Jim Clyburn

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, following the horrific murder of nine of my constituents during their Bible study class at Mother Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, many Members of this body came to Charleston to help celebrate the life and legacy of Reverend Senator Clementa Pinckney. I thank the Speaker of the House and the bipartisan delegation for coming, showing their concern. And I thank the Governor of South Carolina for calling for the removal of the Confederate battle flag from the State house grounds. At 4 o'clock this afternoon, she is going to sign the bill, which passed this morning around 1:30 a.m. by a vote of 94-20, to remove that flag from the State house grounds. Tomorrow morning at 10 o'clock, they will remove that flag. I cannot believe that today we have been asked to condone a backward step. Why we in this body would do such is beyond me.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I would like, first of all, to thank the Speaker of this House and the other Members who came to Charleston last month to help us with the ongoing ceremonies for Senator Clementa Pinckney. I would also like to thank especially my colleagues--Senator Tim Scott, Senator Lindsey Graham, and Congressman Mark Sanford--for joining with us as we stood with the Governor of South Carolina and called for removing the Confederate battle flag from the grounds of the statehouse. This afternoon, at 4 o'clock, as a result of a very definitive vote early this morning of 94-20, the Governor is going to sign the bill, and tomorrow morning at 10 o'clock, the flag will be removed from the statehouse. I regret that I am not going to be able to accept the Governor's invitation and be there this afternoon because, around 4 o'clock this afternoon, we are going to be voting here on this floor. I understand there will be around 25 votes, and 24 of them, I might not feel all that bad about missing, but one of them, I cannot afford to miss because that one vote, the Calvert amendment, will reverse votes taken by this body to join with South Carolina, Alabama, and activities going on in Mississippi to get rid of any official application to this flag, the Confederate battle flag. Now, I think it is important for us to point out that this is not the Confederate flag. The Confederacy had three flags. This was never one of them. This flag was the Confederate battle flag of the Army of Northern Virginia, Robert E. Lee's Army; and when Robert E. Lee surrendered at Appomattox, he asked all of his followers to furl this flag. ``Store it away,'' he said. ``Put it in your attics.'' He refused to be buried in his Confederate uniform. His family refused to allow anyone dressed in the Confederate uniform to attend his funeral. Why? It is because Robert E. Lee said he considered this emblem to be a symbol of treason; yet, Mr. Speaker, Calvert puts up an amendment that we are going to vote on this afternoon to ask us to allow this flag to be sold and displayed in our national parks. I was so proud when the decision was made by the National Park Service, Fort Sumter, a national park where the Civil War started off the coast of Charleston, South Carolina, they decided to take away all of these symbols; but the Calvert amendment is saying: No, don't take them away, put them back, and we are going to ratify the action to do so. Mr. Speaker, I call upon all of my colleagues who come to this floor this afternoon to remember that it was on this date in 1868 that South Carolina--where it all started--South Carolina was the State that gave the votes necessary to ratify the 14th Amendment. To me, this was a very, very important amendment calling for due process and equal protection of the laws.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to offer my congratulations to the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite Masons as they celebrate their 151 years of service. The Scottish Rite Masons is a national organization of individuals that strive to enrich the lives of their members and enhance the communities in which they live. The Scottish Rites' first Supreme Council was founded in Charleston, South Carolina in 1801, and a second Supreme Council was created in New York in 1806. The Scottish Rite Masons' mission proclaims that they ``emulate the principles of brotherly love, tolerance, charity and truth while actively embracing high social, moral and spiritual values including fellowship, compassion, and dedication to God, family and country.'' They also produce a strategic plan that displays five objectives, including offering Masonic knowledge, establishing a public relations department, supporting philanthropic activities, providing a framework for effective leadership and providing financial stability for a long- term success of the Fraternity. The Scottish Rite Masons have been instrumental in assisting youth in their academic pursuits and have made generous contributions to the American Heart Association, American Cancer Foundation, YMCA, NAACP and a myriad of other non-profit entities. Mr. Speaker, The Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite Masons have improved the lives of many and continue to make outstanding and a wide- range of contributions to our society. I ask that you and my colleagues join me in congratulating them on this celebration.