Ben Campbell

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I would like to announce that the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs will meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, March 3, 1999, at 9:30 a.m., to conduct a joint hearing with the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources on American Indian trust management practices in the Department of the Interior. The hearing will be held in room 366 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building. Those wishing additional information should contact the Committee on Indian Affairs at 202/224-2251. Committee on Natural Resources

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I would like to announce that the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs will meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, February 24, 1999, at 9 a.m., to conduct a hearing on the President's budget request for FY2000 for Indian programs. The hearing will be held in room 485 of the Russell Senate Office Building. Those wishing additional information should contact the Committee on Indian Affairs at 202/224-2251. committee on health, education, labor, and pensions

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. Chief Justice and colleagues, my friends, I am not going to try to dazzle you with my knowledge of the law which is minimal, or the forty hand-written pages I've taken during these proceedings. But, I signed the same oath you did with a pen that should have had on it ``United States Senate,'' but did not. It said, ``Untied States Senate.'' We were asked to turn the pens back in. I heard they are going to be valuable collectors' items, and I am not turning mine in. I want to see what it's worth. And there you have it. An imperfect Senator being asked to judge an imperfect President. One of our colleagues noted yesterday that we all come from different backgrounds. It's true and, perhaps, I am living proof that the greatness of this nation because I could be here at all. The same body where someone named Daniel Webster, John F. Kennedy and Harry Truman once served also welcomed a mixed blood kid from the wrong side of the tracks. The offspring of an alcoholic father and a tubercular mother; in and out of orphanages; a law breaker and high school drop out who lied, cheated, stole and did many other shameful things make me a poor judge indeed of someone else who used poor judgment. I would rather take a beating than to judge someone else for their indiscretions. But, as one of our colleagues said yesterday, ``We didn't ask for this.'' Still, with all my own human failings, I, like you, must try to separate them from the rule of law. I wish I had the historical knowledge of Senator Byrd or the legal knowledge of Orrin Hatch or the government experience of John Warner. But, I don't--I must use common sense. I want to tell you an anecdote--about a conversation I had with the President right after he made his rather startling confession before this nation and a group of reverends which I watched from my Denver office as millions of others were also watching at the same time. I was so moved by his statement that I wrote him a personal note telling him how sorry I was for what his family was going through. I told him I would not be one to pile on; that I would make no statements to the press; nor would I be a party to the impeachment process going on in the other body. As I look around this room, I see several others who subscribed to that same conduct as this proceeding moved to the Senate and took on soap opera proportions, and members of both parties ran pell mell to the cameras at each recess. I sit right there in the back row fifteen feet from the cloakroom. But, at each recess by the time I walk to the cloakroom and glance at the TV, some of my colleagues have already sprinted somewhere else to be in front of the cameras. As you know, I used to be on the U.S. Olympic Team, and I tell my speedy friends--you could have made the team. About three days after I wrote to the President, he called me to thank me for my note and we spoke for about 15 minutes. I asked him how his family was dealing with it and he told me they were having good days and bad, but it was hardest on his daughter, Chelsea, because she was away at college without the family unit to console her. He told me he would keep my note always. I felt badly then, and I do now. As I look around this room in which so many great people in our history have spoken and I read their names written in the desk drawers along with those who no one remembers, I tell you that I like this President. He came through a difficult childhood as I did, and I genuinely like him and feel sorry for both him and his family. But after agonizing as many of my Senate friends have, I remember the first question my then nine-year-old son, Colin, asked me 17 years ago when I told him I was going to run for public office. He asked, ``Dad, are you going to lie and stuff?'' I told him, ``No.'' I don't have to learn how to lie--I still remembered how to lie from my delinquent days. I'm still trying to forget it. I told him, human frailties not withstanding, elected officials should not ``lie and stuff.'' Every one of us knows that when we step into the public arena, we are judged by a different standard. Being honest and truthful becomes more important because we must set the examples. As a senator, if I ever forget it, this body will not have to throw me out because I will have brought it on myself, and I'll save this body the time and expense and resign. I would not fear being thrown out. When I was young and not yet house-broken, I was thrown out of a lot of places. I swore a lot of oaths--not when I went in, but when I came out. There is a difference: one is about anger in private--the other is about honor in public. If we are not going to honor our oath, why don't we get rid of it and have an every-man-for-himself kind of elected official? Better yet, let's change it. Mr. Chief Justice, you could say: ``Senators-elect. Raise your right hand and repeat after me: `On my honor, I'll do my best, to help myself and lie like the rest.'' I took a solemn oath--perhaps it is the only thing in common I share with John F. Kennedy, Harry Truman and Daniel Webster as well as the founders of this nation--and that is why honoring it is all the more important to me. Simply speaking, the President did, too. And, so even though I like him personally, I find I can only vote one way. And that is guilty on both articles. Thank you, Mr. Chief Justice. I yield the floor.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I submit a Senate Concurrent Resolution which addresses the controversy surrounding the Food Quality Protection Act. I am pleased to be joined today by my colleagues, Senators Conrad, Brownback, Hutchison, Frist, Gramm of Texas, Landrieu, and Hutchinson who are original cosponsors of the resolution. The Food Quality Protection Act directs the EPA to base its tolerance review decisions pertaining to pesticides on reliable data that is currently available. Or, the EPA can require the development of new data through the data call-in provisions of the Food Quality Protection Act. In order to meet the review deadlines, the EPA is basing some critical decisions on assumptions, which are primarily EPA's preliminary findings. This could lead to needless and questionable product cancellations, and have a significant impact on the agricultural industry. It is essential that the EPA's insect tolerance assessment process be based on sound scientific data. If the EPA's current approach to pesticide risk assessments is not modified, it is likely that many uses of crop protection products will be unjustifiably terminated. The sudden adoption of new restrictions of certain pesticide applications and products could needlessly cripple a host of agricultural commodities, including corn; soybeans; wheat; rice; cotton; and dozens of fruit and vegetable crops. It could also add a public health threat to the urban environment from mosquitos, cockroaches, and termites that might go unchecked. American farmers, ranchers, and consumers will feel the unnecessary and avoidable repercussions of the EPA's actions. We all know pesticide use must be closely monitored and some pesticides need to be replaced. The protection of the environment must always be foremost in our minds. But, common sense and real science must be involved in this matter so that all parties will benefit. Certain pesticides that warrant replacement or removal must have suitable, affordable, and effective replacements. And, any changes must be made in a sufficient time frame to allow producers to learn the safe use of the new products as they transition away from old dated products. Also, the current Food Quality Protection Act puts the United States at a distinct disadvantage in the global marketplace. Other countries do not have the same requirements that our producers have, but we still import and consume their products. We need to offer every advantage to our producers and safeguard consumers instead of providing other countries an upper hand in the world's agricultural market. To address this issue, the resolution I introduce today expresses the sense and intent of Congress for the fair and equitable implementation of the Food Quality Protection Act of 1996. The resolution calls on the EPA Administrator and the Secretary of Agriculture to use sound science to protect the public health while effectively administering the Food Quality Protection Act. Some important organizations have endorsed my resolution, including the Colorado Farm Bureau and the Rocky Mountain Farmers Union. We must modify the enforcement mechanisms in the Food Quality Protection Act to ensure the act is properly implemented, so that it can help, not hurt the people and our environment it was intended to protect. The resolution I submit today will help accomplish this goal, and I urge my colleagues to support its passage.