Ben Campbell

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I am pleased to be joined by Senator Inouye today in introducing a bill to reauthorize the Indian Health Care Improvement Act (the ``IHCIA'' or the ``Act''). The United States first began to provide health services to Indians in 1824 as part of the War Department's handling of Indian affairs. In 1849 this responsibility went to the newly-created Interior Department where it rested until 1955 when it was transferred to the Public Health Service's Indian Health Agency. In 1970, President Nixon issued his now-famous ``Special Message to Congress on Indian Affairs'' laying out the rationale for a more enlightened Indian Policy--Indian Self Determination. The Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act of 1975, the Indian Health Care Improvement Act of 1976, and the amendments to each over the years can be traced directly to the fundamental change proposed in 1970. I am happy to say that legislation I proposed earlier this session, the Indian Self Governance Amendments of 1999, have passed the House and the Senate and awaits final action. With the introduction of this bill, we re-affirm the core principles that were part of the 1976 legislation: (1) that federal health services are consistent with the unique federal-tribal relationship; (2) that a goal of the U.S. is to provide the quantity and quality of services to raise the health status of Indians; and (3) that Indian participation in the planning and management of health services should be maximized. First enacted in 1976, this IHCIA provides the authorization for programs run by the Indian Health Service and is the legislation most responsible for raising the health status of Indian people to a level that, while still alarming, is not nearly as serious as it was just twenty-five years ago. Before the passage of the Act in 1976 the mortality rate for Indian infants was 25% higher than that of non-Indian babies. The death rates for mothers was 82% higher and the mortality rates from infectious disease caused diarrhea and dehydration was 138% greater. Today we can see marked improvements. Infant mortality rates have been reduced by 54%, maternal mortality rates have been reduced by 65%, tuberculosis mortality by 80% and overall mortality rates have been reduced by 42%. While encouraging, these statistics mask the fact that the health status of Native people in America is still poor and below that of all other groups. There are 3 issues in particular that need to be raised: urban Indians; Indian health facilities construction needs; and the booming problem of diabetes. As past censuses have shown, the 2000 decennial census is likely to show that more than one-half of the 2.3 million American Indians and Alaska Natives reside off-reservation and are what commonly called ``urban Indians.'' Though the health services framework that now exists has slowly begun to acknowledge this trend, I am concerned that urban Indian health care needs require a more focused approach. An ongoing problem that continues to confront the tribes, the IHS, and the Congress is the growing backlog in health care facilities construction. Recent estimates show that these needs top $900 million and federal appropriations simply will not satisfy these needs. I strongly believe that innovative proposals need to be made, refined and perfected in order to accomplish our common goal. I am heartened by the success of the Joint Venture Program and want to explore other proposals to get these facilities built. Ailments of affluence continue to seep into native communities and erode the quality of life and very social fabric that holds these communities together. Alcohol and substance abuse continue to take a heavy toll and diabetes rates are reaching alarmingly high rates. Most troubling is the increasing obesity and diabetes that is showing up with alarming frequency in Native youngsters. It is now time to take that extra step an to look at the positive things we have accomplished and build upon them. This bill is a step in the right direction. It is the product of months-long consultations by a group of very dedicated individuals consisting of Indian tribal leaders, legal professionals and representatives of the private and public health care sectors. The group reviewed existing law and has proposed changes to improve the current system by stressing local flexibility and choice, and making it more responsive to the health needs of Indian people. The Committee on Indian Affairs has already had one hearing on the bill and will continue to review it in the months ahead. I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I introduce The Colorado Ute Settlement Act Amendment of 2000, and take this opportunity to address promises broken, and the opportunity for this nation to finally keep the promises it made to the Southern and Ute Mountain Ute Indian tribes of Southern Colorado (Ute tribes). If we can find the resolve to get this done, we will have--for the first time--honored a treaty with an Indian tribe. I am pleased to have my friend and colleague from Colorado, Senator Wayne Allard, join me as an original cosponsor of this bill. In the 1860's the United States promised the Ute tribes it would provide a permanent homeland for their people in the southwest. The water rights for that homeland remain senior over all others. Over a hundred years later, the tribes' water is being used by their neighbors. Our promise to the tribes gave them, the state, local water users, and the United States the choice of fighting for the water in court or negotiating and producing an enforceable agreement that all the parties can live with. I am proud to have been a part of the effort over the past 12 years that resulted in an agreement to finally settle the tribal water rights claims, and provide water--not promises or financial compensation--for all involved. But, this fight is not a new one. The legal wrangling over the Ute Indian water rights was already over a decade old when the settlement was reached in 1986. Two years later Congress enacted the Colorado Ute Indian Water Rights Settlement Act of 1988. The Settlement Act promised the Ute tribes an adequate water supply to fulfill all of the promises made to them in the 1860's for a homeland and an adequate water supply. The Settlement Act promised; if the Ute tribes would give up their claims to the water under their treaties, we would provide them with an adequate alternative water supply. As the chairman of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs and as one who has Indian blood coursing through my veins, I am reminded almost every day of the promises and treaties that have been broken by the United States. While we in the United States Congress are sometimes unable to undo the results of this chain of shattered promises, we should at least agree that we will not continue to ignore treaties with any more American Indian tribes. The dismal truth is for the last ten years I have watched those opposed to the Animas-La Plata project work to prevent the federal government from fulfilling its commitment to the Ute Indian tribes manipulating facts and the law in an effort to deny our responsibilities as a nation. As a result we have squandered decades of time and millions of taxpayers dollars in an effort to not fulfill the promises made to the Ute tribes. I urge my colleagues to bring this sorry trail of broken promises to an end. I remain committed to keeping our word to the Tribes of Colorado. Since the tribes have urged me to introduce this further A-LP compromise legislation, I am persuaded that this proposal will not violate the promises made to the tribes in 1988. However, if this bill is not enacted, or the permanent opponents of the project are able to further frustrate and delay the construction of the project, then this bill will be another broken promise to another Indian tribe and I refuse to be a part of that. Therefore, I have only introduced this bill with the understanding that it will include provisions that prevent needless delays. I know there are people who will oppose any version of the Animas-La Plata project. In fact some groups had already signed letters rejecting the results of the draft supplemental environmental impact statement before it was made public. In part, they criticized the Department of Interior for prejudging the results of its analysis. I ask you, who is doing the prejudging? There are those who will oppose the project even if the final supplemental EIS reaches the same conclusion as the draft EIS: that constructing the facilities described by this bill is the least damaging way of fulfilling the federal government's promises to the Ute tribes. It is absurd to continue to negotiate with those prepared to oppose any version of this project or to support efforts to continue to delay our moral and legal obligation to the Tribes. First, my bill recognizes that a great deal of environmental review has already occurred, and that the facts have not changed, no matter what version of this project is discussed. The Interior Secretary is to continue his effort to produce a final supplemental EIS for the project. However, this bill makes clear that if the Secretary ultimately selects ``alternative #4,'' it will reflect that the Congress will also have had the opportunity to review the same record, and we concur with this judgment. Similarly, the bill makes clear that if the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service determines that an annual diversion of 57,100 acre feet of water can occur without jeopardizing the habitat of endangered fish not known to be there, Congress concurs and believes that the project should move forward, and allocate quantities of water in the manner provided