Benjamin Cardin

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, tomorrow, January 27, is the 77th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz, which is located in German- occupied Poland. January 27 has been designated by the United Nations as Holocaust Remembrance Day. At Auschwitz-Birkenau were the most notorious of the atrocities committed during World War II in concentration, labor, and death camps run by the Nazis in Germany during World War II. Six million Jews were murdered during World War II and 5 million others--Romas, Afros, Germans, gay men and women, people with disabilities, and others--who were just disliked by the Nazi regime. Eleven million people perished as a result of these atrocities. Our responsibility? To remember, to never forget what happened during World War II--what was committed--and to do everything in our power to make sure that these types of atrocities never happen again. We owe that to support the survivors so that their heroism is not forgotten, and we need to support Holocaust education. I want to thank my colleagues in the appropriations process. We have made funds available to help the survivors of the Holocaust and to provide for Holocaust education. ``Never again'' is what we need to achieve. We have not achieved it to date. We can look back at the atrocities committed in Rwanda or we could take a look at what is happening today with the Uighurs or with the Rohingyas or with the Yazidis--we see atrocities being committed around the world--or we could take a look at what is happening in Ukraine, perpetrated by Russia--the atrocities and war crimes that are being committed by the Russians. So, on this day of remembrance, it is important for us to understand where we are and to take steps to protect us against atrocities. I serve on the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum Board as the Senate representative. That is an institution that is dedicated to compiling information about the Holocaust, making it available through education and other opportunities for people to understand what happened, and to have a mission to prevent atrocities in the future. I also serve as the Senate Chair of the U.S. Helsinki Commission. The U.S. Helsinki Commission is best known for its commitment to advance human rights globally. I am proud of the work that we have done in Holocaust education and in fighting the rise of anti-Semitism. I also serve as the Special Representative of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe's Parliamentary Assembly on Anti- Semitism, Racism and Intolerance. I mention all of that because I want to share with you the concerns, the warning bells, that have gone off as to the rise of hate in our own community and around the world that should be of concern to all of us. In 2021, there was the highest number of instances of anti-Semitism in the United States in its history. We broke the record in 2021. According to the ADL, there was a 60-percent increase in 2021 over 2020 in anti-Semitic activities. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security has issued a warning about the heightened potential for violent domestic attacks. These anti-Semitic activities are deadly. I need not remind us all of the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, in 2018, where 11 people were murdered by anti-Semitic activity. There are 25 percent of Jews who live in America who fear violence caused by anti- Semitism. I have had a chance to visit a lot of countries as a Member of the U.S. Senate and as a former Member of the House. I try to visit synagogues when I travel abroad, and it is understood that there will be security in front of the synagogue buildings when I attend the services, but I always felt comfortable in the United States that that would not be necessary. It is now necessary for synagogues to have security here in the United States and for mosques and other areas that are vulnerable to violence caused by hate. We are also at risk today in our own democratic institutions. Anti- Semitism and hate is fueled by conspiracy theories, the replacement theory, which is based upon the old-age, anti-Semitic trope. That leads directly to violence. It is also a threat to our democratic institutions. Conspiracy theories about election deniers led up to the January 6 attack on this sacred building. We fight for the peaceful--we believe in the peaceful transfer of power, and we saw violence trying to prevent the peaceful transfer of power, which is critically important to our democratic institutions. Mr. Putin's campaign, in part, is based upon anti-Semitism. He says he wants to denazify Ukraine. Ukraine has a Jewish President, I would like to remind my colleagues. We all have a responsibility to fight anti-Semitism and any form of hate in our community. In 2004, I participated in the Berlin Conference, which was the first major international conference in recent times to coordinate strategies to fight anti-Semitism. What came out of that conference was that leaders have a responsibility to lead. Our words mean something. When there is violence in our community, we need to speak out against it. If any minority group is unsafe, we are all unsafe. We need to form coalitions to fight all forms of intolerance in our community. On November 29 of last year, I convened a roundtable discussion. I want to thank Senator Rosen and Senator Blumenthal for joining me and Congressman Veasey from the House of Representatives. We brought together representatives from the Department of Homeland Security, from the Department of Justice, from the White House, and from the Department of State. We had representatives from the Anti- Defamation League and from the American Jewish Committee. I want to compliment the Second Gentleman, Doug Emhoff, for holding a similar discussion in the White House. What came out of those discussions is that we need a whole-of- government approach in order to stop the tide--the rise--of hate and violence in our community. So I was so pleased that President Biden, on December 12, established an interagency group, led by the Domestic Policy Council, to increase and better coordinate U.S. Government efforts to counter anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, and related forms of fear and discrimination. We need a coordinated strategy. We all need to be part of that coordinated strategy. This is not 1 day a year; it is every day--365 days a year. We all need to be engaged. We all have a responsibility to join together in a coordinated strategy so that ``never again'' means never again. So, on this day of remembrance, as we acknowledge the liberation of the Auschwitz death camps, let us also rededicate ourselves to doing everything in our power so we really can say ``never again.'' I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Madam President, today I am proud to reintroduce the Preventive Health Savings Act. This bipartisan legislation would reform the Congressional Budget Office's CBO, scoring to better reflect the savings from preventive health initiatives by expanding the budgetary window the CBO evaluates. Currently, the CBO scores the budgetary implications of legislation over a 10-year period. Oftentimes, however, the cost-savings of preventive care are not clear within the current 10-year ``scoring'' window. This legislation would direct the CBO to extend its analysis beyond the existing 10-year budget window to two additional 10-year periods, which will give a truer picture of the benefits of health initiatives and better enable Congress to pass effective policies. Chronic and mental health conditions account for 90 percent of our Nation's $4.1 