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I introduce the Buffalo Nickel Coin Act, a bill based on legislation I introduced in the 105th Congress, S. 1112 and Senate Amendment 3013. This bill authorizes the minting of a limited-edition commemorative coin, based on the design of the original Buffalo Nickel, which was in circulation from 1913 to 1938. It also directs the dedication of profits from the sale of the coin to the construction of the Smithsonian's Museum of the Native American. This bill is in compliance with USC Title 31, the Commemorative Coin Act. In February 1998, I presented the design of the coin to the Mint and provided testimony regarding the history of the nickel and its design. Former Ambassador to Austria and Colorado buffalo rancher, Swanee Hunt, joined me at this presentation to share her support. Since then I have been working closely with officials at the Treasury and the Citizens Commemorative Coin Advisory Committee. The recommendation of the Committee is necessary in order to bring the coin into circulation. In their 1998 annual report, the Committee approved the minting of a half-dollar coin, based on the design of the Buffalo Nickel, which will go into circulation in 2001. The Committee's recommendation to put the coin into circulation in 2001 will coincide well with the Museum's scheduled opening date of 2002. This legislation reflects the goals of all interested parties, and still maintains the original goal of raising funds for the preservation of Native American artifacts in the Museum of the American Indian. I urge my colleagues to support passage of this bill. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I am introducing a bill to assist Indians and tribal businesses to foster entrepreneurship and healthy reservation economies. I am pleased to be joined by Senator Inouye. As we stand ready to enter the next century, Indian tribes and their members continue to face many challenges--poor health, substandard housing and educational facilities, substance abuse, and a host of other social and economic problems. A top priority for the Committee on Indian Affairs and me in the next two years will be to help tribal governments build stronger and healthier economies to provide jobs and hope to their members. The results of centuries of federal domination of Indian affairs and Indian economies is predictable: stagnant reservation economies and the absence of a private sector to create the kind of job opportunities and business-creating activities that Indians so desperately need. Despite the popular myth that ``all Indians are rich'' from gambling, the realities of life for the great majority of Native Americans are harsh and have shown little sign of improvement in recent years. In the Great Depression of the 1930s, the national unemployment rate was 25 percent, and it was a national crisis. In 1999, Indian country has a collective unemployment rate running at 50% and there are few comments made, little urgency heard, and very little being done to address the problem. We sympathize, as we should, with Third World countries torn by strife and lack of economic development. We provide loan guarantees, technical assistance, and aid and trade. For Indians, the response is usually that ``they should just get a job''. The fact is there are few if any job opportunities on most Indian lands in this nation. The requirement that people on federal assistance get and keep a job is the long-term goal of the 1996 welfare reform laws, and frankly, the tribes are behind the curve in preparing for the full implementation of the law. The goal of the legislation I introduce today and other bills this session will be on helping attract capital and value-added activities to Indian lands in such fields as manufacturing, energy, agriculture, livestock and fisheries, high technology and electronic commerce, arts and crafts and a host of service industries. This bill aims to make best use of existing programs to provide the necessary tools to tribes to attract and retain capital and employment. The model I am encouraging with this bill has proven highly successful in the self governance arena and in the Indian job training program, known as the ``477 program''. By providing for an efficient coordination of existing business development programs in the Commerce Department and maximizing resources available to tribes, this bill is a first step toward better cooperation between and within agencies across the federal government. Building healthy Indian economies will require efforts by the tribal as well as the federal government. The tribes have a responsibility as well. A fundamental principle of Indian self determination requires that the tribes play a greater role in their own affairs. In many areas such as self governance, the tribes are increasingly administering federal services, programs, and activities in lieu of the federal government. This has led to more capable and accountable tribal governments. A corollary of Indian political self government is a reduction in the dependence on the federal bureaucracy and federal funds, through assuming a greater role in the tribes funding their own government activities. A number of tribes are achieving some success in reaching this stage, and it should be our policy to assist more tribes in achieving this transition from federal to tribal-domination of tribal affairs. Under this bill, the Native American Business Development Office (NABDO) will coordinate existing programs within the Department of Commerce, including those geared to encouraging American businesses in the fields of international trade and tourism. I want to be clear: this bill does not create any new programs but will achieve more efficiency in those that already exist, and within existing budget authority. Because the central aim of the legislation is to encourage non-gaming development, the bill also prohibits assistance under the act from being used for gaming on Indian lands. I urge my colleagues to join me in providing the tools necessary to build strong and diversified Indian economies so that tribal members have the same job opportunities enjoyed by other Americans. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, in 1996 Congress enacted historic legislation involving the financing, construction, and maintenance of housing for American Indians and Alaska Natives. With this initiative, called the Native American Housing Assistance and Self-Determination Act (NAHASDA), decisions regarding Indian housing are no longer solely a matter for the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). Consistent with principles of local autonomy and Indian self- determination, NAHASDA enables tribes--for the first time--to develop and implement housing plans that meet their needs, and in a way that is more efficient. The Act requires that funds for Indian housing be provided to Indian tribes in housing block grants with monitoring and oversight provided by HUD. I am hopeful that the successes achieved by tribes who participate in the Indian Self-Determination and Education Act and the Tribal Self- Governance Act can now be duplicated in the housing arena with the implementation of NAHASDA. With housing as the anchor for community development, we can turn our attention to other initiatives such as banking, business development, and infrastructure construction. NAHASDA became effective October 1, 1997. In implementing the Act both HUD and the tribes have told us that there are provisions in the statute in need of clarification. I would like to cite two examples. Prior to the passage of NAHASDA, Indian tribes receiving HOME block grant funds could use those funds to leverage low income housing tax credits. Unlike HOME funds, block grants to tribes under the new NAHASDA are considered ``federal funds'' and cannot be used to access these tax credits. Therefore, tribes cannot use designated new block grant funds to access a program which they formerly could is an unintended consequence affecting housing development in Indian country. This bill would restore tribal eligibility for the low income housing tax credit by placing NAHASDA funds on the same footing as HOME funds, with no change to