for in this bill. In short, this bill is the last, best chance to keep the Tribes from suing the federal government and, in all likelihood, prevail at an unknown cost to taxpayers. For those who hope to wait even longer before proceeding with this project, I will point out that as of January 1, 2000, federal law authorized the Ute tribes to return to court to assert their claims for the water already being used in southwestern Colorado. Perhaps they should. In a demonstration of their good faith, the tribes have not yet returned to court to assert their claims. But we only have a small window of opportunity before the tribes must either assert their claims or allow them to lapse. At any time, the tribes could now choose to return to court. I am determined to bring this matter before the Senate, one last time. We cannot allow this bill to become another step in the long trail of broken promises. We are a nation based on the respect for the law. Our compassion, our limitless dedication to defending the truth, and our history of preserving the dignity of even the least of us is well documented. So, too, is our atrocious record of respect for the rights and the most basic tenets of human dignity when it comes to the first Americans on this continent. I urge my colleagues to support this important legislation and ask unanimous consent that the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I introduce The Colorado Ute Settlement Act Amendment of 2000, and take this opportunity to address promises broken, and the opportunity for this nation to finally keep the promises it made to the Southern and Ute Mountain Ute Indian tribes of Southern Colorado (Ute tribes). If we can find the resolve to get this done, we will have--for the first time--honored a treaty with an Indian tribe. I am pleased to have my friend and colleague from Colorado, Senator Wayne Allard, join me as an original cosponsor of this bill. In the 1860's the United States promised the Ute tribes it would provide a permanent homeland for their people in the southwest. The water rights for that homeland remain senior over all others. Over a hundred years later, the tribes' water is being used by their neighbors. Our promise to the tribes gave them, the state, local water users, and the United States the choice of fighting for the water in court or negotiating and producing an enforceable agreement that all the parties can live with. I am proud to have been a part of the effort over the past 12 years that resulted in an agreement to finally settle the tribal water rights claims, and provide water--not promises or financial compensation--for all involved. But, this fight is not a new one. The legal wrangling over the Ute Indian water rights was already over a decade old when the settlement was reached in 1986. Two years later Congress enacted the Colorado Ute Indian Water Rights Settlement Act of 1988. The Settlement Act promised the Ute tribes an adequate water supply to fulfill all of the promises made to them in the 1860's for a homeland and an adequate water supply. The Settlement Act promised; if the Ute tribes would give up their claims to the water under their treaties, we would provide them with an adequate alternative water supply. As the chairman of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs and as one who has Indian blood coursing through my veins, I am reminded almost every day of the promises and treaties that have been broken by the United States. While we in the United States Congress are sometimes unable to undo the results of this chain of shattered promises, we should at least agree that we will not continue to ignore treaties with any more American Indian tribes. The dismal truth is for the last ten years I have watched those opposed to the Animas-La Plata project work to prevent the federal government from fulfilling its commitment to the Ute Indian tribes manipulating facts and the law in an effort to deny our responsibilities as a nation. As a result we have squandered decades of time and millions of taxpayers dollars in an effort to not fulfill the promises made to the Ute tribes. I urge my colleagues to bring this sorry trail of broken promises to an end. I remain committed to keeping our word to the Tribes of Colorado. Since the tribes have urged me to introduce this further A-LP compromise legislation, I am persuaded that this proposal will not violate the promises made to the tribes in 1988. However, if this bill is not enacted, or the permanent opponents of the project are able to further frustrate and delay the construction of the project, then this bill will be another broken promise to another Indian tribe and I refuse to be a part of that. Therefore, I have only introduced this bill with the understanding that it will include provisions that prevent needless delays. I know there are people who will oppose any version of the Animas-La Plata project. In fact some groups had already signed letters rejecting the results of the draft supplemental environmental impact statement before it was made public. In part, they criticized the Department of Interior for prejudging the results of its analysis. I ask you, who is doing the prejudging? There are those who will oppose the project even if the final supplemental EIS reaches the same conclusion as the draft EIS: that constructing the facilities described by this bill is the least damaging way of fulfilling the federal government's promises to the Ute tribes. It is absurd to continue to negotiate with those prepared to oppose any version of this project or to support efforts to continue to delay our moral and legal obligation to the Tribes. First, my bill recognizes that a great deal of environmental review has already occurred, and that the facts have not changed, no matter what version of this project is discussed. The Interior Secretary is to continue his effort to produce a final supplemental EIS for the project. However, this bill makes clear that if the Secretary ultimately selects ``alternative #4,'' it will reflect that the Congress will also have had the opportunity to review the same record, and we concur with this judgment. Similarly, the bill makes clear that if the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service determines that an annual diversion of 57,100 acre feet of water can occur without jeopardizing the habitat of endangered fish not known to be there, Congress concurs and believes that the project should move forward, and allocate quantities of water in the manner provided for in this bill. In short, this bill is the last, best chance to keep the Tribes from suing the federal government and, in all likelihood, prevail at an unknown cost to taxpayers. For those who hope to wait even longer before proceeding with this project, I will point out that as of January 1, 2000, federal law authorized the Ute tribes to return to court to assert their claims for the water already being used in southwestern Colorado. Perhaps they should. In a demonstration of their good faith, the tribes have not yet returned to court to assert their claims. But we only have a small window of opportunity before the tribes must either assert their claims or allow them to lapse. At any time, the tribes could now choose to return to court. I am determined to bring this matter before the Senate, one last time. We cannot allow this bill to become another step in the long trail of broken promises. We are a nation based on the respect for the law. Our compassion, our limitless dedication to defending the truth, and our history of preserving the dignity of even the least of us is well documented. So, too, is our atrocious record of respect for the rights and the most basic tenets of human dignity when it comes to the first Americans on this continent. I urge my colleagues to support this important legislation and ask unanimous consent that the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I would like to announce that the Committee on Indian Affairs will meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, May 10, 2000, at 9:30 a.m., to conduct a hearing on draft legislation to reauthorize the Indian Health Care Improvement Act. A business meeting to mark up pending legislation will precede the hearing-agenda to be announced. The hearing will be held in the committee room, 485 Russell Senate Building. Those wishing additional information may contact Committee staff at 202/224-2251. subcommittee on national parks, historic preservation, and recreation

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I would like to announce that the Committee on Indian Affairs will meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, May 2, 2000, at 10 a.m. to conduct a hearing on S. 2350, Duchesne City Water Rights Conveyance Act and S. 2351, Shivwits Band of the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah Water Rights Settlement Act. The hearing will be held in the committee room, 485 Russell Senate Building. Those wishing additional information may contact committee staff at 202/224-2251. committee on rules and administration

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I would like to announce that the Committee on Indian Affairs will meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 26, 2000, at 9:30 a.m. to conduct a business meeting on pending legislation (TBA), followed immediately by a hearing on draft legislation to reauthorize the Indian sections of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. The hearing will be held in the committee room, 485 Russell Senate Building. Those wishing additional information may contact the committee at (202) 224-2251. committee on agriculture, nutrition, and forestry