trillion in annual medical expenditures. In 2018, more than half of U.S. adults had 1 of 10 chronic conditions, and 27.2 percent had multiple chronic conditions, and this number is only expected to grow. Chronic diseases disproportionally affect racial and ethnic minorities. For example, when compared to non-Hispanic White adults, Black adults are 1.6 times, Asian American adults are 1.4 times, Hispanic adults are 1.7 times, American Indian and Alaska Native adults are 2.9 times, and Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander adults are 2.5 times more likely to be diagnosed with diabetes. Additionally, Black adults are 1.4 times, American Indian and Alaska Native adults are 1.2 times, and Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander adults are 1.3 times more likely to have asthma than non-Hispanic Whites. As more Americans experience chronic conditions, the healthcare costs in the United States will continue to rise. Not only are these costs a heavy burden on millions of Americans and their families, but they are also primary drivers of our annual Federal budget deficits and accumulated debt. As medical expenditures continue to rise, it is crucial that we capture the long-term savings that can be achieved by focusing our efforts on averting, halting, or slowing preventable diseases. This is why I have long been a champion for expanded access to affordable, high-quality preventive health care and am proud to have championed initiatives from coverage for colon screenings to increased access to oral health care. But we still have progress to make. I am encouraged by the cutting-edge research that world-class institutions in my home State of Maryland, such as the National Institutes of Health, NIH, are doing to address chronic diseases. Interventions, including screenings, vaccinations, and behavioral changes, can prevent or delay the onset of new cases and mitigate the progression of a preventable illness, which can result in large reductions in the financial, physical, and emotional toll of developing one or more chronic diseases. By having the data to enable us as lawmakers to look at cost-benefit analyses, we can most effectively use our Nation's resources to improve the health of Americans while reducing medical costs. The first step to altering the trajectory of chronic diseases and curbing healthcare costs is to have more accurate information on the cost savings of preventive care. I thank Senators Crapo, King, and Cramer for joining me in introducing this legislation and urge my other Senate colleagues to consider cosponsoring the measure.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Madam President, today I am proud to reintroduce the Preventive Health Savings Act. This bipartisan legislation would reform the Congressional Budget Office's CBO, scoring to better reflect the savings from preventive health initiatives by expanding the budgetary window the CBO evaluates. Currently, the CBO scores the budgetary implications of legislation over a 10-year period. Oftentimes, however, the cost-savings of preventive care are not clear within the current 10-year ``scoring'' window. This legislation would direct the CBO to extend its analysis beyond the existing 10-year budget window to two additional 10-year periods, which will give a truer picture of the benefits of health initiatives and better enable Congress to pass effective policies. Chronic and mental health conditions account for 90 percent of our Nation's $4.1 trillion in annual medical expenditures. In 2018, more than half of U.S. adults had 1 of 10 chronic conditions, and 27.2 percent had multiple chronic conditions, and this number is only expected to grow. Chronic diseases disproportionally affect racial and ethnic minorities. For example, when compared to non-Hispanic White adults, Black adults are 1.6 times, Asian American adults are 1.4 times, Hispanic adults are 1.7 times, American Indian and Alaska Native adults are 2.9 times, and Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander adults are 2.5 times more likely to be diagnosed with diabetes. Additionally, Black adults are 1.4 times, American Indian and Alaska Native adults are 1.2 times, and Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander adults are 1.3 times more likely to have asthma than non-Hispanic Whites. As more Americans experience chronic conditions, the healthcare costs in the United States will continue to rise. Not only are these costs a heavy burden on millions of Americans and their families, but they are also primary drivers of our annual Federal budget deficits and accumulated debt. As medical expenditures continue to rise, it is crucial that we capture the long-term savings that can be achieved by focusing our efforts on averting, halting, or slowing preventable diseases. This is why I have long been a champion for expanded access to affordable, high-quality preventive health care and am proud to have championed initiatives from coverage for colon screenings to increased access to oral health care. But we still have progress to make. I am encouraged by the cutting-edge research that world-class institutions in my home State of Maryland, such as the National Institutes of Health, NIH, are doing to address chronic diseases. Interventions, including screenings, vaccinations, and behavioral changes, can prevent or delay the onset of new cases and mitigate the progression of a preventable illness, which can result in large reductions in the financial, physical, and emotional toll of developing one or more chronic diseases. By having the data to enable us as lawmakers to look at cost-benefit analyses, we can most effectively use our Nation's resources to improve the health of Americans while reducing medical costs. The first step to altering the trajectory of chronic diseases and curbing healthcare costs is to have more accurate information on the cost savings of preventive care. I thank Senators Crapo, King, and Cramer for joining me in introducing this legislation and urge my other Senate colleagues to consider cosponsoring the measure.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Madam President, I have two requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority Leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate:

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Madam President, President Biden, on June 3, 2021, issued a memorandum on ``Establishing the Fight Against Corruption as a Core United States National Security Interest.'' I want to quote from the President when he issued that memorandum. President Biden said: Corruption threatens United States national security, economic equity, global anti-poverty and development efforts, and democracy itself. . . . [B]y effectively preventing and countering corruption and demonstrating the advantages of transparent and accountable governance, we can secure a critical advantage for the United States and other democracies. Corruption is a national security core interest. Corruption is the source of Mr. Putin's resources that he uses for his international activities, including the war in Ukraine and to try to bring down democratic states. Today, the Atlantic Council is releasing a report--the report titled ``Why the kleptocrats still win: A strategy for the United States and Europe to address weaponized corruption.'' The report points out how the kleptocrats hide their wealth in Western countries because they believe it is safer in Western countries to hide their wealth. And the report points out the need for us to coordinate efforts between the United States and Europe. Today, I am filing legislation, the Combating Global