current low income housing tax credit programs. In addition, there are conflicting provisions in the statute with regard to the authority of the HUD Secretary to enforce the act against non-compliant entities. This bill clarifies that authority and provides clear guidance for the Secretary in such instances. Tribal leaders, Indian housing experts, and federal officials testified at a hearing of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs in March 1997 about funding and other anticipated problems, including achieving the appropriate level of oversight and monitoring. The focus of the hearing was constructive and encouraged all parties to work for a better managed and more efficient Indian housing system. The bill I am introducing today, joined by Senator Inouye, the Native American Housing Assistance and Self-Determination Act Amendments of 1999, provides the required clarification and changes that will help the tribes and HUD in achieving a smoother transition from the old housing regime to the new framework of NAHASDA. In the last session, I originally introduced a bill identical to this legislation, S.1280, and I am hopeful that these amendments can be enacted this year. As Chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs I am committed to ensuring that funds for Indian housing are used efficiently, properly and within the bounds provided by law. I also want to ensure that, consistent with the federal obligation to Indian tribes, tribal members have safe, decent, and affordable housing. That is the goal of NAHASDA and that is the policy of this Congress. I am confident that the implementation of NAHASDA has given tribes the ability to better design and implement their own housing plans and in the process provide better housing opportunities to their tribal members. In making the transition from dominating the housing realm to monitoring the activities of the tribes, HUD needs guidance from the Committee as to its proper role and responsibilities under the Act. The Act, and the amendments I am proposing today, will go a long way in making sure that the management problems that were associated with the old, HUD-dominated housing system will be eliminated, paving the way for more and better housing for American Indians and Alaska Natives. I urge my colleagues to join me in enacting these reasonable and necessary amendments. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I introduce the Indian Gaming Regulatory Improvement Act of 1999, co-sponsored by Senator Inouye, to address two critical elements related to the federal component of Indian gaming regulation. With any legislation affecting Indian gaming, it is important to keep in mind the aims of the 1988 Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA): ensuring that gaming continues to be a tool for Indian economic development, and ensuring that the games conducted are kept free from corrupting forces to maintain the integrity of the industry. First, this bill provides necessary reforms in the area of gaming regulation by requiring that the National Indian Gaming Commission and the gaming tribes themselves, develop and implement a system of minimum internal control, background investigation and licensing standards for all tribes that operate class II and class III gaming. My intention in proposing these standards is to guarantee that gaming is conducted in a safe and fair manner at every tribal gaming facility in the United States not only to preserve gaming integrity but to provide certainty and security to the consumers of Indian gaming. Second, this legislation provides that the fees assessed are used only for the regulatory activities of the National Indian Gaming Commission (NIGC) by requiring that all fees be paid into a trust fund, which may only be accessed by the NIGC for purposes approved by Congress. The existing federal Indian gaming law was passed by Congress more than ten years ago. At that time, gaming was a small industry, consisting mainly of high stakes bingo operations, termed ``class II'' gaming under the statute. In 1988, virtually no one contemplated that gaming would become the billion dollar industry that exists today, providing tribes with much needed capital for development and employment opportunities where none previously existed. Because of gaming, some tribes have been wildly successful, fortunate because of their geographical location. These tribes employ thousands of people, both Indian and non-Indian, and have greatly reduced the welfare rolls in their local area. Though gaming revenues have exploded in the last ten years, the IGRA has been significantly amended only one time. In 1997, I introduced an amendment that would allow the NIGC to assess fees against casino-style gaming operations, termed ``class III'' gaming under the statute, and to fund its regulatory efforts in Indian Country. Mr. President, these additional fees are necessary to ensure meaningful federal involvement in the regulation of class III gaming. As of January 1, 1998, approximately 77% of NIGC-approved management contracts were for class III operations. In 1997, the NIGC processed some 18,000 fingerprint cards and 21,000 investigative reports. The Commission also approved some 241 tribal gaming ordinances and, importantly, took 53 formal enforcement actions. The vast majority of these enforcement actions were issued against class III operations. Most striking, before the 1997 amendment was enacted, the NIGC employed only 7 investigators who were responsible for monitoring the entire Indian gaming industry. The 1997 amendment has enabled the NIGC to take steps to increase its regulation and enforcement efforts. Additionally, the Commission has been able to hire much-needed field investigators who are personally responsible for monitoring local tribal gaming operations. The Commission should be applauded for these activities. What these facts and figures do not reveal, however, is the significant amount of tribal and joint tribal-state regulatory activities undertaken at the local level. It should be noted that many Indian tribes, often working with the states where gaming is located, have developed sophisticated regulatory frameworks for their gaming operations. Many of those tribes have put in place standards regarding rules of play for their games, as well as financial and accounting standards for their operations. They are significant and for many tribes contribute the bulk of regulatory activities under the IGRA. The amendment I propose today would require the NIGC, prior to assessing any fee against an Indian gaming operation, to determine the nature and level of any such tribal or joint tribal-state regulatory activities and to reduce the fees assessed accordingly. The goals of this provision are two-fold: to provide the NIGC with the resources it needs to carry out its obligations under the IGRA, but to recognize the often significant regulatory activities at the local level. It is important for us to keep these facts, and the goals of the gaming statute, in mind. Where gaming exists, it provides a great opportunity for tribes to develop other business and development projects. However, it must be our goal, and it is my mission, to assist the tribes in the development of their economies through clean and efficient gaming operations. I urge my colleagues to support these reasonable and necessary amendments. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I am introducing a bill to assist Indians and tribal businesses to foster entrepreneurship and healthy reservation economies. I am pleased to be joined by Senator Inouye. As we stand ready to enter the next century, Indian tribes and their members continue to face many challenges--poor health, substandard housing and educational facilities, substance abuse, and a host of other social and economic problems. A top priority for the Committee on Indian Affairs and me in the next two years will be to help tribal governments build stronger and healthier economies to provide jobs and hope to their members. The results of centuries of federal domination of Indian affairs and Indian economies is predictable: stagnant reservation economies and the absence of a private sector to create the kind of job opportunities and business-creating activities that Indians so desperately need. Despite the popular myth that ``all Indians are rich'' from gambling, the realities of life for the great majority of Native Americans are harsh and have shown little sign of improvement in recent years. In the Great Depression of the 1930s, the national unemployment rate was 25 percent, and it was a national crisis. In 1999, Indian country has a collective unemployment rate running at 50% and there are few comments made, little urgency heard, and very little being done to address the problem. We sympathize, as we should, with Third World countries torn by strife and lack of economic development. We provide loan guarantees, technical assistance, and aid and trade. For Indians, the response is usually that ``they should just get a job''. The fact is there are few if any job opportunities on most