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I am introducing legislation that would prohibit commercial tour overflight operators from flying in and over the Black Canyon of the Gunnison National Park. The Black Canyon of the Gunnison National Park, our nation's 55th and newest national park is a breathtaking canyon of diverse magnitude, which is why I worked for over 13 years to get it dedicated as a national park. I cannot imagine having the many visitors who tour my home state to view Colorado's newest national park enjoying the sound of airplanes or helicopters buzzing overhead while they are trying to listen to the flowing river at the bottom of the canyon. Because of the deep, narrow nature of the canyon, rescue and recovery operations for aircraft that experience problems would be extremely difficult, dangerous and costly. My bill would amend the FAA reauthorization act of 2000 and would only restrict overflights on the Black Canyon of the Gunnison National Park. I worked with my friend and colleague Senator Allard for over five years in support of his effort to get commercial overflights banned over the Rocky Mountain National Park. Similar action by Congress is now necessary for the Black Canyon of the Gunnison. I believe National Park visitors seek peacefulness when they visit a national park and my legislation would help provide that. We contacted the Superintendent of the Black Canyon of the Gunnison National Park and he informed us that currently no commercial overflights are taking place, but there may have been flights in the past. My bill would amend already existing law and would not negatively affect the operation of emergency, military and commercial high-level airlines or private planes. The Denver Post recently published an editorial supporting Congressional action on the issue of aircraft noise, citing how such operations would create noise which would echo terribly off the walls of the Canyon. As a member of the National Park and Historic Preservation Subcommittee, I have confronted these types of issues in the past and know how important it is for the visitors to our national parks to have everlasting and fond memories when they take the time and effort to visit the natural wonders we are blessed with in this country. I ask unanimous consent that the Denver Post editorial and the bill be printed in the Record. And, I ask my colleagues to support this needed legislation.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I am introducing legislation that would prohibit commercial tour overflight operators from flying in and over the Black Canyon of the Gunnison National Park. The Black Canyon of the Gunnison National Park, our nation's 55th and newest national park is a breathtaking canyon of diverse magnitude, which is why I worked for over 13 years to get it dedicated as a national park. I cannot imagine having the many visitors who tour my home state to view Colorado's newest national park enjoying the sound of airplanes or helicopters buzzing overhead while they are trying to listen to the flowing river at the bottom of the canyon. Because of the deep, narrow nature of the canyon, rescue and recovery operations for aircraft that experience problems would be extremely difficult, dangerous and costly. My bill would amend the FAA reauthorization act of 2000 and would only restrict overflights on the Black Canyon of the Gunnison National Park. I worked with my friend and colleague Senator Allard for over five years in support of his effort to get commercial overflights banned over the Rocky Mountain National Park. Similar action by Congress is now necessary for the Black Canyon of the Gunnison. I believe National Park visitors seek peacefulness when they visit a national park and my legislation would help provide that. We contacted the Superintendent of the Black Canyon of the Gunnison National Park and he informed us that currently no commercial overflights are taking place, but there may have been flights in the past. My bill would amend already existing law and would not negatively affect the operation of emergency, military and commercial high-level airlines or private planes. The Denver Post recently published an editorial supporting Congressional action on the issue of aircraft noise, citing how such operations would create noise which would echo terribly off the walls of the Canyon. As a member of the National Park and Historic Preservation Subcommittee, I have confronted these types of issues in the past and know how important it is for the visitors to our national parks to have everlasting and fond memories when they take the time and effort to visit the natural wonders we are blessed with in this country. I ask unanimous consent that the Denver Post editorial and the bill be printed in the Record. And, I ask my colleagues to support this needed legislation.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I take this opportunity today to call my colleagues' attention to the extraordinary efforts of Dr. James Brownfox Jones who has made countless contributions to his profession and to the community at large. Recently, Dr. Jones was selected as an inductee in the Washington D.C. Hall of Fame in the area of education. Dr. Jones' selection to the Hall of Fame is a testament to his dependable and consistent standard of excellence as an educator and participant in his community. His career reflects his respect and affection for the young people who are our future leaders. And, his record reflects his predominate concern for the more vulnerable youth in this city. Dr. Jones has distinguished himself in the District of Columbia as an educator and community activist with the mission of helping young people reach their full potential At the Washington School of Psychiatry, Dr. Jones developed and operated an experimental educational program designed to address the educational needs of ``hard core'' juvenile delinquents. And, as a public school teacher, he developed a unique program for special education students. With a distinguished career spanning more than 30 years, Dr. Jones assisted the mayor in initiating a wide range of innovative programs for the children and youth of the city. These included a mobile recreation wagon, a hot lunch program, a neighborhood youth corps, and the building of go-kart tracks on lots left vacant by the 1968 riots. Since 1983, Dr. Jones has designed and operated an Independent Living Program for abused and neglected youth in foster care in the District of Columbia. As part of this program, he has sent over 250 young people to college. Education is a top priority for this Congress, and for me personally. I have served as a tutor and my wife Linda has dedicated her career to teaching in public schools. Both of us have always been strong supporters of public education. It is with that background that I want to express my support for the work of Dr. Jones and to congratulate him on his selection for the Washington, DC Hall of Fame. Thank you, Mr. President.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, next Thursday, April 20th, marks an important date in the hearts of the families of those killed inside Columbine High School, and for those who survived the horrible events on that infamous day one year ago. Indeed, this day is important for everyone whose lives were touched by those tragic events. I can think of no greater burden for a parent than to have to bury one of his or her children. That burden is only magnified when a loved one is taken with such unimaginable and unspeakable violence. A year is not enough time to heal the scars created on that day; not for the families of those taken, not for the children who were spared, not for the community of Littleton, Colorado, and not for our nation. While the events of that fateful day shall always be with us, so too is the memory of those slain and the strength of spirit they and their families have given to all of us. Like the Columbine flower which returns every Spring from under the darkness of winter, so too has a sense of community blossomed in Littleton and throughout the State of Colorado in response to the horror of that day. As a step toward healing, many groups, individuals, and entities from both Colorado and our nation have worked to honor those who have died and to memorialize their passing in an appropriate and meaningful manner. In seems especially fitting that today I recognize with honor the parents and the families of those killed and wounded in the school that day who are working to raise money to replace the library at Columbine High School, the scene of much of the violence that occurred last April 20. They have, to date, received pledges for nearly all of the estimated $3 million it will take to replace the library at Columbine High School. Other pending pledges could bring them close to the full amount they need to replace this scene of horror with one of hope. This is just one outstanding example of a community pulling together in a grassroots effort to lift itself up free of governmental intervention and regulation. I would encourage every American capable of sharing to help all of the families whose lives were abruptly and forever changed by the events at Columbine in whatever way they can. Mr. President, there is good and evil present among us in human nature. We never know when we will be faced with either. I pray no family has ever to face the sadness and grief visited on the victims and the families of those in Columbine High School one year ago today. I also pray that peace comes to all of our families through the gentle spirit of all the victims taken from us in Columbine High School, and those who will live with the pain caused that day. That spirit lives on in all of us and has been best described by the students and community of Littleton who proudly proclaim: ``We are Columbine.''