Corruption Act. I am joined by my friend Senator Todd Young of Indiana--bipartisan legislation--to deal with the U.S. leadership in fighting global corruption. It will give the State Department and the United States an important tool. It will give the United States leadership in showing the international community the steps that need to be taken in order to counter corruption. It would require the State Department to publish a list of countries in three tiers, the highest tier being those countries that are taking the steps necessary to fight corruption; the bottom tier would be those countries that are not making the required effort to deal with corruption in their country. The State Department will be using internationally established standards for fighting corruption that the international community has already signed off on as being the proper way to fight corruption in your particular state. For example, it references the Inter-American Convention Against Corruption, the Organization of American States--the OAS--that was passed in 1996: acknowledged procedures in our hemisphere to deal with corruption. It references the Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials, international business transactions of the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development--the OECD--which was adopted in 1997. It references the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime that was agreed to in 2000 and the United Nations Convention against Corruption, which was agreed to in 2003. These guidelines already exist and allow the United States to use those guidelines that have already been established by the global community to judge how every state is meeting their commitment to fight corruption. Countries that are not meeting their commitment, we put a spotlight on them. That spotlight encourages them to do more. It points out ways in which they can take action to fight corruption in their own country. Now, this is not a new strategy that we just came up with that we start giving a report on all countries on how well they are doing in fighting corruption. It is not a new concept. We have done that successfully in several other areas. One that we should take great pride in this institution--because we were ones who established this-- is the Trafficking in Persons requirements. Today, the United States files a report on every country as to how well they are meeting their international responsibilities to protect the modern victims of slavery, trafficking in persons. It has been bipartisan. It has been very effective. Secretary of State Blinken said, in releasing the report of this year, on July 19, 2022, he said: Today we're releasing the 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report. It assesses how 188 countries and territories, including the United States, are performing in terms of preventing trafficking, protecting victims, prosecuting traffickers. That makes this one of the most comprehensive sources of information anywhere on anti-trafficking efforts by government--what works, what doesn't, and how we can continue to do better. We do that in preventing trafficking. We can do that in stopping corruption. We have a country report on human rights. Again, I will quote from Secretary of State Blinken when he released this report on April 2, 2022. This is a report that judges all countries on how well they are dealing with human rights. Secretary Blinken said, in releasing that report on April 2 of last year: For nearly five decades, the United States has issued the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, which strive to provide a factual and objective record on the status of human rights worldwide--in 2021, covering 198 countries and territories. The information contained in these reports could not be more vital or urgent given ongoing human rights abuses and violations in many countries, continued democratic backsliding on several continents, and creeping authoritarianism that threatens both human rights and democracy--most notably, at present, with Russia's unprovoked attack on Ukraine. [A]nd using resources like the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, we can come closer to building a world where respect for human rights is truly universal. That human rights report works. Putting a spotlight on what countries need to do brings about change. It promotes a core value in the United States, respect for human rights and good governance. We do that here in the United States to show global leadership. I will mention one other report that is issued by our State Department, one on international religious freedom. Again, this was bipartisan. So on June 2 of last year, Secretary Blinken said, when he released the International Religious Freedom Report: This report offers a thorough, fact-based review of the state of religious freedom in nearly 200 countries and territories around the world. We produced this document every year since 1998. . . . Now, more than two decades later, we have more than 35 governments and multilateral organizations that have created offices that are dedicated to this goal. This year's report includes several countries where we see notable progress thanks to the work of governments, civil society organizations, and citizens. For example, last year, the Kingdom of Morocco launched an initiative to renovate Jewish heritage sites like synagogues and cemeteries, and to include Jewish history in the Moroccan public school curriculum. . . . [T]his report is about spreading that kind of progress to more parts of the world. . . . Unfortunately, the report also shows that we have more work to do. There is value in what we do in showing the international community what works, what doesn't work, what countries are doing to make progress, whether it is on trafficking, whether it is on human rights, whether it is on religious freedom. And we need to do the same on fighting corruption. We had the model that works. And the legislation that Senator Young and I have introduced today allows us to provide such a report in fighting corruption. The legislation also gives the Secretary of State some additional tools that could be helpful. The bill directs the Secretary of State and Treasury to evaluate whether there are foreign persons engaged in significant corruption for the purposes of potential imposition of sanctions under the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act in the countries listed in tier 3. That is the lowest performing tier. I mention that because the Magnitsky Sanctions have had a proud history in this Chamber. We initiated the Magnitsky Sanctions originally against Russia because of the torture and death of Sergei Magnitsky. We then made it global for those that are perpetrating gross violations of international human rights. I introduced the legislation with my partner who was the late Senator McCain. The two of us said we need to include corruption as one of the basic human rights violations that would be eligible for individual sanctions. And we did. In the last Congress, we made the Global Magnitsky Sanctions permanent. And I was proud that we were able to do that in the National Defense Authorization Act. What is unique by these sanctions is that they are individual. They are not against the country. They are personal to the individual who violates the basic rights. And what does it do? It prevents them from getting a visa to come to America because they like to visit their wealth that is here in our country. And it prevents them from using our banking system. It works. It was reportedly the first issue between Mr. Putin and President Trump in their first bilateral summit