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to offer my congratulations to the Medical University of South Carolina (MUSC) and South Carolina Educational Television (SCETV) for garnering a coveted bronze prize at the annual ``Telly Awards'' for their partnership documentary, ``Zip Code.'' The Telly Awards honor the finest in film, video production, and web commercials for outstanding local, regional and cable television commercials and programs. I applaud MUSC and SCETV on their efforts to present a program to South Carolina viewers offering viewpoints of doctors and community leaders that seek to change the way people think about health care. More specifically, this program focuses on a variety of health topics, from the food we eat to the water we drink to the air we breathe--all of which affect our daily lives and play a huge role in our health. According to statistics from the Centers for Disease Control, in South Carolina alone there are approximately one million people who lack access to healthy food. That's 20 percent of the state's population. Through MUSC's Public Information and Community Outreach group, the ``Zip Code'' production paired two outstanding organizations who presented an in-depth look at the many causes of health disparities in our nation today. As stated in the program, ``Health starts where we live, learn, work and play. In fact, some experts say the lifespan of a child is determined more by his or her zip code than their genetic code.'' ``Zip Code'' seeks to answer, ``Why is there such a divide in the health of the American people?'' I would also like to personally thank my good friend David Rivers, the Director of the Public Information and Community Outreach department at MUSC, for his leadership in this project. His commitment and creativity have led to instructive and productive innovations. Mr. Speaker, I ask that you and my colleagues join me in congratulating these two outstanding organizations on their efforts to bring attention to the important topic of the state of health in South Carolina.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 2131, a bill to rename the federal courthouse in Charleston, South Carolina in honor of Judge J. Waties Waring. This bill is a tribute to two men, two outstanding South Carolinians. The first, Judge Waring, for whom the bill will name the courthouse, was a federal judge in South Carolina during the 1940s and 50s who made landmark and courageous rulings on civil rights. The second is known to many in the Congress, Senator Ernest F. ``Fritz'' Hollings whose name is currently on this courthouse, and who has requested it be changed as a long overdue honor to Judge Waring. The son of a confederate soldier, Julius Waties Waring, was born July 27, 1880 in Charleston, and graduated from the College of Charleston in 1900. He became an attorney and after practicing in Charleston for several decades was nominated by President Franklin Roosevelt to the U.S. District Court in 1941. While there was little in his background that foretold an evolution on the issue, soon after ascending to the bench, Waring would become an iconoclast and an outcast in his hometown because of his rulings on civil rights cases. In the 1944 Duvall v. School Board decision, Judge Waring ordered equal pay for teachers, regardless of race. In 1947, in Elmore v. Rice, Judge Waring struck down South Carolina's all-white Democratic primary. In 1952, in his most famous opinion, Judge Waring dissented from the ruling in Briggs v. Elliott, arguing that ``separate but equal'' was unconstitutional. While a dissenting opinion at the time, on appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court, his opinion would form the basis of the unanimous decision in Brown v. Board of Education, which struck down racial segregation in all public schools in America. For my entire tenure in Congress, these words from Judge Waring's dissent have been on the wall of my Congressional Office: ``They showed beyond a doubt that the evils of segregation and color prejudice come from early training . . . and that is an evil that must be eradicated.'' Taking these stands in the 1940s and 50s was not without consequence. His experiences gave currency to the biblical admonition that ``a prophet is not without honor save in his own homeland.'' Waring was ostracized in Charleston and endured harassment and attacks on his home. He retired from the bench in 1952, left his hometown and moved to New York. He had made his mark, however, and his legacy endures. I recall attending his graveside services in 1968, which was sparsely attended except for several of Charleston's African American community and a few whites who stood off at a distance. Thankfully, history has given Judge Waring the favorable recognition denied to him during his life, and passage of his bill will rightfully add to this acclaim. It is often stated that ``the difference between a moment and a movement is sacrifice.'' Judge Waring's sacrifices put him at the forefront of a movement. His courage in standing up for what was right, will endure in our nation's memory as a powerful example of statesmanship that must continually be sought, regardless of the issues of the day. Of course, none of this today would be possible were it not for Senator Ernest Fitzgerald Hollings. Fritz Hollings' record is familiar to all of us here. Throughout his career, as Governor of South Carolina when Clemson University was integrated and in the United States Senate, when Fritz saw a problem he set about to solve it. When the plight of the poor was exposed to him in the late 1960s, he authored the book, The Case Against Hunger. He led hunger tours to highlight the problem, and ultimately championed the successful Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants and Children or WIC. As Chairman of the Senate Commerce Committee, he helped usher in a generation of landmark social policy, providing aid of the needy and protecting our environment. He was never afraid to make difficult choices, or to change positions when he thought it warranted. In the 1980s, Fritz helped secure funding to build the annex to the Courthouse that is the subject of this legislation, and the entire facility was subsequently named in his honor. Never content to allow past injustices to go unaddressed, however, he has publicly called on Congress to replace his name on the building, with that of the highly deserving, long unheralded, J. Waties Waring. This selfless act of statesmanship is just the most recent example of Fritz's visionary leadership. I thank my colleagues in the South Carolina delegation for their unanimous support of this bill. I urge its passage by the House to honor this outstanding South Carolinian and great American.