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today Senator Leahy and I are introducing the Bulletproof Vest Partnership Grant Act of 2000, a bill to expand an existing matching grant program to help State, tribal, and local jurisdictions purchase armor vests for the use by law enforcement officers. This bill represents another in a series of law enforcement legislative initiatives on which I have had the privilege to work with my friend and colleague from Vermont, Senator Leahy. The Senator brings to the table invaluable experience in this area, from his distinguished service as a State's attorney in Vermont, a nationally recognized prosecutor, and as the ranking member of the Senate Judiciary Committee. We are pleased to be joined in this effort by the distinguished chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Senator Hatch, and Senators Thurmond, Bingaman, Jeffords, Sarbanes, Coverdell, Robb, Schumer, Reed, and Reid. Two years ago, Congress passed and the President signed into law the Bulletproof Vest Partnership Grant Act of 1998 (P.L. 105-181), which we were privileged to introduce. This highly successful Department of Justice grant program has already funded 92,000 new bulletproof vests for police officers across the country. There are far too many law enforcement officers who patrol our streets and neighborhoods without the proper protective gear against violent criminals. As a former deputy sheriff, I know first-hand the risks which law enforcement officers face every day on the front lines protecting our communities. Today, more than ever, violent criminals have bulletproof vests and deadly weapons at their disposal. In fact, figures from the U.S. Department of Justice indicate that approximately 150,000 law enforcement officers--or 25 percent of the nation's 600,000 state and local officers--do not have access to bulletproof vests. The evidence is clear that a bulletproof vest is one of the most important pieces of equipment that any law enforcement officer can have. Since the introduction of modern bulletproof material, the lives of more than 1,500 officers have been saved by bulletproof vests. In fact, the Federal Bureau of Investigation has concluded that officers who do not wear bulletproof vests are 14 times more likely to be killed by a firearm than those officers who do wear vests. Simply put, bulletproof vests save lives. Unfortunately, many police departments do not have the resources to purchase vests on their own. The Bulletproof Vest Partnership Grant Act of 2000 would continue the partnership with state and local law enforcement agencies to make sure that every police officer who needs a bulletproof vest gets one. It would do so by authorizing up to $50 million per year for the grant program within the U.S. Department of Justice. In addition, the program would provide 50-50 matching grants to state and local law enforcement agencies and Indian tribes with under 100,000 residents to assist in purchasing bulletproof vests and body armor. Finally, this bill will make the purchase of stabproof vests eligible for grant awards. While we know that there is no way to end the risks inherent to a career in law enforcement, we must do everything possible to ensure that officers who put their lives on the line every day also put on a vest. Body armor is one of the most important pieces of equipment an officer can have and often means the difference between life and death. The United States Senate can help, and I urge our colleagues to support prompt passage of this legislation. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today Senator Leahy and I are introducing the Bulletproof Vest Partnership Grant Act of 2000, a bill to expand an existing matching grant program to help State, tribal, and local jurisdictions purchase armor vests for the use by law enforcement officers. This bill represents another in a series of law enforcement legislative initiatives on which I have had the privilege to work with my friend and colleague from Vermont, Senator Leahy. The Senator brings to the table invaluable experience in this area, from his distinguished service as a State's attorney in Vermont, a nationally recognized prosecutor, and as the ranking member of the Senate Judiciary Committee. We are pleased to be joined in this effort by the distinguished chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Senator Hatch, and Senators Thurmond, Bingaman, Jeffords, Sarbanes, Coverdell, Robb, Schumer, Reed, and Reid. Two years ago, Congress passed and the President signed into law the Bulletproof Vest Partnership Grant Act of 1998 (P.L. 105-181), which we were privileged to introduce. This highly successful Department of Justice grant program has already funded 92,000 new bulletproof vests for police officers across the country. There are far too many law enforcement officers who patrol our streets and neighborhoods without the proper protective gear against violent criminals. As a former deputy sheriff, I know first-hand the risks which law enforcement officers face every day on the front lines protecting our communities. Today, more than ever, violent criminals have bulletproof vests and deadly weapons at their disposal. In fact, figures from the U.S. Department of Justice indicate that approximately 150,000 law enforcement officers--or 25 percent of the nation's 600,000 state and local officers--do not have access to bulletproof vests. The evidence is clear that a bulletproof vest is one of the most important pieces of equipment that any law enforcement officer can have. Since the introduction of modern bulletproof material, the lives of more than 1,500 officers have been saved by bulletproof vests. In fact, the Federal Bureau of Investigation has concluded that officers who do not wear bulletproof vests are 14 times more likely to be killed by a firearm than those officers who do wear vests. Simply put, bulletproof vests save lives. Unfortunately, many police departments do not have the resources to purchase vests on their own. The Bulletproof Vest Partnership Grant Act of 2000 would continue the partnership with state and local law enforcement agencies to make sure that every police officer who needs a bulletproof vest gets one. It would do so by authorizing up to $50 million per year for the grant program within the U.S. Department of Justice. In addition, the program would provide 50-50 matching grants to state and local law enforcement agencies and Indian tribes with under 100,000 residents to assist in purchasing bulletproof vests and body armor. Finally, this bill will make the purchase of stabproof vests eligible for grant awards. While we know that there is no way to end the risks inherent to a career in law enforcement, we must do everything possible to ensure that officers who put their lives on the line every day also put on a vest. Body armor is one of the most important pieces of equipment an officer can have and often means the difference between life and death. The United States Senate can help, and I urge our colleagues to support prompt passage of this legislation. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I intend to vote for cloture this afternoon on the Federal fuels tax holiday bill to help address the soaring cost of fuel and our rising dependency on foreign oil. We have had numerous hearings and many statements have been given on the floor to address this grave situation we are in. Unfortunately, it seems like we are going to have to endure this problem for a while longer. Over the last few weeks, I have had many conversations with truckers, shippers, and concerned citizens about how this problem affects them. Specifically, my conversations boiled down how this crisis affects our American truck drivers. Over 95 percent of all commercial manufacturing goods and agricultural products are shipped by truck at some point. 