meeting. Mr. Putin was upset about these sanctions. Good. I am glad that he is. This legislation that Senator Young and I have introduced allows us to look at whether we should be using these individual sanctions--these Magnitsky Sanctions--against the perpetrators of corruption who have not been held accountable in their own country. There is lot to be said about why this legislation is so important. So I would like to just conclude by pointing out the bill that we introduced today is nearly identical to the bill that we introduced in the last Congress. It was reported out on a bipartisan basis by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. I want to thank Senator Menendez for his help and Senator Risch for his help. This is not a partisan bill. This is a bipartisan bill to promote an American value and a national security concern and that is making sure that America leads in fighting corruption so we do not have the resources going into a country like Russia, where Mr. Putin uses it to try to bring down our system of government. I urge my colleagues to join me and Senator Young in this effort. I hope that we are able to pass this bill quickly in the U.S. Senate. We came close to doing it in the last Congress. We can get it passed in the House and signed by the President. I think we will look back at this day when that report comes out and say that we were able to accomplish concrete improvements in making this world a better place, in promoting American values, that this report will make a difference.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Madam President, President Biden, on June 3, 2021, issued a memorandum on ``Establishing the Fight Against Corruption as a Core United States National Security Interest.'' I want to quote from the President when he issued that memorandum. President Biden said: Corruption threatens United States national security, economic equity, global anti-poverty and development efforts, and democracy itself. . . . [B]y effectively preventing and countering corruption and demonstrating the advantages of transparent and accountable governance, we can secure a critical advantage for the United States and other democracies. Corruption is a national security core interest. Corruption is the source of Mr. Putin's resources that he uses for his international activities, including the war in Ukraine and to try to bring down democratic states. Today, the Atlantic Council is releasing a report--the report titled ``Why the kleptocrats still win: A strategy for the United States and Europe to address weaponized corruption.'' The report points out how the kleptocrats hide their wealth in Western countries because they believe it is safer in Western countries to hide their wealth. And the report points out the need for us to coordinate efforts between the United States and Europe. Today, I am filing legislation, the Combating Global Corruption Act. I am joined by my friend Senator Todd Young of Indiana--bipartisan legislation--to deal with the U.S. leadership in fighting global corruption. It will give the State Department and the United States an important tool. It will give the United States leadership in showing the international community the steps that need to be taken in order to counter corruption. It would require the State Department to publish a list of countries in three tiers, the highest tier being those countries that are taking the steps necessary to fight corruption; the bottom tier would be those countries that are not making the required effort to deal with corruption in their country. The State Department will be using internationally established standards for fighting corruption that the international community has already signed off on as being the proper way to fight corruption in your particular state. For example, it references the Inter-American Convention Against Corruption, the Organization of American States--the OAS--that was passed in 1996: acknowledged procedures in our hemisphere to deal with corruption. It references the Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials, international business transactions of the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development--the OECD--which was adopted in 1997. It references the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime that was agreed to in 2000 and the United Nations Convention against Corruption, which was agreed to in 2003. These guidelines already exist and allow the United States to use those guidelines that have already been established by the global community to judge how every state is meeting their commitment to fight corruption. Countries that are not meeting their commitment, we put a spotlight on them. That spotlight encourages them to do more. It points out ways in which they can take action to fight corruption in their own country. Now, this is not a new strategy that we just came up with that we start giving a report on all countries on how well they are doing in fighting corruption. It is not a new concept. We have done that successfully in several other areas. One that we should take great pride in this institution--because we were ones who established this-- is the Trafficking in Persons requirements. Today, the United States files a report on every country as to how well they are meeting their international responsibilities to protect the modern victims of slavery, trafficking in persons. It has been bipartisan. It has been very effective. Secretary of State Blinken said, in releasing the report of this year, on July 19, 2022, he said: Today we're releasing the 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report. It assesses how 188 countries and territories, including the United States, are performing in terms of preventing trafficking, protecting victims, prosecuting traffickers. That makes this one of the most comprehensive sources of information anywhere on anti-trafficking efforts by government--what works, what doesn't, and how we can continue to do better. We do that in preventing trafficking. We can do that in stopping corruption. We have a country report on human rights. Again, I will quote from Secretary of State Blinken when he released this report on April 2, 2022. This is a report that judges all countries on how well they are dealing with human rights. Secretary Blinken said, in releasing that report on April 2 of last year: For nearly five decades, the United States has issued the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, which strive to provide a factual and objective record on the status of human rights worldwide--in 2021, covering 198 countries and territories. The information contained in these reports could not be more vital or urgent given ongoing human rights abuses and violations in many countries, continued democratic backsliding on several continents, and creeping authoritarianism that threatens both human rights and democracy--most notably, at present, with Russia's unprovoked attack on Ukraine. [A]nd using resources like the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, we can come closer to building a world where respect for human rights is truly universal. That human rights report works. Putting a spotlight on what countries need to do brings about change. It promotes a core value in the United States, respect for human rights and good governance. We do that here in the United States to show global leadership. I will mention one other report that is issued by our State Department, one on international religious freedom. Again, this was bipartisan. So on June 2 of last year, Secretary Blinken said, when he released the International Religious Freedom Report: This report