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Mr. Isaac C. Joe on the occasion of his upcoming 100th birthday. As a soldier, educator, and civic leader, Mr. Joe has devoted his life to public service, and I join many in his community in wishing him a happy birthday. Born on June 24, 1915, Mr. Joe grew up in Thomastown, South Carolina, a small town in Lee County. As an African American in the Jim Crow South, he had to walk five miles each way to a school that was only open seven months of the year, while the white schools remained in session for nine. He persevered to work his way through Morris College, from which he graduated in 1940. Mr. Joe has been dedicated to his alma mater ever since, donating 83 acres of land to the college in 2013. Mr. Joe began his teaching career in Lee County immediately after college. But after just one year in the classroom, he put his teaching career on hold to serve in the United States Army. He was in basic training when Pearl Harbor was bombed and rose to the rank of Master Sergeant, working at regimental headquarters. Although Mr. Joe's six years in the Army took him away from his students, he put his teaching skills to good use, teaching some of his fellow soldiers how to read, write, and sign their names so that they could collect their paychecks. In 1954, seven years after Mr. Joe returned to the classroom, the United States Supreme Court issued its Brown v. Board of Education decision outlawing segregation in public schools. Inspired by this decision, Mr. Joe returned to school himself, earning his master's degree from South Carolina State College in 1956. He returned to the Lee County school system in 1957 as principal of the newly built Mount Pleasant High School in Elliott, where he served until his retirement in 1977. Mr. Joe's community involvement has continued in the decades since his retirement. In 1980, he was elected to a term in the South Carolina House of Representatives, serving from 1981 to 1983. He is an active member of St. Mark's Baptist Church in Bishopville where he has held various leadership roles and spearheaded numerous committees and projects. Mr. Speaker, I ask that you and my colleagues join me in wishing Mr. Joe a very happy 100th birthday. It is a remarkable milestone befitting a remarkable man. I wish him good health and Godspeed.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, this week marks the 50th anniversary of Head Start, a wonderful success story that empowered 32 million children in America. Unfortunately, the future of Head Start today stands in grave peril due to the misplaced priorities of the Republican budget which cuts $759 billion from nondefense discretionary funds and will result in 35,000 fewer children participating in Head Start. House Democrats want to embrace the future by investing in early childhood education and enacting universal prekindergarten. Democrats strongly support President Obama's initiative to fully fund Head Start and expand the Early Head Start-Childcare Partnerships. Research shows that high-quality early education is a great investment in a child's life and our Nation's future. Mr. Speaker, our children are our future. As Head Starters across the country plant rose bushes this week to commemorate President Johnson's Rose Garden launching of Head Start, this Congress must reject the misplaced priorities of the Republican budget and embrace a brighter future for our children.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Will the gentleman yield?

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Chairman, if we are, in fact, about to entertain the MOX amendment, I would love to speak in opposition to that amendment.

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Chairman, as I said, I oppose this amendment. I do so because I really believe that this amendment would endanger our national security by making harmful cuts to the Mixed Oxide Fuel Fabrication Facility that is located in South Carolina. This facility will be used to dispose of 34 metric tons of weapons grade plutonium according to binding international agreements originally signed back in 2000 and reaffirmed in 2010. Most of the plutonium has already been transferred to the Savannah River site, and it is there awaiting disposition through the MOX facility. The President has requested the level of funding included in this bill to continue construction. The facility is over 65 percent complete and supports over 1,500 highly skilled jobs. Any further delay will jeopardize our international agreements and will abandon commitments that the country has made to the State of South Carolina when we signed and agreed to house these dangerous materials for our Nation. I want to close by saying South Carolina has developed what I call a level of tolerance for nuclear. It didn't get there, as we say down in Gullah Geechee country, just by itself. We got there because of the commitment we made to this Nation years ago with the Manhattan Project. I believe the State of South Carolina and the Savannah River site have made significant commitments to helping secure this Nation. I believe we would be breaking faith with the State to cripple this effort at this time because it is an agreement, the agreements are international, and I think we have a commitment to the State of South Carolina to continue the movement on this project. Mr. Chairman, I ask that this amendment be opposed.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I want to join my friend and chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, G.K. Butterfield, in offering condolences to the parents and family members of Freddie Gray. I also want to say to Ms. Toya Graham that I feel and can appreciate her anguish and the pain that she showed the world a few days ago. I want to say to her son, Michael, that I have also felt his pain and anguish, having been on the receiving end of such discipline from my mother. But I want to say to him that he can rest assured that the love of his mother, her passion for his future, will pay great dividends if he continues to show the deference to her love and affection and her concern that he showed when he was the object of her frustrations. Mr. Speaker, responding to the situation in Baltimore several days ago, President Obama said: ``We can't just leave this to the police. I think there are police departments that have to do some soul-searching. I think there are some communities that have to do some soul- searching.'' But, he went on to say: ``I think, we, as a country, have to do some soul-searching.'' I want to join President Obama in calling for the country to do some soul-searching. Let's take a look at just a few of the institutions of learning in the Baltimore community. I would