9.6 million people have jobs directly or indirectly related to trucking. In addition, trucking contributes over 5 percent of America's gross domestic product which is the equivalent of $372 billion to the economy. Along with these astonishing facts about trucking, here are some more facts about this fuel crisis: fuel taxes account for about 28 percent of what you pay for a gallon of gas at the pump; the government imposes 43 different direct and indirect taxes on the production and distribution of gas, bringing the total burden to 54 percent of the price of a gallon of gas; U.S. oil production is down 17 percent from 1992, consumption is up 14 percent; DOE estimates the United States will use 65 percent foreign oil by 2020; the United States spends $300 million per day, and $100 billion per year on foreign oil; and oil makes up one-third of our trade deficit. I know what our truckers are going through. I put myself through college driving a truck and I just recently got my Colorado commercial driver's license so that I could get back into driving. Since I own a small rig, I know firsthand how the fuel crisis impacts those who depend on it. My fuel bills have doubled in the last year alone. Hundreds of truckers from all over have come to Washington to ask for help on three different occasions in the last few weeks. One thing I have learned is that when many private citizens give their time to come to Washington, the issue is not profit margins, or stock prices, it is because they are fighting for their families' very livelihood. I met a man named Wesley White from Oregon, who said he was on his last run. He could not afford to continue fueling his truck. He has spent his pension to buy the truck, but when he gets home, he's parking it for good. Without the income derived from delivering goods he will not be able to make truck payments and will lose the truck. Another trucker I met was living with his wife and two small children in the truck sleeper because the increase in diesel costs did not leave them enough money to pay their house rent. Unfortunately, the administration has ignored the plight of these hard working Americans. This administration got us into this mess by their total lack of an energy policy. They stand in the way of domestic oil production by locking up public lands and refuse to release federal fuel stockpiles already in place. Now, faced with skyrocketing diesel prices, they still do nothing of substance, instead they wanted to wait for OPEC to meet in Vienna which happened on March 27 and 28 of this year, hoping that the outcome would be favorable for the U.S., which is debatable. But can we trust this outcome when the U.S. has sanction on 8 out of the 11 OPEC nations? Recently, the Energy Secretary went to the Middle East with hat in hand, to beg for fuel. He claims that this increase in oil production will lower fuel costs by approximately 11 cents by the end of the summer. Well, what do we do until then? The crisis is happening now. Also administration officials come before Congress to propose studying alternative energy sources, which is fine, but I have news for them: Trucks today run on diesel, not wind or solar power. Everything we buy to eat and wear comes on a truck. If the trucks stop rolling, this Nation stops rolling. The benefits from this recent increase in oil production will not be seen for months. We need solutions now before any more Americans lose their jobs because of high fuel prices. I am pleased the pending legislation includes a provision which is similar to a bill I introduced more than a month ago on March 2, S. 2161 the American Transportation Recovery and Highway Trust Fund Protection Act of 2000. My bill would temporarily suspend the federal excise tax on diesel fuel for one year or until the price of crude oil is reduced to the December 31, 1999 level. It would replace the lost revenues with monies from the budget surplus in the general fund, while protecting the Highway Trust Fund. S. 2161 is endorsed by the American Trucking Association, the Independent Truckers Association, and the Colorado Motor Carriers Association to name just a few. The provision in the pending legislation states that in the event the national average price of unleaded regular gasoline rises to $2 per gallon or more, it would further suspend all federal excise taxes on fuels, while retaining only the 0.1 percent portion devoted to Leaking Underground Storage Tanks Trust Fund. I believe this action would be an important step forward to help relieve the escalating burden on America's truckers and farmers. But, these bills are only short-term solutions, and only one step which could be taken. Our real problem is our dependence on foreign oil. In 1973, the year of the Arab oil embargo, the U.S. bought 35 percent of its oil from foreign sources. Today, we buy 56 percent, by some reports 62 percent. All the negotiations the administration is doing to get OPEC to open the spigots is not more than a band aid approach to a problem that will continually revisit us as long as we are dependent on foreign oil. It is unfortunate that we, a global superpower, are reduced to begging, and now we have to take what we can get from OPEC. More forceful actions need to be taken to expose the severity of this problem and address it now, not in the months to come. We cannot stand by and do nothing of consequence while good people lose their means of support. The Federal fuels tax holiday bill is an important step forward to provide relief to hard working Americans from the burden of rising fuel prices, and I urge my colleagues to support cloture so we can pass this bill. I thank the Chair and yield the floor.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Indian Affairs be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 12, 2000, at 9:30 a.m., to conduct a hearing on the Report of the National Academy of Public Administration titled ``A Study of Management and Administration: The Bureau of Indian Affairs.'' The hearing will be held in the Committee room, 485 Russell Senate Building. A business meeting to mark up pending legislation will precede the hearing. Those wishing additional information may contact the Committee at 202/224-2251.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, in 1997 this body considered wide- sweeping tobacco legislation and the Indian Affairs Committee held several hearings on the issue and in fact reported a bill to reduce smoking in Native communities. The rate of smoking in Native communities is the highest in the country and Natives suffer emphysema, lung cancer, and related problems as a result of that smoking. The resolution we are now considering would as a practical matter apply to smoke-shops that offer ``discount tobacco'' products without defining that term. There are ``discount cigarette'' stores right across the river in Virginia, there are ``discount tobacco'' outlets in airports around the country, and there are ``discount stores'' on Indian lands. Now, if this resolution were to apply to all tobacco outlets, I would support it. I am dismayed that Secretary Cuomo would support the amendment given that it would not affect Community Development Block Grant funds for non-Indian tobacco outlets. As a practical matter only Indian outlets are affected and there are no potential non-Indian tobacco sellers that would be affected. Though it may not be the preferred economic activity of some in this chamber, many Indian tribes rely on selling tobacco, which is a legal commodity, to generate revenues. The targeted nature of this resolution as well as the economic hardships created by it led me to support the Vice Chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs, Senator Inouye, and his Motion to Table the Bond Amendment.