offers a thorough, fact-based review of the state of religious freedom in nearly 200 countries and territories around the world. We produced this document every year since 1998. . . . Now, more than two decades later, we have more than 35 governments and multilateral organizations that have created offices that are dedicated to this goal. This year's report includes several countries where we see notable progress thanks to the work of governments, civil society organizations, and citizens. For example, last year, the Kingdom of Morocco launched an initiative to renovate Jewish heritage sites like synagogues and cemeteries, and to include Jewish history in the Moroccan public school curriculum. . . . [T]his report is about spreading that kind of progress to more parts of the world. . . . Unfortunately, the report also shows that we have more work to do. There is value in what we do in showing the international community what works, what doesn't work, what countries are doing to make progress, whether it is on trafficking, whether it is on human rights, whether it is on religious freedom. And we need to do the same on fighting corruption. We had the model that works. And the legislation that Senator Young and I have introduced today allows us to provide such a report in fighting corruption. The legislation also gives the Secretary of State some additional tools that could be helpful. The bill directs the Secretary of State and Treasury to evaluate whether there are foreign persons engaged in significant corruption for the purposes of potential imposition of sanctions under the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act in the countries listed in tier 3. That is the lowest performing tier. I mention that because the Magnitsky Sanctions have had a proud history in this Chamber. We initiated the Magnitsky Sanctions originally against Russia because of the torture and death of Sergei Magnitsky. We then made it global for those that are perpetrating gross violations of international human rights. I introduced the legislation with my partner who was the late Senator McCain. The two of us said we need to include corruption as one of the basic human rights violations that would be eligible for individual sanctions. And we did. In the last Congress, we made the Global Magnitsky Sanctions permanent. And I was proud that we were able to do that in the National Defense Authorization Act. What is unique by these sanctions is that they are individual. They are not against the country. They are personal to the individual who violates the basic rights. And what does it do? It prevents them from getting a visa to come to America because they like to visit their wealth that is here in our country. And it prevents them from using our banking system. It works. It was reportedly the first issue between Mr. Putin and President Trump in their first bilateral summit meeting. Mr. Putin was upset about these sanctions. Good. I am glad that he is. This legislation that Senator Young and I have introduced allows us to look at whether we should be using these individual sanctions--these Magnitsky Sanctions--against the perpetrators of corruption who have not been held accountable in their own country. There is lot to be said about why this legislation is so important. So I would like to just conclude by pointing out the bill that we introduced today is nearly identical to the bill that we introduced in the last Congress. It was reported out on a bipartisan basis by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. I want to thank Senator Menendez for his help and Senator Risch for his help. This is not a partisan bill. This is a bipartisan bill to promote an American value and a national security concern and that is making sure that America leads in fighting corruption so we do not have the resources going into a country like Russia, where Mr. Putin uses it to try to bring down our system of government. I urge my colleagues to join me and Senator Young in this effort. I hope that we are able to pass this bill quickly in the U.S. Senate. We came close to doing it in the last Congress. We can get it passed in the House and signed by the President. I think we will look back at this day when that report comes out and say that we were able to accomplish concrete improvements in making this world a better place, in promoting American values, that this report will make a difference.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I would like to take this opportunity to thank and congratulate a constituent of mine, Annapolis resident Harvey Lewis Stein, whose inspiration, vision, and perseverance were singularly responsible for construction of the Commodore Uriah P. Levy Center and Jewish Chapel at the U.S. Naval Academy. The facility is named for Levy (1792-1862), the first Jewish commodore in the U.S. Navy who was famous for refusing to flog his men, choosing to lead through inspiration, not intimidation. The Levy Center is centrally located between Mitscher Hall, where midshipmen eat together three times a day, and Bancroft Hall, where all 4,400 of them live. It contains a 410-seat synagogue, a kosher kitchen, a fellowship hall, a character learning center, classrooms, and offices for the brigade's social director, the academic board, and the academy's honor board. It is stunningly beautiful, designed by internationally renowned architect Joseph A. Boggs. When the U.S. Naval Academy was founded in 1845, all midshipmen were required to attend Christian worship services. It was not until 1938 that the academy allowed Jewish midshipmen to attend a local synagogue--Congregation Knesset--on Sunday to worship their own faith. In 1981, the academy opened an All-Faith Chapel, which provided worship space for Christians and Jews alike. This chapel included an Ark, a Torah reading table, and storage for prayer books and other religious articles. Catholic midshipmen used this chapel to celebrate daily Mass. While this chapel was a great improvement over the other spaces offered for Jewish worship, it too presented problems, particularly with regard to seating. It often proved too small for services celebrating major holidays and life-cycle events. Still, the Jewish program grew, and a full-time Jewish chaplain joined the academy's complement of chaplains in 1986. The need for a dedicated Jewish chapel was not just based on space constraints, however. There was a need to show the public, including the Navy, that Jews do serve in the military and have done so in every American conflict since pre-Colonial days. In addition, Jewish middies needed the resources to enhance their identity, both religiously and culturally. Supporters of a Jewish chapel created the Friends of the Jewish Chapel--FOJC--to provide programs for Jewish midshipmen and support the needs of the rabbi. CDR Howard Pinskey, SC, USN (Ret), a 1962 academy graduate, became the FOJC's first president. He navigated the organization through its earliest days of development and became the cheerleader who bridged the divide between the birth of a fledgling Jewish community and the opportunities that awaited its growth. Many people worked for many years on the project, but one person had the skill and tenacity to see it through to completion. In 1994, Harvey Stein envisioned a dedicated house for Jewish worship, as well as a social hall for sharing communal dinners, holding classes, enhancing Jewish culture, examining ethics, and bringing together students of all faiths to congregate, study, engage, and socialize. To proceed, Mr. Stein had to bring the Naval Academy and the Department of the Navy on board, find a building site, design the