Indian lands in this nation. The requirement that people on federal assistance get and keep a job is the long-term goal of the 1996 welfare reform laws, and frankly, the tribes are behind the curve in preparing for the full implementation of the law. The goal of the legislation I introduce today and other bills this session will be on helping attract capital and value-added activities to Indian lands in such fields as manufacturing, energy, agriculture, livestock and fisheries, high technology and electronic commerce, arts and crafts and a host of service industries. This bill aims to make best use of existing programs to provide the necessary tools to tribes to attract and retain capital and employment. The model I am encouraging with this bill has proven highly successful in the self governance arena and in the Indian job training program, known as the ``477 program''. By providing for an efficient coordination of existing business development programs in the Commerce Department and maximizing resources available to tribes, this bill is a first step toward better cooperation between and within agencies across the federal government. Building healthy Indian economies will require efforts by the tribal as well as the federal government. The tribes have a responsibility as well. A fundamental principle of Indian self determination requires that the tribes play a greater role in their own affairs. In many areas such as self governance, the tribes are increasingly administering federal services, programs, and activities in lieu of the federal government. This has led to more capable and accountable tribal governments. A corollary of Indian political self government is a reduction in the dependence on the federal bureaucracy and federal funds, through assuming a greater role in the tribes funding their own government activities. A number of tribes are achieving some success in reaching this stage, and it should be our policy to assist more tribes in achieving this transition from federal to tribal-domination of tribal affairs. Under this bill, the Native American Business Development Office (NABDO) will coordinate existing programs within the Department of Commerce, including those geared to encouraging American businesses in the fields of international trade and tourism. I want to be clear: this bill does not create any new programs but will achieve more efficiency in those that already exist, and within existing budget authority. Because the central aim of the legislation is to encourage non-gaming development, the bill also prohibits assistance under the act from being used for gaming on Indian lands. I urge my colleagues to join me in providing the tools necessary to build strong and diversified Indian economies so that tribal members have the same job opportunities enjoyed by other Americans. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, in 1996 Congress enacted historic legislation involving the financing, construction, and maintenance of housing for American Indians and Alaska Natives. With this initiative, called the Native American Housing Assistance and Self-Determination Act (NAHASDA), decisions regarding Indian housing are no longer solely a matter for the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). Consistent with principles of local autonomy and Indian self- determination, NAHASDA enables tribes--for the first time--to develop and implement housing plans that meet their needs, and in a way that is more efficient. The Act requires that funds for Indian housing be provided to Indian tribes in housing block grants with monitoring and oversight provided by HUD. I am hopeful that the successes achieved by tribes who participate in the Indian Self-Determination and Education Act and the Tribal Self- Governance Act can now be duplicated in the housing arena with the implementation of NAHASDA. With housing as the anchor for community development, we can turn our attention to other initiatives such as banking, business development, and infrastructure construction. NAHASDA became effective October 1, 1997. In implementing the Act both HUD and the tribes have told us that there are provisions in the statute in need of clarification. I would like to cite two examples. Prior to the passage of NAHASDA, Indian tribes receiving HOME block grant funds could use those funds to leverage low income housing tax credits. Unlike HOME funds, block grants to tribes under the new NAHASDA are considered ``federal funds'' and cannot be used to access these tax credits. Therefore, tribes cannot use designated new block grant funds to access a program which they formerly could is an unintended consequence affecting housing development in Indian country. This bill would restore tribal eligibility for the low income housing tax credit by placing NAHASDA funds on the same footing as HOME funds, with no change to current low income housing tax credit programs. In addition, there are conflicting provisions in the statute with regard to the authority of the HUD Secretary to enforce the act against non-compliant entities. This bill clarifies that authority and provides clear guidance for the Secretary in such instances. Tribal leaders, Indian housing experts, and federal officials testified at a hearing of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs in March 1997 about funding and other anticipated problems, including achieving the appropriate level of oversight and monitoring. The focus of the hearing was constructive and encouraged all parties to work for a better managed and more efficient Indian housing system. The bill I am introducing today, joined by Senator Inouye, the Native American Housing Assistance and Self-Determination Act Amendments of 1999, provides the required clarification and changes that will help the tribes and HUD in achieving a smoother transition from the old housing regime to the new framework of NAHASDA. In the last session, I originally introduced a bill identical to this legislation, S.1280, and I am hopeful that these amendments can be enacted this year. As Chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs I am committed to ensuring that funds for Indian housing are used efficiently, properly and within the bounds provided by law. I also want to ensure that, consistent with the federal obligation to Indian tribes, tribal members have safe, decent, and affordable housing. That is the goal of NAHASDA and that is the policy of this Congress. I am confident that the implementation of NAHASDA has given tribes the ability to better design and implement their own housing plans and in the process provide better housing opportunities to their tribal members. In making the transition from dominating the housing realm to monitoring the activities of the tribes, HUD needs guidance from the Committee as to its proper role and responsibilities under the Act. The Act, and the amendments I am proposing today, will go a long way in making sure that the management problems that were associated with the old, HUD-dominated housing system will be eliminated, paving the way for more and better housing for American Indians and Alaska Natives. I urge my colleagues to join me in enacting these reasonable and necessary amendments. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I introduce the Buffalo Nickel Coin Act, a bill based on legislation I introduced in the 105th Congress, S. 1112 and Senate Amendment 3013. This bill authorizes the minting of a limited-edition commemorative coin, based on the design of the original Buffalo Nickel, which was in circulation from 1913 to 1938. It also directs the dedication of profits from the sale of the coin to the construction of the Smithsonian's Museum of the Native American. This bill is in compliance with USC Title 31, the Commemorative Coin Act. In February 1998, I presented the design of the coin to the Mint and provided testimony regarding the history of the nickel and its design. Former Ambassador to Austria and Colorado buffalo rancher, Swanee Hunt, joined me at this presentation to share her support. Since then I have been working closely with officials at the Treasury and the Citizens Commemorative Coin Advisory Committee. The recommendation of the Committee is necessary in order to bring the coin into circulation. In their 1998 annual report, the Committee approved the minting of a half-dollar coin, based on the design of the Buffalo Nickel, which will go into circulation in 2001. The Committee's recommendation to put the coin into circulation in 2001 will coincide well with the Museum's scheduled opening date of 2002. This legislation reflects the goals of all interested parties, and still maintains the original goal of raising funds for the preservation of Native American artifacts in the Museum of the American Indian. I urge my colleagues to support passage of this bill. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I introduce the Indian Gaming Regulatory Improvement Act of 1999, co-sponsored by Senator Inouye, to address two critical elements related to the federal component of Indian gaming regulation. With any legislation affecting Indian gaming, it is important to keep in mind the aims of the 1988 Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA): ensuring that gaming continues to be a tool for Indian economic development, and ensuring that the games conducted are kept free from corrupting forces to maintain the integrity of the industry. First, this bill provides necessary reforms in the area of gaming regulation by requiring that the National Indian Gaming Commission and the gaming tribes themselves, develop and implement a system of minimum internal control, background investigation and licensing standards for all tribes that operate class II and class III gaming. My intention in proposing these standards is to guarantee that gaming is conducted in a safe and fair manner at every tribal gaming facility in the United States not only to preserve gaming integrity but to provide certainty and security to the consumers of Indian gaming. Second, this legislation provides that the fees assessed are used only for the regulatory activities of the National Indian Gaming Commission (NIGC) by requiring that all fees be paid into a trust fund, which may only be accessed by the NIGC for purposes approved by Congress. The existing federal Indian gaming law was passed by Congress more than ten years ago. At that time, gaming was a small industry, consisting mainly of high stakes bingo operations, termed ``class II'' gaming under the statute. In 1988, virtually no one contemplated that gaming would become the billion dollar industry that exists today, providing tribes with much needed capital for development and employment opportunities where none previously existed. Because of gaming, some tribes have been wildly successful, fortunate because of their geographical location. These tribes employ thousands of people, both Indian and non-Indian, and have greatly reduced the welfare rolls in their local area. Though gaming revenues have exploded in the last ten years, the IGRA has been significantly amended only one time. In 1997, I introduced an amendment that would allow the NIGC to assess fees against casino-style gaming operations, termed ``class III'' gaming under the statute, and to fund its regulatory efforts in Indian Country. Mr. President, these additional fees are necessary to ensure meaningful federal involvement in the regulation of class III gaming. As of January 1, 1998, approximately 77% of NIGC-approved management contracts were for class III operations. In 1997, the NIGC processed some 18,000 fingerprint cards and 21,000 investigative reports. The Commission also approved some 241 tribal gaming ordinances and, importantly, took 53 formal enforcement actions. The vast majority of these enforcement actions were issued against class III operations. Most striking, before the 1997 amendment was enacted, the NIGC employed only 7 investigators who were responsible for monitoring the entire Indian gaming industry. The 1997 amendment has enabled the NIGC to take steps to increase its regulation and enforcement efforts. Additionally, the Commission has been able to hire much-needed field investigators who are personally responsible for monitoring local tribal gaming operations. The Commission should be applauded for these activities. What these facts and figures do not reveal, however, is the significant amount of tribal and joint tribal-state regulatory activities undertaken at the local level. It should be noted that many Indian tribes, often working with the states where gaming is located, have developed sophisticated regulatory frameworks for their gaming operations. Many of those tribes have put in place standards regarding rules of play for their games, as well as financial and accounting standards for their operations. They are significant and for many tribes contribute the bulk of regulatory activities under the IGRA. The amendment I propose today would require the NIGC, prior to assessing any fee against an Indian gaming operation, to determine the nature and level of any such tribal or joint tribal-state regulatory activities and to reduce the fees assessed accordingly. The goals of this provision are two-fold: to provide the NIGC with the resources it needs to carry out its obligations under the IGRA, but to recognize the often significant regulatory activities at the local level. It is important for us to keep these facts, and the goals of the gaming statute, in mind. Where gaming exists, it provides a great opportunity for tribes to develop other business and development projects. However, it must be our goal, and it is my mission, to assist the tribes in the development of their economies through clean and efficient gaming operations. I urge my colleagues to support these reasonable and necessary amendments. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I would like to announce that the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs will meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, February 10, 1999, at 9:30 a.m., to hold a confirmation hearing on the nomination of Montie Deer to be the Chairman of the National Indian Gaming Commission. The hearing will be held in room 485 of the Russell Senate Office Building. Those wishing additional information should contact the Committee on Indian Affairs at 202/224-2251.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, Senate Standing Rule XXVI requires each committee to adopt rules to govern the procedures of the Committee and to publish those rules in the Congressional Record not later than March 1 of the first year of each Congress. On January 6, 1999, the Committee on Indian Affairs held a business meeting during which the members of the Committee unanimously adopted rules to govern the procedures of the Committee. Consistent with Standing Rule XXVI, today I am submitting for printing in the Congressional Record a copy of the Rules of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs. The rules follow:

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I recognize the members of the World Champion Denver Broncos of the National Football League and their stunning Super Bowl victory this past weekend. For the second consecutive year, the Denver Broncos have proven the value of dedication, preparation and execution as they played through the regular football season, into the playoffs and in the league championship, Super Bowl XXXIII. I would also like to recognize the Atlanta Falcons for a terrific season. They deserve praise for their efforts and a well fought game. Few gave them a chance to make it as far as they did; but, they proved to everyone that they are a team of the future. Most folks know how close the Denver Broncos came during the past season to going undefeated. In addition, the Denver Bronco players and the entire organization won more games during the three most recent seasons than any other NFL team. Great teams are measured by sustained success and by any measure, the Denver Broncos rank among the greatest teams in history. For the first time in nearly 20 years the Broncos, an American Football Conference team, won back to back Super Bowls. A total team effort was exemplified by the Denver Broncos this season. Mr. President, I would also like to recognize several members of the Denver Broncos organization for their outstanding achievements during this past season. Specifically, Owner Pat Bowlen and Head Coach Mike Shanahan for their proven ability to assemble the necessary players and develop game plans that consistently provide victories for this franchise; Quarterback John Elway, Super Bowl XXXIII's Most Valuable Player and a consistent Pro Bowl caliber quarterback who for 16 seasons has been the uncontested leader of the Denver Broncos and a valuable civic leader and role model for young Americans; and running back Terrell Davis, the NFL's Most Valuable Player for the 1998-99 season. These people are the most recognizable names in the Broncos' organization and are major contributors to the Broncos' success. But, like in my office, the total team effort is what made the Broncos victorious. The entire team worked together and went after and achieved a common goal. Each team member deserves to be recognized and I will mention them in numerical order: Jason Elam, Bubby Brister, Brian Griese, Tom Rouen, Tory James, Darrien Gordon, Vaughn Hebron, Darrius Johnson, Eric Brown, Steve Atwater, Tito Paul, Howard Griffith, Derek Loville, Tyrone Braxton, Anthony Lynn, Ray Crockett, Detron Smith, George Coghill, John Mobley, Bill Romanowski, Nate Wayne, Keith Burns, Glenn Cadrez, K.C. Johns, Dan Neil, David Diaz-Infante, Tom Nalen, Mark Schlereth, Trey Teague, Cyron Brown, Harry Swayne, Tony Jones, Matt Lepsis, Chris Banks, Rod Smith, Marcus Nash, Justin Armour, Shannon Sharpe, Willie Green, Byron Chamberlain, Ed McCaffrey, Dwayne Carswell, Neil Smith, Alfred Williams, Trevor Pryce, Keith Traylor, Marvin Washington, Harald Hasselbach, Mike Lodish, Maa Tanuvasa, Seth Joyner, Steve Russ, Jeff Lewis, Chris Gizzi, Andre Cooper, Tori Noel, Curtis Alexander, Viliami Maumau, Marvin Thomas; and the coaching staff, Frank Bush, Barney Chavous, Rick Dennison, Ed Donatell, George Dyer, Alex Gibbs, Mike Heimerdinger, Gary Kubiak, Pat McPherson, Brian Pariani, Ricky Porter, Greg Robinson, Greg Saporta, Rick Smith, John Teerlinck, Bobby Turner, and Rich Tuten. Many people also underestimated the strength of the Denver Broncos' defense. When push came to shove, the defense kept the second best running back in the game this season from gaining 100 rushing yards and intercepted three passes from the opposing quarterback in the Super Bowl. Defense wins championships, and Denver's defense proved this to be true. Mr. President, the offensive line needs to be recognized for an outstanding effort--season after season. The reason the Denver Broncos running and passing attack was so dominant was, in large part, due to the efforts of the offensive line. The Denver Broncos have come a long way since their introduction into the American Football League in 1960, with their mustard and brown vertical striped socks, to the Denver Broncos of today which have dominated the NFL with two consecutive world championships. It is a special honor for me to make a Senate floor statement for the second year in a row to congratulate the Denver Broncos. Today I invite my Senate colleagues to join me in a Mile High Salute to the World Champion Denver Broncos.