like to call attention to one school, Frederick Douglass High School, a school that lists among its graduates the likes of Cab Calloway, Thurgood Marshall, a school that I understand that the father of the current mayor of Baltimore also attended. I understand there are 789 students at Frederick Douglass High School today. Eighty-three percent of them are listed in U.S. News & World Report's index as economically disadvantaged, and only 53 percent of them are listed as proficient in English, only 44 percent proficient in algebra. I understand that Carver Vocational Technical High is 100 percent minority, with 79 percent of the students economically disadvantaged. Coppin Academy, 100 percent minority, with 77 percent economically disadvantaged. Now, as we listen to all of the pundits, editorial writers reflect on what is taking place or has taken place in Baltimore, I would like to call attention to the lack of soul-searching that is taking place here in this body as we represent the people of America. We have just seen the conference report, or the budget, being proposed by the House Republicans. That conference agreement guts strategic investments in education, workforce training, public health, scientific research, advanced manufacturing, and public safety. It does nothing to help those Americans who are looking for jobs. It does nothing to boost paychecks of working Americans. It disinvests in America.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I want to join my friend and chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, G.K. Butterfield, in offering condolences to the parents and family members of Freddie Gray. I also want to say to Ms. Toya Graham that I feel and can appreciate her anguish and the pain that she showed the world a few days ago. I want to say to her son, Michael that I have also felt his pain and anguish, having been on the receiving end of such discipline from my mother. But I want to say to him that he can rest assured that the love of his mother, her passion for his future, will pay great dividends if he continues to show the deference to her love and affection and her concern that he showed several days ago when he was the object of her frustrations. Mr. Speaker, responding to the situation in Baltimore several days ago, President Obama said: ``We can't just leave this to the police. I think there are Police Departments that have to do some soul-searching. I think there are some communities that have to do some soul- searching.'' But, he went on to say: ``I think we, as a country, have to do some soul-searching.'' I want to join President Obama in calling for the country to do some soul-searching. Let's take a look at just a few of the institutions of learning in the Baltimore Community. I would like to call attention to one school, Frederick Douglass High School, a school that lists among its graduates the likes of Cab Calloway, Thurgood Marshall, and as I understand it the school the father of the current mayor of Baltimore also attended. I understand there are 789 students at Frederick Douglass High School today. Eighty-three percent of them are listed in U.S News & World Report's index as economically disadvantaged, and only 53 percent of them are listed as proficient in English, only 44 percent proficient in algebra. I understand that Carver Vocational Technical High is 100 percent minority, with 79 percent of the students economically disadvantaged. Coppin Academy, 100 percent minority, with 77 percent economically disadvantaged. Now, as we listen to all of the pundits, editorial writers reflect on what is taking place or has taken place in Baltimore, I would like to call attention to the lack of soul-searching that is taking place here in this body as we represent the people of America. We have just seen the conference report, or the budget, being proposed by the House Republicans. That conference agreement guts strategic investments in education, workforce training, public health, scientific research, advanced manufacturing, and public safety. It does nothing to help those Americans who are looking for jobs. It does nothing to boost paychecks of working Americans. It disinvests in America. The Republicans' budget disinvests in America by slashing the nation's commitments to education, research, infrastructure, and other crucial drivers of economic prosperity. It pulls away from the ladders of opportunity that helps hard-working Americans get ahead. In Education, the Republican Budget kicks 46,000 children out of Head Start, cuts $1.2 billion in Title I education funding (enough for 17,000 teachers and aides serving 1.9 million students); cuts $347 million in funding through the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, (enough for 6,000 special education teachers, paraprofessionals, and related staff); The Republican Budget also decimates job creation. It eliminates job training & employment services for more than 2.4 million workers; and eliminates the Manufacturing Extension Partnerships, which serve 30,000 small manufacturers that contribute to the creation of middle-class jobs and economic growth; In the area of Housing, the Republican budget takes Housing Choice Vouchers away from 133,000 families and eliminates affordable housing assistance for another 20,000 families in rural America; The Republican budget shreds the social safety net. It cuts $300 billion from Agriculture Committee programs. The House budget cut roughly $200 billion. The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) is the largest spending program in this committee's jurisdiction and appears to be the primary target of this cut (despite the fact that 80% of SNAP beneficiaries are children, elderly, disabled, someone caring for a child or disabled person, or are working); My Republican friends underfund veterans' programs. They are proposing $20 billion below the President's request over the next ten years. They also increase taxes on hardworking families while giving massive tax cuts to the ultra-wealthy. They increase taxes on a typical working family by $2,000, while giving millionaires an average tax cut of more than $200,000; and let the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), and the Child Tax Credit expire. Their budget puts college out of reach for millions of students. It freezes the maximum Pell grant and eliminates $89 billion in congressionally approved Pell grant increases; and cuts total overall support for higher education by more than $220 billion in the next decade.