building, and raise the necessary funding. Mr. Stein was part of the group that successfully appealed to the academy's administration and the Secretary of the Navy, obtaining a letter of intent and then a letter of commitment. Then, Mr. Stein became instrumental in providing the FOJC with its necessary 501 (c) (3) status which allowed FOJC to begin the fund raising process. Mr. Stein, a successful entrepreneur who founded the home decor and merchandise firm HLD, is a team-builder who skillfully cultivated an effective group of volunteers and professional men and women to champion the Jewish chapel's cause. Through his tenacity, he found ways to navigate the hurdles that seemed to block the way to success. He cultivated relationships with military personnel and civilians who knew how to weave their way through the labyrinth of bureaucracy to a successful end. He encouraged good work by setting an example through his own energy and work ethic. He opened his heart, his office, and his home to the project. Most importantly, he trusted his team, and in return, more than 3,000 donors from three countries lent their financial, legal, spiritual, military, and political support to the Commodore Uriah P. Levy Center and Jewish Chapel. The Levy Center cost $8.0 million to design, build, and furnish. Military construction funds totaled $1.8 million; private donations the FOJC raised covered the balance. Today, this magnificent building stands as a mitzvah and a testament to one man's resolve that failure was never an option.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, when I left home this morning, I told Myrna I was going to be speaking in regards to Patrick's speech on the floor. She wanted to make sure that I expressed our deep love and appreciation to Marcelle and to you, Patrick, for your friendship and for your genuine concern. You call this the Senate family, and I can tell you that, for the Cardin family, the Leahy family is part of our family. And your deep concern about our challenges really helped us get through some very difficult moments. So, first, I just want to express my appreciation to the Leahys for what they have meant to the Cardins. It was 16 years ago when I came to the U.S. Senate. I knew Patrick Leahy from my service in the House. I knew he was an incredible leader on the Judiciary Committee, and I asked the then-majority leader, Reid, whether I could serve on the Judiciary Committee because of Patrick Leahy's leadership. What I didn't expect was a chairman embracing a first-year member of the committee with responsibility and resources to make a difference. He brought every member of the Judiciary Committee into the process. He gave us an opportunity to be Senators, and my first year was so rewarding because of Senator Leahy's confidence in each of us contributing and giving us the resources to do that. I have sought Senator Leahy's advice over my 16 years in the Senate with him, and our friendship has grown stronger each year. Senator Leahy is special for many reasons. Yes, the longevity--48 years is an incredible record to serve in this crazy place and to put up with this schedule and to put up with all we have to. But it is what Senator Leahy has done over those 48 years that makes him so special to all of us. His love and respect for our democratic institutions, his love and respect of the U.S. Senate, are the hallmarks of his service. You have heard him speak about that today on the floor of the U.S. Senate. He has encouraged us to stick by our convictions and debate the issues, and, yes, disagree with each other, but to do it in a collegial way. At the end of the day, we have results to reflect the work that we are doing. That is the Patrick Leahy legacy for our democracy in the U.S. Senate. On his values, we talked a great deal about that. You know a person by his values. I know what he has meant with regard to his international crusade for human rights. We have talked about the Leahy Law frequently, but the Leahy Law is incredibly important for America's foreign policy and to be embraced in our values. The Leahy Law, I have seen it work firsthand in protecting the rights of individuals, and the landmine legislation that have we talked about frequently, which has been the model to the world. And, yes, I also had a chance to travel with Senator Leahy to Cuba. It is amazing to be in Cuba with him because he embraces America's values as making a difference by engagement, which is what Senator Leahy believes in. And, yes, the one thing that he said, which is not exactly accurate, is that he treats all States equally. I don't think any of us will ever believe that. What he has done for Vermont is incredible, and we all respect that, because there are so many things Senator Leahy has done for the economy, but what he has done for the environment in Vermont is really a model for the entire country. Yes, Lake Champlain is a great lake. The Chesapeake Bay is great water body. And we have patterned many of your efforts that we do in our region, and the people of Vermont and America are better off as a result of your environmental championship. Senator Leahy has used every opportunity, whether it is recently as chairman of the Appropriations Committee or the President pro tempore of this distinguished Body or chairman of the Judiciary Committee or chairman of the Agriculture Committee or chairman of the Appropriations subcommittee dealing with foreign policy. He has used every one of those opportunities to advance the right values. He is also a naturalist, we have heard, and he used that to express emotion. He is a photographer. I say that because a photographer doesn't just take pictures. A photographer looks at people and places and captures emotion. And you see in Senator Leahy's photography the hope for our future, his vision that we can do better in all communities around the world. He has strengthened, by his service in this great Body, the U.S. Senate. He leaves us with a great legacy. He has a great love for this U.S. Senate. He has a great love for the State of Vermont. And his life partner Marcelle--that incredible relationship has strengthened not only the two of you but all of us. You might not be surprised to learn that Patrick talks frequently about his family--all of his family--because he finds strength in his family and that strength is shown here in the U.S. Senate. So we say not only thank you, Patrick, for what you have done, but your public service will be a model that you have established that will guide us for generations to come. Job well done. Thank you for your service to our Nation. I yield the floor.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. I ask unanimous consent that all time be yielded back and we vote immediately.