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, on March 25, Belarusian authorities harshly suppressed a pro-democracy demonstration in the capital of Minsk, arresting and detaining hundreds of peaceful protestors, including nearly 30 domestic and foreign journalists. Riot police, deployed with dogs and armored personnel carriers, used excessive force against some peaceful demonstrators. Among those detained and beaten was democratic opposition leader Anatoly Lebedka, Deputy Chairman of the 13th Supreme Soviet. Many of my Senate colleagues met Mr. Lebedka last September when I introduced him right here on the Senate floor. Mr. Lebedka was just in Washington earlier this month to testify at a Helsinki Commission hearing about the deteriorating situation in Belarus. Based on information I obtained from the State Department, I am advised that Anatoly Lebedka was arrested by plainclothes police during the demonstration, kept in detention, and reportedly beaten over the course of two days. He spent most of Monday in a police van outside the courthouse awaiting trial, but was released at 5:00 p.m. His trial has been scheduled for April 4. Mr. President, the harsh overreaction by the authorities to this peaceful demonstration represents a clear violation of the freedom of association, assembly, and information guaranteed both by the Belarusian constitution and OSCE agreements. In addition, the Belarusian authorities detained a U.S. citizen who is an accredited diplomat and a member of the OSCE Advisory and Monitoring Group in Belarus, and who was observing the demonstration in line with his official responsibilities. This action also violates international conventions. It appears that the green light for the most recent crackdown was given by Belarusian President Lukashenka, who praised the police for their actions. Reports indicate that earlier this month, he cautioned that the riot police will ``beat the stuffing out'' of any protestor who ``gets out of line.'' Unfortunately, the suppression by the Belarusian authorities of peaceful protest, along with the sentencing last week of a prominent member of the opposition, does nothing to encourage a constructive dialogue with the democratic opposition that can lead Belarus out of its continuing constitutional impasse and end its self-imposed international isolation. Mr. President, I call upon the Government of Belarus to thoroughly investigate reports of police brutality during the course of the demonstration and subsequent detentions and take measures to ensure that citizens are guaranteed their rights to engage in peaceful protests, keeping with that country's OSCE commitments. I was pleased to join Senator Durbin as an original cosponsor to Senate Concurrent Resolution 75 which we introduced last November. That resolution summarized many of the political problems facing the democratic opposition in Belarus expressing strong opposition to the continued egregious violations of human rights, the lack of progress toward the establishment of democracy and the rule of law in Belarus, and calls on President Lukashenka to engage in negotiations with the representatives of the opposition and to restore the constitutional rights of the Belarusian people. In light of the recent violent crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators last weekend, I urge my colleagues to support passage of the Durbin/Campbell resolution. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a news report from the Washington Post on this latest crackdown be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I am pleased to be joined by Senator McCain and Senator Tim Johnson in submitting today a resolution to commemorate the anniversary of a little-noticed but critical event that took place 30 years ago this summer. In July 1970, President Richard M. Nixon delivered his now-famous ``Special Message to the Congress on Indian Affairs'' that revolutionized how our nation deals with Native governments and Native people from Florida to Alaska, from Maine to Hawaii. With centuries of ill-conceived and misdirected federal policies and practices behind us, I am happy to say that the Nixon Indian policy continues as the bedrock of America's promise to Native Americans. In his Message to Congress, the President made the case for a more enlightened federal Indian policy. Citing historical injustices as well as the practical failure of all previous federal policies regarding Indian Nations, President Nixon called for the rejection of both the ``termination'' policy of the 1950s and the ``excessive dependence'' on the federal government by Indian tribes and people fostered by federal paternalism. Nixon observed that ``[t]he first Americans--the Indians--are the most deprived and most isolated group in our nation. On virtually every scale of measurement--employment, income, education, health--the condition of the Indian people rank at the bottom.'' Thirty years later, Indians continue to suffer high rates of unemployment, are mired in poverty, and still rank at or near the bottom of nearly every social and economic indicator in the nation. Nonetheless, there is cause for hope that the conditions of Native Americans are improving, however slowly. The twin pillars of the policy change initiated in 1970 are political self determination and economic self reliance. Without doubt, the most enduring legacy of the 1970 Message is the Indian self determination policy best embodied in the Indian Self Determination and Education Assistance Act of 1975, amended several times since then. This Act, which has consistently been supported, promoted, and expanded with bipartisan support, authorizes Indian tribes to assume responsibility for and administer programs and services formerly provided by the federal government. As of 1999, nearly 48% of all Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) and 50% of all Indian Health Service (IHS) programs and services have been assumed by tribes under the Indian Self Determination Act. With this transfer of resources and decision making authority, tribal governments have succeeded in improving the quality of services to their citizens, have developed more sophisticated tribal governing structures and practices, have improved their ability to govern, and have strengthened their economies. Self determination contracting and compacting have improved the efficiency of federal programs and services and at the same time have devolved control over these resources from Washington, D.C. to the local, tribal governments which are much more in tune with the needs of their own people. As steps are taken to provide tribes the tools they need to develop vigorous economies and generate tribal revenues, our policy in Congress and across the federal government should be to encourage and assist tribes to expand self determination and self governance into other agencies and programs, and in the process help Native people to achieve real and measurable success in improving their standard of living. The challenge of the Nixon Message was not only to the federal government but to the tribes themselves: that by building strong tribal governments and more robust economies, real independence and true self determination can be achieved. Our experience has shown that any cooperative efforts between the United States and the tribes must include a solemn assurance that the special relationship will endure and will not be terminated by the fits and starts of periodic economic success enjoyed by some Indian tribes. President Nixon wisely realized that the mere threat of termination results in a tendency toward an unhealthy dependence on the federal government which has plagued Native people for decades. As President Nixon himself knew, Native people are not hapless bystanders in this process. His Message recognized that the story of the Indian in America is one of ``endurance, survival, of adaptation and creativity in the face of overwhelming obstacles.'' This persistence and tenacity by Native people have been the foundation in forging a more enlightened Indian policy and with the assistance of the United States will, I am confident, result in true self determination for Native people in the United States. I urge my colleagues to join me in recognizing the Nixon Message and the combined efforts of Natives and non-Natives alike in making Indian self determination a reality.