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I introduce the National Park Service Commercial Filming Permit Fee Act of 1999. This bill gives the National Park Service (NPS) and the National Wildlife Refuge System (NWRS) the authority to require fee-based permits for the use of Park Service and National Wildlife Reserve lands in the production of motion pictures, television programs, advertisements or other similar commercial purposes. This bill is based on legislation which I introduced in the 105th Congress, S. 1614. Our National Parks are among our nation's most valuable resources. The National Park Service Commercial Filming Permit Fee Act of 1999 would help us to protect them and ensure that future generations will be able to enjoy their beauty by making sure the parks are reimbursed for their commercial use. The Bureau of Land Management and the Forest Service already have a similar permit and fee system for commercial filming on public lands. It doesn't make sense that our National Parks, which have been deemed to be even more precious by their designation, should be used commercially for free. This is especially important now when taxpayers are facing increased fees to enter the national parks and more people are enjoying our natural wonders every year in record numbers. My bill allows the National Park Service to collect a fair return fee when the American peoples' parks are used in these commercial media ventures and then devotes those fees to the preservation of our National Parks. Common sense directs us to do this, and I believe this bill is fair for the commercial users of our National Parks, and more importantly, for the American taxpayers. This bill builds upon progress made through hearings, conferences, and other valuable input received during the 105th Congress. The revised legislative language reflects input from the administration, industry groups--including the Motion Picture Association of America-- and public interest groups such as the National Parks and Conservation Association. This bill is similar to legislation that my friend and colleague from Colorado, Congressman Hefley, introduced in the 105th and reintroduced in the 106th Congress as H.R. 154. Mr. President, I have letters from two key interested associations in support of my bill's goals. I ask unanimous consent that these letters of support from the Motion Picture Association of America and the National Parks and Conservation Association and my bill be printed in the Record. I urge my colleagues to support passage of this bill.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I introduce the National Park Service Commercial Filming Permit Fee Act of 1999. This bill gives the National Park Service (NPS) and the National Wildlife Refuge System (NWRS) the authority to require fee-based permits for the use of Park Service and National Wildlife Reserve lands in the production of motion pictures, television programs, advertisements or other similar commercial purposes. This bill is based on legislation which I introduced in the 105th Congress, S. 1614. Our National Parks are among our nation's most valuable resources. The National Park Service Commercial Filming Permit Fee Act of 1999 would help us to protect them and ensure that future generations will be able to enjoy their beauty by making sure the parks are reimbursed for their commercial use. The Bureau of Land Management and the Forest Service already have a similar permit and fee system for commercial filming on public lands. It doesn't make sense that our National Parks, which have been deemed to be even more precious by their designation, should be used commercially for free. This is especially important now when taxpayers are facing increased fees to enter the national parks and more people are enjoying our natural wonders every year in record numbers. My bill allows the National Park Service to collect a fair return fee when the American peoples' parks are used in these commercial media ventures and then devotes those fees to the preservation of our National Parks. Common sense directs us to do this, and I believe this bill is fair for the commercial users of our National Parks, and more importantly, for the American taxpayers. This bill builds upon progress made through hearings, conferences, and other valuable input received during the 105th Congress. The revised legislative language reflects input from the administration, industry groups--including the Motion Picture Association of America-- and public interest groups such as the National Parks and Conservation Association. This bill is similar to legislation that my friend and colleague from Colorado, Congressman Hefley, introduced in the 105th and reintroduced in the 106th Congress as H.R. 154. Mr. President, I have letters from two key interested associations in support of my bill's goals. I ask unanimous consent that these letters of support from the Motion Picture Association of America and the National Parks and Conservation Association and my bill be printed in the Record. I urge my colleagues to support passage of this bill.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I am introducing legislation to create the Black Canyon National Park. This bill is based on legislation which I introduced in the 104th Congress, but has been revised to include additional input from the Bureau of Land Management and the National Park Service. In 1996, as the former Chairman of the Subcommittee on Parks, Historic Preservation and Recreation, I conducted a field hearing and received input from local groups and individuals which I also incorporated into my new bill. With its narrow opening, sheer walls, and scenic depths, the Black Canyon is a jewel in North America. Nearly everyone who has visited the site is struck by the breathtaking beauty of this 2,000 foot deep, nearly impenetrable canyon. The canyon is also home to a vast assortment of wildlife that range from chipmunks to black bear, from bobcats to coyotes. Its unique combination of geologic features makes the Black Canyon deserving of National Park status. This legislation has been a long time coming to the State of Colorado, and in particular, the Western Slope of my state. My Black Canyon bill incorporates the input of the federal agencies involved and, in my view, represents an innovative approach to protecting unique natural resources for future generations in the most fiscally responsible manner possible. This legislation does far more than simply create a new national park from what is now a national monument. This legislation establishes a cooperative approach to managing this natural resource and calls on all affected resource management agencies in the area to play key collaborative roles. I want to stress that this legislation does not increase federal expenditures, and the collective management approach this legislation creates does not in any way require, imply, or contemplate an attempt by the Federal Government to usurp state water rights, state water law, or intrude upon private property rights. The Secretary of the Interior will manage the entire area and will be able to utilize all available fiscal and human resources in the administration and management of this natural resource in a unique, money-saving manner. This legislation will also eliminate duplicate operations and form a coordinated, efficient and fiscally responsible management structure. I have worked to forge consensus on this issue, and I am pleased to propose this cooperative management plan for this beautiful example of our natural heritage. I urge my colleagues to support passage of this bill. I ask unanimous consent that the bill and letters of support be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I am introducing legislation that would amend the ``Flag Code'' to add