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I rise today to note that, during the 117th Congress, several major legislative efforts to further U.S. foreign policy are becoming law, and I would like to highlight several here today. I feel strongly that these accomplishments merit special recognition, as they represent major advances in foreign policy that will improve our country's international engagement for years to come. I am proud to have led these efforts and would like to outline a few of the major components of these monumental bills. As chair, of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on the State Department and U.S. Agency for International Development Management, International Operations, and Bilateral International Development, I take great pride to note that we successfully passed the State Department Authorization Act this year. To put this in context, this marks only the second time within the span of the past 16 years that a State Department Authorization Act has been enacted. The State Department Authorization Act addresses much-needed reform that will help to strengthen our diplomatic corps and efforts on an institutional level and represents months of painstaking coordination. Modern diplomatic challenges require modern solutions, and it is my belief that provisions of this bill empower the State Department to make necessary changes in key areas that will help to revitalize and redefine our diplomatic engagement. I will note that key to these efforts is my colleague Senator Bill Hagerty, whose team worked closely with my own, members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and the State Department on defining and addressing modern diplomatic challenges. This act also represents a victory of collaboration across parties and agencies, especially the Department of State, to reach this successful consensus. First and foremost, Senator Hagerty and I led the efforts to establish a Commission on Reform and Modernization at the Department of State. This 16-member commission will seek to identify areas for improvement and modernization in the organizational structure, personnel, facilities, and policy of the State Department and make recommendations to the President and Congress. This effort is crucial; in the ever-shifting atmosphere of modern diplomacy, this commission will provide a body of oversight that keeps a big-picture view of State Department operations and establishes a critical line of communication between Congress, the President, and the Department of State. Secondly, the State Department Authorization Act establishes new requirements to extend the ``cooling off'' period for post-employment restrictions for certain Senate-confirmed officials. U.S. foreign policy is not for sale, nor should anyone have reason to think it is. By extending the cooling off period from 1 to 3 years, these high- ranking individuals are barred from representing foreign governments before the U.S. Government for a longer period. In doing so, we lessen the risk of perception that Ambassadors and other high-ranking officials will lose sight of U.S. interests in favor of their own near- term financial gain. Again, this important congressional oversight is yet another important step to safeguard the integrity of our foreign policy. Third, I would like to highlight key advancements we have called for in lifelong professional development at the Foreign Service Institute. We have established a new body, the Board of Visitors, that will serve to offer recommendations to improve and modernize the Foreign Service Institute. The Board of Visitors, along with a new Provost position at the Foreign Service Institute, will work to inject new outside academic and adult learning expertise to better its operations, including the development of an evaluation system to determine how to improve the quality of training and focus it on the areas most useful to better prepare diplomats for the challenges they will encounter in 21st century diplomacy. Additionally, we identified other professional development areas that will help to improve the State Department's operations on an institutional level. We authorized the State Department to expand the scope and number of external fellowships offered across Departments and Agencies. These external fellowships, such as the Congressional Pearson Fellowship, which allows Foreign Service Officers the opportunity to work on the Hill for a Member or committee of Congress, expand relationships and knowledge across U.S. agencies and branches, academic institutions, and civil society organizations. We further sought to expand professional development and trainings to address 21st century diplomacy, expanding virtual opportunities for training and extending out training to partner organizations that can offer specialized expertise for modern diplomatic challenges. In addition, we authorized the State Department to pursue curriculum to better enable Foreign Service Officers to understand the issues of press freedom and tools that are available to help protect journalists, as well as incorporate special training for officers assigned to countries significantly affected by climate change receive specific instruction on U.S. policy with respect to climate resiliency and adaptation. Lastly, we have authorized the State Department to purse a foreign language incentive pay program that will enable our diplomatic corps to maintain our diplomats' critical language skills so that they can better serve our U.S. interests. Senselessly, in the past, there had been no mechanism to keep our highly trained diplomats up to skill in critical languages such as Chinese, Russian, Dari, and Arabic. Our current system simply trains diplomats in these languages and incentivizes their use while posted abroad, but these incentives disappear when diplomats move on to other positions--and with no incentive in place to maintain their critical languages, these language skills are usually largely lost. While we have spent significant USG resources enabling our diplomats to engage and further our interests with foreign audiences by teaching them foreign languages, up until now, we have provided no mechanism to enable our diplomatic corps to keep these critical foreign languages skills active. This new program will strengthen the ability of our diplomats to keep these key languages fresh, which ultimately will save the U.S. Government money by eliminating the need to retrain diplomats in the same language for a second or even third time. It will also provide for a better-prepared diplomatic corps that can be called upon when there is a pressing need for diplomats with specific language skills, such as the urgent call for Dari and Pashto speakers that the Department of State issued during the 2021 fall of Afghanistan. We will now have these diplomats ready when they are needed to best serve U.S. interests. Finally, I am also proud of our work in this body to hold accountable authoritarian government regimes across the world. For too long, we have seen democratic backsliding, rising corruption, and human rights abuses committed at a global scale. There is perhaps no better example than in Burma, where the military initiated an illegal and unjustifiable coup d'etat in February 2021. During and following the coup, the Burmese military has engaged in despicable human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings, torture, and wrongful imprisonment. The military-led government has imprisoned over 11,000 civilians and killed over 1,400, including children. This amounts to crimes against humanity. We cannot look the other way in the face of these grave injustices. That is why I was proud to introduce, alongside my House colleagues Representatives Meeks and Chabot, the Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability Act, better known as the BURMA Act. This important bill will authorize the Department of State and the U.S. Agency for International Development to support democracy activists, provide humanitarian assistance, and undertake reconciliation efforts in Burma. This will include support for organizations aiding political prisoners in Burma and assistance to entities investigating crimes against humanity. The BURMA Act also requires the President to impose strict sanctions on Burmese military or government officials, as well as actors that have knowingly operated in Burma's defense sector or have undermined the nation's democratic processes. The United States must continue to stand with the people of Burma and for a civilian-led government based on the recognition of human rights and democratic principles. To conclude, I am proud of the work we have accomplished in this Chamber during the 117th Congress. By modernizing State Department operations and pursuing an anti-corruption, human rights-focused foreign policy agenda, the United States continues to be at the forefront of global diplomacy.