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Dr. Saundra H. Glover on the occasion of her retirement from the University of South Carolina. Serving as Associate Dean for Health Disparities and Social Justice of the Arnold School of Public Health and Director of the Institute for Partnerships to Eliminate Health Disparities (IPEHD), Dr. Glover has devoted her life to fighting inequity in health status and health care. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. famously said at the 1966 National Convention of the Medical Committee for Human Rights: ``Of all the forms of inequality, injustice in health care is the most shocking and inhumane.'' I profoundly agree with that view. While many bemoan the poor health status of many Americans and their lack of access to care, Dr. Glover spent decades working to correct this shocking and inhumane injustice. In her fight to eliminate health disparities, Dr. Glover has brought to bear a plethora of weapons. She has conducted research, winning millions of dollars in grants and leading efforts to create the Health Disparities Research Network. She has been a prolific author, publishing dozens of articles in academic journals. She has been an educator, working to address the dearth of minority public health professionals and earning the South Carolina Rural Health Association's Excellence in Education Award. She has been a community leader, serving on the South Carolina Department of Health and Environmental Control (DHEC) commissioner's health disparities advisory board and partnering with DHEC's Office of Minority Health on a number of statewide initiatives. In 2010, she was appointed to the Executive Committee of the Congressional Black Caucus Institute 21st Century Council, leading the health policy subcommittee. In all of these endeavors, Dr. Glover has attacked the complicated problem of health disparities from a wide array of angles. Her publications have covered topics as diverse as HIV, mental health, diabetes, asthma, access to care, and health services delivery. IPEHD, under her directorship, has been engaged in research and community activities that address HIV, cervical cancer, head and neck cancers, prostate cancer, obesity, mental health, autoimmune diseases, musculoskeletal injuries, and environmental health. In all of her work, Dr. Glover has focused on identifying and developing partnerships, engaging vulnerable and underserved communities in research, prevention and intervention activities, and training underrepresented minorities in biomedical and behavioral research. I am particularly grateful for Dr. Glover's role in organizing the James E. Clyburn Health Disparities Lecture Series. She has taken the lead in developing this annual lecture series to bring together academicians, clinicians, and community partners to share research and best practices on promoting health equity. Recognizing the importance of turning knowledge into action, Dr. Glover has ensured that this lecture series include follow-up dialogue sessions to identify community-level action steps to address racial, ethnic, and residence-based disparities in HIV and cancer in South Carolina and across the country. The success and growth of these programs would not have been possible without Dr. Glover's leadership. With all of these accomplishments, it is no surprise that Dr. Glover has garnered numerous honors and awards over the years. The University of South Carolina honored her with the Outstanding Black Alumni Award in 2004 and the Martin Luther King Faculty Social Justice Award for Exemplary Teaching, Research, and Service in 2010. She has also received national acclaim, winning the National Council of Negro Women's Living the Legacy Award in 2011, the Urban League's 2012 Tower Award for contributions to the betterment of humanity, and the Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity's MLK Community Service Award in 2013. We in South Carolina have been fortunate to have such a distinguished figure serving our community for so many years. Mr. Speaker, I ask you and my colleagues to join me in congratulating Dr. Glover on her well-deserved retirement. I wish her good health and Godspeed.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend Mr. Jeffries. I visited with the family of Walter Scott. I attended his funeral; and, not long after the services were over, I was approached by two women who identified themselves as mothers of two young men who had suffered unusual and unnecessary brutality at the hands of the officer who perpetrated the unnecessary shooting of Walter Scott. Both these women said to me that, throughout the North Charleston community, there is significant apprehension as to whether or not they could accept or expect any kind of relief for the pain that they are suffering. I remained in Charleston over the weekend. On Sunday evening, I saw that the mayor of North Charleston, Mayor Summey; the chief of police of North Charleston, Chief Driggers; along with the sheriff of Charleston County, attended the healing services that took place at Calvary Baptist Church there in Charleston. I applaud them--the mayor, the chief, and the sheriff--for responding to these three families, and there may be others, but in a way that makes us all proud. I am hopeful that, after this weekend and some subsequent occurrences, that Congress would take a long, hard look at whether or not there is a role for us to play in responding to what seems to be an epidemic. I applaud those in the South Carolina Legislature, most especially Senator Marlon Kimpson, for his authorship of body camera legislation. I thank the various newspapers, most recently this morning, The State newspaper, for endorsing this concept, saying that it is something that the legislature in South Carolina should authorize and fund. Now, there are a lot of police departments that are too small to raise the necessary funds, and a lot of them are so big that the cost might be prohibitive. To that, I want to say, Mr. Jeffries, as I thank you, Congressman Scott, and Congressman Richmond, as