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I am pleased to be joined by Senator Tim Johnson in introducing today a bill to make needed clarifications in the law to aid in the administration of the Indian Reservation Road and Bridge Program to better meet the transportation needs in Indian country. There is an enormous need for physical infrastructure on Indian lands throughout the country. This infrastructure is necessary for Indian tribes and their citizens to carry out emergency services, law enforcement, and the transportation of goods and services. In addition, physical infrastructure is just as important for Indian communities as it is for other communities because Indian economies are still in need of significant investment and private sector activity. When entrepreneurs or investors are calculating whether to invest in any community they look first to see if basic building blocks are there: roads, highways, electricity, potable water, and other factors. So for Indian communities an efficient federal roads financing and construction system holds the key to healthier economies and higher standards of living for their members. In 1998, Congress enacted the Transportation Equity Act of the Twenty-First Century (``TEA-21'') to authorize Federal surface transportation programs with the goals of improved highways, increased safety, protecting the environment, and increased economic growth. In passing TEA-21, Congress approved several Indian amendments that I was happy to propose to require a negotiated rule-making to determine the allocation formula to allow the kind of flexibility needed for an Indian country-wide formula; as well as a provision to ensure that all TEA funds set aside for Indians would be made available to tribes that choose to enter contracts under the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act of 1975, P.L. 93-638, as amended. On October 20, 1999, the Committee on Indian Affairs, which I chair, held an oversight hearing on the Indian reservation roads program and TEA-21. From testimony and other evidence presented it is evident that there remain serious obstacles to a more efficient functioning of TEA- 21 in Indian communities. I am sorry to say that one of the obstacles appears to be the administration of the program by the Bureau of Indian Affairs itself. The Indian reservation roads program is set up in such a way that the roads funding is transferred from the Department of Transportation's Federal Highway Administration [FHWA] to the Bureau of Indian Affairs, which in turn allocates the funds to Indian tribes based on a pre- existing formula. Although reservation roads compose 2.63 percent of the Federal highway system, less than 1 percent of Federal aid had been allocated to Indian roads. This bill would remove the so-called ``obligation limitation'' contained within TEA-21 and in effect would allow the already- authorized funds for Indians to reach the intended beneficiaries. In 1999, the amount of funds that reached the Indian communities was $34 million less than that authorized in TEA-21 because of the obligation limitation. This bill also authorizes the Federal Lands Highway Program to establish a Pilot Program to contract directly with Indian tribes for the administration of these tribes' roads programs. By allowing tribes to voluntary enter this program, it is intended that a better use can be made of existing resources and at the same time encourage Indian tribal self-determination. Under current law, the BIA is authorized to use ``up to 6 percent'' of the roads funding for oversight and administration of the Indian roads program. If it was not clear in 1998, it should be clear now that these funds are not intended to be available to subsidize other BIA roads operations nor are they intended to be used for any other purposes. The bill I am introducing today contains an amendment that clarifies the ``up to 6 percent'' language by reiterating Congress' intention that the figure was and is intended as a maximum, not a minimum, funding level with regard to BIA administrative costs. Finally, with regard to the option to tribes to administer these funds and programs, the bill clarifies that all Indian reservation roads program funds are to be made available to Indian tribes which want to assume the administration of their reservation roads program under Public Law 93-638. The bill also seeks to eliminate the current redundancy is required health and safety certification by allowing tribes the option of meeting statutorily required Health and Safety Standards without the need for a second, duplicative effort by the BIA. It is important to note that the standards themselves will not change, nor will the need for tribal compliance with those standards change. Mr. President, that is a brief description of the amendments in this bill, and I urge my colleagues to support them. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I am pleased to be joined by Senator Tim Johnson in introducing the Native American Agriculture Research, Development and Export Enhancement Act of 2000 to encourage the development of the Indian agricultural sector. This bill will help make efficient use of Federal agriculture research, development and export resources in the U.S. Department of Agriculture. Agriculture has been a central part of the Native American culture, way of life, self sufficiency, and economies from time immemorial. This is still true today with many Indian tribes using agriculture and agribusiness to sustain their livelihoods and economies. There are some 55 million acres of Indian lands in the United States, approximately 2 percent of all lands in the country, with nearly 47 million of these acres made up of crop and range land. Indian agriculture production is not limited to just farming and ranching, it also includes such diverse products as timber and forest goods, fish and seafood, bison, wild rice, fruits and nuts, cotton and a host of other Native-made and gathered products. Agriculture constitutes the second largest revenue generator and employer in Indian country but often takes a back seat to other initiatives in the development of tribal resources and economies. By reinvigorating the Indian agriculture sector we can develop the value- added industries to provide food security, as well as increase employment and raise incomes in Indian communities. Although there are many programs within the Department of Agriculture for which tribal and individual Indian producers are eligible, Indian producers have not fully benefitted from these programs because of a lack of thoughtful coordination and attention within the Department. In fact, these is now pending a class action lawsuit filed by Indian farmers against the Department charging discrimination and neglect in the availability and use of funds, programs, and services. This bill will afford Indian farmers and producers the same benefits, assistance and organization that non-Indian producers currently enjoy by promoting the coordination of existing agriculture and related programs within the Department to provide maximum benefit to Indian tribes and their members. It is my hope that this initiative will encourage intertribal, regional, and international trade and business development in order to assist in increasing productivity, access to specialty markets, export promotion, marketing assistance, access to capital, and at the same time help facilitate agricultural ventures with non-Indian entities. Under the provisions of this bill, a Native American Research, Development, and Export Office would be established within the Department and would have a Director appointed by the Secretary to ensure the intra-agency and inter-agency coordination of programs that assist Indian agriculture and economic development. This bill is not intended to reduce, rather than create, more federal bureaucracy. Therefore, this office will be formed using funds already appropriated to the Department. Within this office, the Director would establish the Native American Trade and Export Promotion Program to help coordinate and cooperate with the other appropriate Federal agencies to promote Indian agriculture and related value-added industries. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I had reserved 10 minutes for morning business. My friend from Nevada has a comment he wants to make.

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I object to further proceedings on these bills at this time.