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, in 2022, as America approaches its semiquincentennial of the independence of our Nation, the United States of America stands at a crossroads. Disturbingly, since the January 6 insurrection of our Capitol which sought to block the peaceful transfer of power after a free and fair election, a growing number of Americans believes that violence against government can be justified, according to recently polling. We have witnessed a disturbing rise of threats against law enforcement officials from various domestic violent extremist groups as well as threats and intimidation against public officials, such as school board officials and election workers, who are simply doing their jobs. We must condemn acts of violence from all corners and prosecute those who seek to harm public officials to the fullest extent of the law. We also witnessed the rise of election deniers in the 2022 midterm elections who repeated the Big Lie that the 2020 election was stolen and who pledged their loyalty to a particular candidate or ideology instead of the rule of law. We have seen a rise of violent actions--a rise of anti-Semitism, a rise of hate crimes--and it is very much connected to the assault on our democratic institutions. All of us must be defenders of the democratic institutions, which are the bedrock of America. As we saw in the 2020 elections, different interpretations of the Electoral Count Act of 1887 can lead down a dangerous path, such as when former President Donald Trump and his enablers attempted to overthrow a free and fair election won by President Joe Biden, leading to the January 6 insurrection at the Capitol. We were there. We were in harm's way. We know exactly how violent that group of insurrectionists was. President Trump's latest outrage is to talk about suspending the Constitution because he lost the election. Free and fair elections and the peaceful transfer of power are fundamental to who we are as a nation. For this reason, several months ago, I joined a bipartisan working group of, roughly, 20 Senators to make urgent changes to our Presidential election processes. I am pleased that, in July of 2022, our group reached a bipartisan agreement to modernize the Electoral Count Act, ECA, of 1887 and to make other needed changes to improve the Presidential transition process. Our bipartisan working group's legislative proposal, the Electoral Count Reform Act, clarifies the appropriate State and Federal roles in selecting the President and Vice President of the United States. It makes it easier for Congress to identify a single, conclusive slate of electors from each State, in part, by requiring States to follow the rules they set before the election when designating their electors. We reiterate that the Vice President has a purely ceremonial function in the mandatory joint session of Congress to count the electoral votes. This was in direct response to President Trump's pressure campaign against Vice President Mike Pence to throw out the electoral votes from certain States, which enabled and led to the January 6 insurrection and attack on the Capitol. We also increase the threshold needed to lodge objections against electoral votes to lessen the chance of frivolous objections in the future. Our legislation also has a strong provision for expedited Federal judicial review to resolve legal challenges more efficiently before the electoral college meets to cast its votes. I particularly want to thank Senators Susan Collins and Joe Manchin for leading this effort as well as the other working group members: Senators Portman, Sinema, Romney, Shaheen, Murkowski, Warner, Tillis, Murphy, Capito, Young, Coons, and Sasse. This is how the Senate should operate. Our working group made several additional, useful recommendations as part of the Presidential Transition Improvement Act and Enhanced Election Security and Protection Act. This legislation would strengthen Presidential transitions, improve the U.S. Postal Service's handling of election mail, stiffen criminal penalties for those who threaten or intimidate election officials, and reauthorize the Election Assistance Commission. The Election Assistance Commission helps administer grants to States and provides the best practices for election officials in various areas, including cyber security, election audits, and voting accessibility. I am pleased that the Senate Rules Committee promptly held a hearing on our legislative proposal and that our legislation has been endorsed by a broad and diverse coalition of public interest groups. In particular, I want to thank Chair Klobuchar and Ranking Member Blunt for making this proposal earlier this year and marking it up in their committee. I am pleased that the Senate Rules and Administration Committee reported out the legislation by an overwhelming bipartisan vote of 14 to 1 in September 2022. The committee made improvements in the legislation--again, that is how the process should work--under the leadership of Senators Klobuchar and Blunt. I am also pleased that the legislation has been cosponsored by our leaders, Leader Schumer and Leader McConnell. It is now time for the Senate to act. Our legislation, S. 4573, now has a strong bipartisan mix of 37 cosponsors. We must enact these reforms this month, before the 118th Congress convenes in 2023. We all know that the Presidential election cycle starts early, and we must make sure that this law is enacted before we start in 2023. As my dear friend the late Congressman John Lewis said, ``Democracy is not a state. It is an act, and each generation must do its part.'' I urge every Marylander and American to get involved. Stand up for our democratic system of government and the rule of law. Congress should act now to make sure that the lawful and rightful winner of the 2024 Presidential election is ultimately certified as the winner by the States and Congress. We cannot fail in this solemn duty to do everything we can to prevent another insurrection like we saw on January 6. We showed how fragile our democracy really is. We have an obligation to defend it together, as we continue our great American experiment with a democratic republic that serves as a beacon of freedom and human rights throughout the world. With that, I yield the floor.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate consider the following nominations: Calendar Nos. 1285, 1286, 1287, and all nominations on the Secretary's desk in the Coast Guard and Foreign Service; that the nominations be confirmed en bloc; that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate; and that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I further ask that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Finance be discharged from further consideration of S. 2834 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I further ask that the Durbin-Cassidy substitute at the desk be considered and agreed to and that the bill, as amended, be considered read a third time.

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I know of no further debate on the bill, as amended.

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I ask that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. CARDIN

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 868, submitted earlier today.