well as Congressmen Gowdy and Labrador, for all the work you are doing trying to pull together a piece of comprehensive legislation that will reform our judicial criminal system in a way that would make things much better going forward. Please, I ask, take a look at whether or not it is time for us here in the Congress to make the funds available so that all local police departments can afford to do something that I think will address a national problem. I also believe that the time has come for us to maybe mandate from this level the body cameras I think Congresswoman Corinne Brown and Congressman Emanuel Cleaver have both proposed legislation in this area. Let's take a look at their legislation. Hopefully, your task force will take a look at their legislation and see whether or not we can incorporate that legislation authorization, as well as the funding going forward. Now, I want to thank the Attorney General and the FBI Director for proposing that we deal with this issue of data collection. That is going to be very important as we take a look at these issues and these incidents and to see whether or not it is time for us to do something at the national level to deal with data collection. That, too, is an expense. In fact, that is something these departments would have a problem with in terms of size, where they are so big they can't afford it or too small to raise the funds, and maybe we can find a way to help fund the storage of this data so that we can create a better climate. Now, before I close, I want to say something that I get beaten up a lot for raising this issue, but I feel strongly about it. I am not easily intimidated, and I refuse to be bullied. Therefore, I want to say once again, whoever is funding the activities of the American Legislative Exchange Council, they are funding the kind of legislation, stand your ground, that creates vigilante activity in this country. It is clear that is what is formed from that legislation. They are also funding legislation that is suppressing voters; and when you suppress voters, you are, in fact, ruining activity at the community level that I think is very, very important. They are also funding the bleaching and stacking of legislative and congressional districts, all of which I believe add to the creation of a venomous climate throughout our country. I started my professional career as a public school teacher teaching history. I have studied the history of our great country, and I have taught it. I can say that it is clear to me that a lot of the legislation that is being proposed today, a lot of the activities that we are experiencing today, we went through this before. I would ask anybody who may be interested in the subject to just take a look at what occurred in this great country between 1872 and those new constitutions that went in place throughout the South in 1895. You will see that, through that 23-year period, the same kind of vigilante activity, all done under the heading of Jim Crow laws, the same activity with a different label is what we are beginning to see today. I would hope that all the people here in this Congress and around the country will really take stock of who we are, where we are, and let us do what is necessary to move our country to common ground for all of its great citizenry. Thank you so much.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Dr. David Holmes Swinton in recognition of his 20 years of service as president of Benedict College. In commemoration of his two decades of leadership, he has been presented with the college's Legacy Award, an honor of which he is most deserving Dr. Swinton's tenure at Benedict has been exemplary. He has guided the institution through two successful regional accreditations as well as the national accreditation of seven schools and programs. He has overseen a remarkable transformation of the Benedict campus, acquiring over 120 acres of new land and overseeing the construction or acquisition of numerous facilities, including a football stadium, six residence halls, a business development center, an administration building, a student health center, and a state-of-the-art campus center and dining hall. He also spearheaded the redevelopment of the surrounding neighborhood through Benedict's nationally recognized Community Development Corporation, led negotiations with the U.S. Department of Education for the MSIs/HBCUs on Title IV issues, and served as Chairman of the United Negro College Fund Member Presidents. Dr. Swinton's able stewardship has achieved results. Last year, Benedict ranked 14th in Washington Monthly's baccalaureate college rankings, which rated schools based on their contributions to social mobility, research, and service. In 2011, the college received the Higher Education Civic Engagement Award from the Washington Center in recognition of its outstanding contributions to our community. People have taken notice--since Dr. Swinton became president, the college's enrollment has more than doubled. The presidency of Benedict College is only the most recent position in which Dr. Swinton has distinguished himself. He previously served as Dean of the School of Business at Jackson State University and as Director of the Southern Center of Studies in Public Policy at Clark College. He is a renowned scholar, specializing in the economic status of African Americans. His scholarly work has been featured in an impressive array of publications, including the National Urban League's The State of Black America, American Economics Review, The Review of Black Political Economy, Public Administration Review, Journal of Urban Analysis, Business in Society, and ``. . . And Miles to Go Before I Sleep,'' a scholarly collection published by the Institute for Public Service and Policy Research of the University of South Carolina in commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the Brown v. Board of Education decision. With Benedict's emphasis on community service, it is fitting that Dr. Swinton has used his economic expertise to benefit the public. He was the first African American Chairman of the Greater Columbia Chamber of Commerce Board in the organization's 92-year history. He helped organize a group of investors to create South Carolina Community Bank, the only minority-owned bank in the state. Dr. Swinton has shown his commitment to be long-term, having served as an economic advisor to the National Urban League since 1980 and on Black Enterprise magazine's Board of Economists since 1990. With such an illustrious career, it is no surprise that Dr. Swinton has received numerous honors and awards, including the National Economic Association's Samuel Z. Westerfield Award, the Phi Beta Sigma Lifetime Achievement Award in Education, and the Order of the Palmetto, South Carolina's highest civilian honor. In 2007, he was elected to the South Carolina Black Hall of Fame. Mr. Speaker, I ask you and my colleagues to join me in congratulating Dr. Swinton on this milestone. I look forward to continuing to work with him in the years to come, and I wish him Godspeed.