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I understand there are two bills at the desk due for a second reading.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today the Senate will be in a period for morning business until 11 a.m. By previous consent, the Senate will proceed to a vote on the Wellstone amendment No. 2888 at 11 a.m. with 2 minutes equally divided prior to the vote. Following that vote, the Senate will immediately vote on final passage of the bill. Therefore, Senators may expect the first votes of the day at approximately 11 a.m. This afternoon, the Senate may begin consideration of any other Legislative or Executive Calendar items cleared for action.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I would like to proceed in morning business for about 10 minutes. I would like to add my comments to those of my colleagues who spoke yesterday who were concerned about the rising cost of fuel. Many of my friends and colleagues have spoken to the issue of our rising dependency on foreign oil. This morning, I would like to take a little different perspective and talk a little bit about how the crisis affects the backbone of American commerce, which is the backbone of the American trucking industry. Over 95 percent of all commercial manufactured goods and agricultural products are shipped by truck at some point. Mr. President, 9.6 million people have jobs directly or indirectly related to trucking. In addition, trucking contributes over 5 percent of America's gross domestic product which is the equivalent of $272 billion in the economy every single year. Over 6.7 billion tons of goods are shipped in this Nation every year. Those are staggering numbers. I use them to emphasize the impact that trucks have in America. I know the trucking life myself. I started driving when I was 21, when I got out of the service. I put myself through college by driving an 18-wheeler. Last year, I decided to renew my commercial driver's license in the State of Colorado and I attended a truck-driving school to do that. I have a small tractor trailer so I know firsthand the impact of the increase of fuel. Paying the bill for 200 gallons of fuel in a truck is not like filling up the family car, and these long-line trucks, by the way, fill up every day. Last week, while the Senate was in recess, I spent the week making deliveries in a truck along Colorado's Front Range. I did it so I could see and hear firsthand what truckers, as well as shippers and other related businesses, are going through. At diners, gas stations, and delivery points, they told me from their perspective it is much worse than anyone in Washington may imagine. While I was driving, I met a man named Wesley White from Oregon who said he was on his last run. He couldn't afford to continue fueling his truck. He had been a policeman for over 20 years and at the end of his police service he retired, took his pension, and bought a truck with the intent of going into business for himself. But, this time around when he gets home he is going to park the truck for good. Without the income from delivering goods, he is not going to be able to make his truck payments. He will lose the business of the truck and he will also lose his pension which he used to buy the truck. Wesly is not alone. Three times in the last 2 months, hundreds of truckers from all over the United States have come to Washington to ask for help. I attended the first rally in February, and I went to another one yesterday. One thing I did learn, when these people come to Washington, they are not here to complain about profit margins or stock prices. They are here because their very livelihood is on the line. I have to tell you, Mr. President, I never met a trucker who wanted a handout. They want a job, a fair shake, and fairness from Congress. One trucker I met at the last rally I went to had a wife and two small children. The four of them were actually living in the sleeper of the truck because the increased price of diesel fuel did not leave them enough money at the end of the month to even pay house rent. Unfortunately, this administration has ignored the plight of these hard-working Americans. The administration has got us into this mess by the total lack of any energy policy. They stand in the way of domestic oil production, they refuse to release Federal fuel stockpiles to drive the cost of fuel down, and they continually lock up public lands so we cannot explore for new resources. Now faced with skyrocketing diesel prices, they still do nothing of substance, instead they are hoping the OPEC oil ministers will reverse their strategy to limit production and increase fuel prices. We fought the gulf war, as you and I know, and this is how we get repaid. In fact, in a rather strange twist of fate we are now also dependent on Iraqi oil. Instead of increasing our own resources, the Secretary recently went to the Middle East, hat in hand, to beg for fuel. Now administration officials are coming before Congress to propose we study alternative energy resources. I have news for them. Trucks don't run on solar and they don't run on wind; they run on diesel. Everything we buy, eat or wear is delivered on a truck. If they stop rolling, very simply this Nation also comes to a stop. Even if OPEC increases production, the effect on the American consumers will be months away, we need immediate relief. In that context, I recently introduced S. 2161 entitled ``The American Transportation Recovery and Highway Trust Fund Protection Act of 2000.'' This bill would temporarily suspend the Federal excise tax on diesel fuel for 1 year, or until the price of crude oil is reduced to the December 31, 1999, level. It would replace lost revenues with moneys from the budget surplus in the general fund while protecting the highway trust fund. The bill has bipartisan support, with 12 cosponsors. Even at that, we know it is only a short-term solution. The real problem is our dependency on foreign oil. All the negotiations this administration is doing to get OPEC to open its spigots is not more than a Band-Aid approach to the problem that will continually revisit us as long as we are dependent on foreign oil. The administration has known this and the danger to our national security since 1994. Senator Murkowski spoke to that yesterday. It is unfortunate we, as a global superpower, are reduced to begging. More forceful actions are needed and must be taken to expose the severity of the problem and to address it now and in months to come. We cannot simply stand by and do nothing. We can do better. We should be opening new oil fields. We should be doing better incentive work to keep the stripper wells from closing, and certainly we should renew our efforts in oil shale and other renewable fuels that can be turned into gasoline oil. Most of all, we have to untether ourselves from Mideast oil. Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I am pleased to be joined by Senator Tim Johnson in introducing today a bill to make needed clarifications in the law to aid in the administration of the Indian Reservation Road and Bridge Program to better meet the transportation needs in Indian country. There is an enormous need for physical infrastructure on Indian lands throughout the country. This infrastructure is necessary for Indian tribes and their citizens to carry out emergency services, law enforcement, and the transportation of goods and services. In addition, physical infrastructure is just as important for Indian communities as it is for other communities because Indian economies are still in need of significant investment and private sector activity. When entrepreneurs or investors are calculating whether to invest in any community they look first to see if basic building blocks are there: roads, highways, electricity, potable water, and other factors. So for Indian communities an efficient federal roads financing and construction system holds the key to healthier economies and higher standards of living for their members. In 1998, Congress enacted the Transportation Equity Act of the Twenty-First Century (``TEA-21'') to authorize Federal surface transportation programs with the goals of improved highways, increased safety, protecting the environment, and increased economic growth. In passing TEA-21, Congress approved several Indian amendments that I was happy to propose to require a negotiated rule-making to determine the allocation formula to allow the kind of flexibility needed for an Indian country-wide formula; as well as a provision to ensure that all TEA funds set aside for Indians would be made available to tribes that choose to enter contracts under the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act of 1975, P.L. 93-638, as amended. On October 20, 1999, the Committee on Indian Affairs, which I chair, held an oversight hearing on the Indian reservation roads program and TEA-21. From testimony and other evidence presented it is evident that there remain serious obstacles to a more efficient functioning of TEA- 21 in Indian communities. I am sorry to say that one of the obstacles appears to be the administration of the program by the Bureau of Indian Affairs itself. The Indian reservation roads program is set up in such a way that the roads funding is transferred from the Department of Transportation's Federal Highway Administration [FHWA] to the Bureau of Indian Affairs, which in turn allocates the funds to Indian tribes based on a pre- existing formula. Although reservation roads compose 2.63 percent of the Federal highway system, less than 1 percent of Federal aid had been allocated to Indian roads. This bill would remove the so-called ``obligation limitation'' contained within TEA-21 and in effect would allow the already- authorized funds for Indians to reach the intended beneficiaries. In 1999, the amount of funds that reached the Indian communities was $34 million less than that authorized in TEA-21 because of the obligation limitation. This bill also authorizes the Federal Lands Highway Program to establish a Pilot Program to contract directly with Indian tribes for the administration of these tribes' roads programs. By allowing tribes to voluntary enter this program, it is intended that a better use can be made of existing resources and at the same time encourage Indian tribal self-determination. Under current law, the BIA is authorized to use ``up to 6 percent'' of the roads funding for oversight and administration of the Indian roads program. If it was not clear in 1998, it should be clear now that these funds are not intended to be available to subsidize other BIA roads operations nor are they intended to be used for any other purposes. The bill I am introducing today contains an amendment that clarifies the ``up to 6 percent'' language by reiterating Congress' intention that the figure was and is intended as a maximum, not a minimum, funding level with regard to BIA administrative costs. Finally, with regard to the option to tribes to administer these funds and programs, the bill clarifies that all Indian reservation roads program funds are to be made available to Indian tribes which want to assume the administration of their reservation roads program under Public Law 93-638. The bill also seeks to eliminate the current redundancy is required health and safety certification by allowing tribes the option of meeting statutorily required Health and Safety Standards without the need for a second, duplicative effort by the BIA. It is important to note that the standards themselves will not change, nor will the need for tribal compliance with those standards change. Mr. President, that is a brief description of the amendments in this bill, and I urge my colleagues to support them. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be printed in the Record.