the Martin Luther King, Jr. holiday to the list of days on which the American flag should be displayed nationwide. It is a testament to the greatness of Martin Luther King, Jr., that nearly every major city in the U.S. has a street or school named after him. I have to admit, I was surprised to learn that the American flag was not flown to commemorate the Dr. King holiday. Dr. King, a minister, prolific writer and Nobel Prize winner originated the nonviolence strategy within the activist civil rights movement. He was one of the most important black leaders of his era and in American history. When Dr. King was tragically assassinated on April 4, 1968, he had already transformed himself as a national hero and a pioneer in trying to unite a divided nation. He strove to build communities of hope and opportunity for all and recognized that all Americans must be free to truly have a great country. Dr. King was a person who wanted all people to get along regardless of their race, color or creed. His holiday came about due to the work of many determined people who wanted all of us to pause to remember his legacy. This legislation simply would make sure that we celebrate his birthday as a federal holiday in the fashion afforded to other great Americans whose birthdays are cause for national commemoration. I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this important bill. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I am introducing legislation to create the Black Canyon National Park. This bill is based on legislation which I introduced in the 104th Congress, but has been revised to include additional input from the Bureau of Land Management and the National Park Service. In 1996, as the former Chairman of the Subcommittee on Parks, Historic Preservation and Recreation, I conducted a field hearing and received input from local groups and individuals which I also incorporated into my new bill. With its narrow opening, sheer walls, and scenic depths, the Black Canyon is a jewel in North America. Nearly everyone who has visited the site is struck by the breathtaking beauty of this 2,000 foot deep, nearly impenetrable canyon. The canyon is also home to a vast assortment of wildlife that range from chipmunks to black bear, from bobcats to coyotes. Its unique combination of geologic features makes the Black Canyon deserving of National Park status. This legislation has been a long time coming to the State of Colorado, and in particular, the Western Slope of my state. My Black Canyon bill incorporates the input of the federal agencies involved and, in my view, represents an innovative approach to protecting unique natural resources for future generations in the most fiscally responsible manner possible. This legislation does far more than simply create a new national park from what is now a national monument. This legislation establishes a cooperative approach to managing this natural resource and calls on all affected resource management agencies in the area to play key collaborative roles. I want to stress that this legislation does not increase federal expenditures, and the collective management approach this legislation creates does not in any way require, imply, or contemplate an attempt by the Federal Government to usurp state water rights, state water law, or intrude upon private property rights. The Secretary of the Interior will manage the entire area and will be able to utilize all available fiscal and human resources in the administration and management of this natural resource in a unique, money-saving manner. This legislation will also eliminate duplicate operations and form a coordinated, efficient and fiscally responsible management structure. I have worked to forge consensus on this issue, and I am pleased to propose this cooperative management plan for this beautiful example of our natural heritage. I urge my colleagues to support passage of this bill. I ask unanimous consent that the bill and letters of support be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I am introducing legislation that would amend the ``Flag Code'' to add the Martin Luther King, Jr. holiday to the list of days on which the American flag should be displayed nationwide. It is a testament to the greatness of Martin Luther King, Jr., that nearly every major city in the U.S. has a street or school named after him. I have to admit, I was surprised to learn that the American flag was not flown to commemorate the Dr. King holiday. Dr. King, a minister, prolific writer and Nobel Prize winner originated the nonviolence strategy within the activist civil rights movement. He was one of the most important black leaders of his era and in American history. When Dr. King was tragically assassinated on April 4, 1968, he had already transformed himself as a national hero and a pioneer in trying to unite a divided nation. He strove to build communities of hope and opportunity for all and recognized that all Americans must be free to truly have a great country. Dr. King was a person who wanted all people to get along regardless of their race, color or creed. His holiday came about due to the work of many determined people who wanted all of us to pause to remember his legacy. This legislation simply would make sure that we celebrate his birthday as a federal holiday in the fashion afforded to other great Americans whose birthdays are cause for national commemoration. I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this important bill. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I introduce the Honesty in Sweepstakes Act of 1999. This bill addresses one of the most troubling and persistent consumer abuse issues we face today: highly deceptive, and all too often financially damaging, sweepstakes and other mass mail promotions. Our nation's seniors and other vulnerable consumers are clearly being taken advantage of, and in some cases seriously financially harmed, by intentionally misleading sweepstakes promotions. Thousands of nationwide victims are being deliberately misled into believing that they have just won or are likely to win a sweepstakes when in fact they have neither won nor are in fact likely to win such a prize. Each year American consumers also receive hundreds of millions of cashier's check look-alikes that deceptively masquerade as real cashier's checks while actually being worthless. These ploys unfairly prey upon some people's hopes and dreams. Over the years sweepstakes have become increasingly sophisticated and deceptive. While these promotional tactics may be technically legal they are designed to skirt the intentions and outer limits of the law. These deceptive tactics run counter to core American values of honesty and forthrightness. There is abundant evidence, including the deceptive sweepstakes and other promotions each of us receives in our mailboxes on a regular basis, that current laws aimed at stopping these deceptive promotions simply are not working. Something needs to be done. This bill addresses these deceptive sweepstakes and cashier's checks look-alikes by requiring up-front, clear and easy to read Honesty in Sweepstakes disclosures that will help protect consumers by counterbalancing false promises and deception. While honest and straight-forward sweepstakes promoters have nothing to fear from this bill, those promotions that revert to false and deceptive tactics will feel the heat. The Honesty in Sweepstakes Act of 1999 is a refined version of my original legislation, S. 2141, that I introduced during the 105th Congress. The bill I am introducing today incorporates valuable input I received during a Senate hearing on S.2141 and from productive discussions and negotiations involving key interested parties. Included among those who have made valuable contributions are: my Senate colleagues; the U.S. Postal Service; the General Accounting Office; Attorneys General from several states including Colorado, Florida, Michigan and New York; the American Association of Retired Persons; the Consumer Federation of America; the National Consumers League; the Direct Marketing Association; the Magazine Publishers of America and other industry representatives and experts. I want to thank them for their contributions to the Honesty in Sweepstakes Act of 1999. The AARP has informed me that ``Research has shown that older Americans may be particularly vulnerable to techniques used by sweepstakes companies. At times they end up purchasing products that they do not want in the hopes of improving their chances of winning. Additionally, it has been shown that participation in these sweepstakes can lead to a rise in the number of telemarketing calls a person receives as well as an increase in mailed solicitations.'' The Honesty in Sweepstakes Act of 1999 will go a long way toward protecting our nation's seniors and other vulnerable consumers from misleading and deceptive sweepstakes promotions. The most vulnerable consumers among us deserve this protection. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation. I ask unanimous consent that this bill and a letter from the AARP be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I introduce the Honesty in Sweepstakes Act of 1999. This bill addresses one of the most troubling and persistent consumer abuse issues we face today: highly deceptive, and all too often financially damaging, sweepstakes and other mass mail promotions. Our nation's seniors and other vulnerable consumers are clearly being taken advantage of, and in some cases seriously financially harmed, by intentionally misleading sweepstakes promotions. Thousands of nationwide victims are being deliberately misled into believing that they have just won or are likely to win a sweepstakes when in fact they have neither won nor are in fact likely to win such a prize. Each year American consumers also receive hundreds of millions of cashier's check look-alikes that deceptively masquerade as real cashier's checks while actually being worthless. These ploys unfairly prey upon some people's hopes and dreams. Over the years sweepstakes have become increasingly sophisticated and deceptive. While these promotional tactics may be technically legal they are designed to skirt the intentions and outer limits of the law. These deceptive tactics run counter to core American values of honesty and forthrightness. There is abundant evidence, including the deceptive sweepstakes and other promotions each of us receives in our mailboxes on a regular basis, that current laws aimed at stopping these deceptive promotions simply are not working. Something needs to be done. This bill addresses these deceptive sweepstakes and cashier's checks look-alikes by requiring up-front, clear and easy to read Honesty in Sweepstakes disclosures that will help protect consumers by counterbalancing false promises and deception. While honest and straight-forward sweepstakes promoters have nothing to fear from this bill, those promotions that revert to false and deceptive tactics will feel the heat. The Honesty in Sweepstakes Act of 1999 is a refined version of my original legislation, S. 2141, that I introduced during the 105th Congress. The bill I am introducing today incorporates valuable input I received during a Senate hearing on S.2141 and from productive discussions and negotiations involving key interested parties. Included among those who have made valuable contributions are: my Senate colleagues; the U.S. Postal Service; the General Accounting Office; Attorneys General from several states including Colorado, Florida, Michigan and New York; the American Association of Retired Persons; the Consumer Federation of America; the National Consumers League; the Direct Marketing Association; the Magazine Publishers of America and other industry representatives and experts. I want to thank them for their contributions to the Honesty in Sweepstakes Act of 1999. The AARP has informed me that ``Research has shown that older Americans may be particularly vulnerable to techniques used by sweepstakes companies. At times they end up purchasing products that they do not want in the hopes of improving their chances of winning. Additionally, it has been shown that participation in these sweepstakes can lead to a rise in the number of telemarketing calls a person receives as well as an increase in mailed solicitations.'' The Honesty in Sweepstakes Act of 1999 will go a long way toward protecting our nation's seniors and other vulnerable consumers from misleading and deceptive sweepstakes promotions. The most vulnerable consumers among us deserve this protection. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation. I ask unanimous consent that this bill and a letter from the AARP be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I introduce a bill that I feel is of vital importance to farmers and family business owners, the Estate and Gift Tax Rate Reduction Act of 1999. I am pleased to be joined by my colleagues Senators Mack and Hutchison. This bill is based on legislation I introduced last year, S. 2318. Unfortunately, the 105th Congress adjourned before we could debate and pass this bill. Since then, I have heard from numerous Coloradans and national organizations and am fully aware that the problems the bill would correct still exist. Estate and gift taxes remain a burden of American families, particularly those who pursue the American dream of owning their own business. This is because family-owned businesses and farms are hit with the highest tax rate when they are handed down to descendants-- often immediately following the death of a loved one. These taxes, and the financial burdens and difficulties they create come at the worst possible time. Making a terrible situation worse is the fact that the rate of this estate tax is crushing, reaching as high as 55 percent for the highest bracket. That's higher than even the highest income tax rate bracket of 39 percent. Furthermore, the tax is due as soon as the business is turned over to the heir, allowing no time for financial planning or the setting aside of money to pay the tax bills. Estate and gift taxes right now are one of the leading reasons why the number of family-owned farms and businesses are declining; the burden of this tax is just too much. This tax sends the troubling message that families should either sell the business while they are still alive, in order to spare their descendants this huge tax after their passing, or run-down the value of the business, so that it won't make it into their higher tax brackets. Whichever the case may be, it hardly seems to encourage private investment and initiative, which have always been such a strong part of our American heritage. That is why I again introduce this bill. It will gradually eliminate this tax by phasing it out--reducing the amount of the tax 5% each year, beginning with the highest rate bracket 55%, until the tax rate reaches zero. Several states have already adopted similar plans, and I believe we ought to follow their example. We need to change the message we are sending to farmers and family business owners. Leading organizations agree, and have endorsed this legislation. In fact, over 100 organizations, like the National Federation of Independent Business and the Farm Bureau, have joined together to form the Family Business Estate Tax Coalition, which strongly endorses the bill. Mr. President, this tax should be eliminated across the board, and I ask my colleagues' help in working to achieve that goal. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill and letters from the American Farm Bureau Federation and Family Business Estate Tax Coalition be printed in the Record.

Mr. CAMPBELL

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, today I am joined with my colleagues in submitting this resolution to keep alive in the memory of all Americans, the sacrifice and commitment of those men and women who lost their lives while serving as law enforcement officers. Specifically, this resolution would designate May 15, 1999, as National Peace Officers Memorial Day. Currently, more than 700,000 men and women who serve this nation as our guardians of law and order do so at a great risk. Every year, about 1 in 9 officers is assaulted, 1 in 25 officers is injured, and 1 in 4,400 officers is killed in the line of duty. There are few communities in this country that have not been impacted by the senseless death of a police officer. In 1998, over 158 federal, state and local law enforcement officers have given their lives in the line of duty and nearly 15,000 men and women have made that supreme sacrifice. And, our Capitol community as well as the nation were shocked and saddened last year by the tragic and senseless shooting of Capitol Police Officer Jacob Chestnut and Special Agent John Gibson. According to National Law Enforcement Officers Memorial Fund Chairman Craig W. Floyd, Since crime began its steady downward slide in 1992, more than 1,100 federal, state and local law enforcement officers have lost their lives in the performance of duty. That averages out to 158 police deaths each year, or one officer killed somewhere in America roughly every 54 hours. As a former deputy sheriff, I know first-hand the risks which law enforcement officers face every day on the front lines protecting our communities. Last year for example, in Cortez, Colorado, police officer Dale Claxton was fatally shot through the windshield of his patrol car after stopping a stolen truck. Officer Claxton was tragically and prematurely taken away from his wife and four children. Today, two of the three suspects are still at large, even after an extensive manhunt. On May 15, 1999, more than 15,000 peace officers are expected to gather in our Nation's Capital to join with the families of their fallen comrades, past and present, who by their faithful and loyal devotion to their responsibilities have rendered a dedicated service to their communities and, in doing so, have established for themselves an enviable and enduring reputation for preserving the rights and security of all citizens. Mr. President, I urge my colleagues to join us in supporting this important resolution. I ask unanimous consent that letters of support be printed in the Record.