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 216. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 216, as amended, the Department of Veterans Affairs Budget Planning Reform Act of 2015. This bill represents a bipartisan effort of the Veterans Affairs' Committee, building on the work of former Ranking Member Michael Michaud and current Ranking Member Corrine Brown of Florida. I also want to thank Chairman Jeff Miller, Mr. Doug Lamborn of Colorado, and all of the members of the committee for their efforts on behalf of this bill. H.R. 216 would codify and strengthen efforts by the VA to improve the manner in which it matches resources with requirements. H.R. 216 will improve transparency and give us in Congress, veterans, and the American people a better sense of where the VA is going and how it intends to get there. It is often said that the journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step. Far too often, it seems that, in terms of budget planning, the VA is focused on the single step and not the thousand-mile journey. Currently, the majority of the VA's programs are provided funding under what is called ``advance appropriations.'' This means that the VA budget is put in place well before the start of the fiscal year in which it will be needed. This also means that the VA is attempting to estimate the demands it will face many, many months down the road. H.R. 216 will assist the VA in ensuring that these estimates are as reliable as possible. H.R. 216 will provide the necessary framework for the VA to strategically determine how best to meet the needs of veterans, while ensuring that this framework and these decisions are transparent and justified. This will assist our work here in Congress and give veterans the peace of mind that the VA is looking to the future and not caught in the past. H.R. 216 would require the VA to lay out a 5-year budget plan beginning in fiscal year 2020. This budget plan would be informed by a quadrennial review, initially required in fiscal year 2019, and then upgraded every 4 years. This would give the VA plenty of time to ensure that its internal processes can support these requirements. H.R. 216 would also require the Secretary to provide annual policy guidance to ensure that near-term budgets are aligned with the VA's longer-term strategic outlook. Many of the challenges the VA is facing today are remarkably similar to the problems it was facing when I served on the committee two decades ago. There is always a challenge to fit the available resources to the immediate needs and to focus on what will be required in the months ahead. It is easy to lose focus on where we are going while meeting the emergencies and crises of today. I believe that H.R. 216 will assist all of us in keeping the entire journey in mind and not the single step. It will provide the information we need to look ahead, enable veterans and the American people to have the information they need to be assured that we are on the right track, and better enable the VA to get the resources it truly needs to meet the challenges it faces. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I often refer to this Hall as America's classroom. I do that because I do believe that, as we conduct ourselves here on this floor, it is to set an example for all citizens, especially our young citizens, who look in on our proceedings and get some idea about how they ought to conduct themselves as Americans going forward. One of those things, I think, that we ought to be very careful of is how we address the rights and responsibilities that we all have as citizens. We teach our children in our classrooms and in our homes that the right to vote is basic to this democracy of ours. I know that all of us are aware that in our past it is a right that has not always been practiced, but in its wisdom this body, acting collectively, decided back in 1965 that it would do something about making right the wrongs that have been heaped upon citizens for decades when it comes to voting. And so we did. A formula was adopted that was based upon the 1964 results of the Presidential election. We have renewed time and time again that law, always updating under that formula; but several months ago the United States Supreme Court looked at the formula and decided that the formula had outlived its usefulness, but the Voting Rights Act was still needed. They invited the Congress to take a look at the formula and update it, as the chair said, and to make it more contemporary. We have worked for months. I want to thank Mr. Sensenbrenner of Wisconsin and Mr. Conyers of Michigan for the work they have done to put together some amendments that would update that formula. This time we decided to look back just a few years and to see, within the last 10 or 12 years, what jurisdictions have still continued to violate people's rights and who have been found guilty of doing so. Rather than apply the formula to everybody, what we will do is come up with a series of wrongs, put some numerical qualification on it, and make a new formula. Now, that formula is not going to cover South Carolina today, but under the formula, any jurisdiction, any State that permits these kinds of atrocities and is found to have done so, they will be brought under the formula. So the formula applies to every jurisdiction in the country. I think that it is time for us to be honest that everybody will not do right, but we should have something in place so when a jurisdiction fails to do right, we will