Americans should not misuse or abuse the Pledge of Allegiance. The Pledge is meant to remind Americans of our guiding principles and inspire adherence to those ideas which make our country great: equality under the law and recognized rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Madam President, as if in legislative session, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 715, submitted earlier today.

Mr. BRAUN. I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. BRAUN. I yield the floor.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, I thank my colleague Senator Lee for an impassioned and effective argument. I rise here today in support of my colleague Senator Hyde-Smith's SAVE Moms and Babies Act, of which I am a proud cosponsor. I am disappointed that my colleagues would object to this bill to help safeguard and help expectant mothers. The SAVE Moms and Babies Act would improve women's health by protecting important safety mechanisms put into place by the FDA. The Risk Evaluation and Mitigation Strategy is an essential mechanism which ensures that drugs with serious safety concerns are used and prescribed correctly. My Democratic colleagues and the abortion lobby may expect Americans to believe chemical abortion pills are safe to use and should be available online without an in-person physician consultation, but here are the facts: Between 3.4 and 5.9 percent of women taking chemical abortion drugs require surgical intervention to complete the abortion. This meant 10,000 women in 2017 alone needed surgery after taking an abortion drug. Chemical abortion has four times the complications as surgical abortion during the first trimester. The risk of complications are particularly worsened in the case of an ectopic pregnancy. Women with ectopic pregnancies have suffered serious injury and even death from taking chemical abortion drugs. I am disappointed this Chamber could not come together today to support Senator Hyde-Smith's timely, needed, and important bill to protect women's health. I yield the floor.

Mr. BRAUN

Mr. BRAUN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.