have a mechanism to address those ills. Now, let me hasten to add--and I want all that are listening in to understand--this part of the Voting Rights Act is a preventive measure. It says that it allows for the Justice Department to move to prevent any kind of implementation of a change in the voting laws so that we won't have expensive litigation if something in it is not quite right. I believe that it is incumbent upon us to do what we can to employ methods that will not require citizens and the jurisdiction, their States, their cities and counties, to go to the expense of litigation when we can have an administrative procedure in place to take a look at what has been done and make a decision as to whether or not there is any possibility that someone's voting rights could be taken away. That is all this formula does. That is all section 5 is about. I would hope that those of us who traveled to Selma last week to renew our commitment to making this country of ours a more perfect Union will sit down in the near future, and before we get to the 50th anniversary of the signing of that 1965 Voting Rights Act, which comes on August 6 of this year, sometime between now and August 6, let's put in place the kind of amendments that would allow the Voting Rights Act to maintain the life that it has given to so many communities for so many years. I want to thank Ms. Kelly for putting together this Special Order. Let me close by saying: The longer I live, the more I get in touch with those old adages that we grew up with, one of which was ``an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure.'' I believe that these amendments that we are proposing are preventive measures, and it is much more valuable than for us to come back looking for a cure that could be very, very expensive.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor and recognize Roland ``Rocky'' J. Gannon, a resident of Florence, South Carolina and join with his friends throughout the Pee Dee area of South Carolina in celebration of his 90th birthday. Mr. Gannon is a decorated veteran, having served thirty-seven years in the Air Force before retiring in 1980. His service began in 1943 while he was a high school junior when he entered an Air Force pilot training program, from which he graduated one month after D-Day. During his decades of service, he flew more than 6,000 hours in thirty-four different types of aircraft. Fourteen of those years were served overseas and included 387 combat missions in Vietnam. After the end of World War II, ``Rocky'' spent three years in Iwo Jima, Japan. His service in these theaters, as well as in the Korean War and Belgian Congo, earned him fifty military awards, including the Distinguished Flying Cross, the Bronze Star, the Vietnamese Cross of Gallantry, and ten Air Medals. After his retirement from the Air Force in 1980, Mr. Gannon took his expertise to the private sector as an independent aviation consultant and was subsequently named Executive Director of the Florence Regional Airport. In 2001, commemoration of his accomplishments in both civilian and combat aviation, he was named South Carolina Aviator of the Year and was inducted into the South Carolina Aviation Association Hall of Fame. ``Rocky's'' passion for aviation is matched only by his dedication to the Boy Scouts of America. He joined the scouts when he was twelve years old and rose to the rank of Eagle Scout before joining the Air Force. He credits the training he received as a Boy Scout to much of his success in military and civilian life. He has given back to the scouts throughout his career and in 2009 received the Distinguished Eagle Award, the Boy Scouts of America's highest honor. Mr. Speaker, I ask that you and my colleagues join me in congratulating Mr. Gannon on this milestone and thanking him for his outstanding contributions to Florence, the Pee Dee area, to South Carolina, and to our great country. I wish him Godspeed and a happy and healthy 90th birthday celebration in the company of his friends and family.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to note the passing of a great American. Golf pioneer Charlie Sifford died last night at the age of 92. Often called the ``Jackie Robinson of golf,'' Sifford wrote in his autobiography, ``Just Let Me Play,'' about his fateful meeting with the man who broke baseball's color barrier: ``He asked me if I was a quitter,'' Sifford wrote. ``I told him: `No.' '' ``He said: `If you're not a quitter, you're probably going to experience some things that will make you want to quit.' '' Sifford experienced unspeakable acts of racial abuse, slurs, and threats as he became the first African American to play the PGA Tour. Born in Charlotte, North Carolina, in 1922, Sifford worked as a caddie and dominated the all-Black United States Golfers Association, winning five straight national titles. He challenged the PGA's Whites- only rule, and, in 1961, they rescinded it. Sifford won the Greater Hartford Open in 1967 and the Los Angeles Open in 1969. He also won the 1975 Senior PGA Championship. In 2004, he became the first African American inducted into the World Golf Hall of Fame. Last year, President Barack Obama awarded Sifford the Medal of Freedom, joining Jack Nicklaus and Arnold Palmer as the only golfers to receive our Nation's highest civilian honor. Tiger Woods, one of the greatest golfers of all time, has often said he may have never taken up the game were it not for the courage, grace, and perseverance of Charlie Sifford. Mr. Speaker, Charlie Sifford was not a quitter. He was a hero. He was my hero. May he rest in peace.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, in one of his great books, Martin Luther King, Jr., asked the question: Where do we go from here--chaos or community? Mr. Speaker, today, 50 years after Selma, that question is still in need of an answer. One area in need of aggressive action is persistent poverty, and I want to thank President Obama for sending us a budget that equalizes the Tax Code and that, if substantially enacted, will move us closer to what Dr. King often referred to as the ``beloved community.'' Statistics show that there are nearly 500 counties and thousands of communities in the United States that are classified by the Census Bureau as ``persistent-poverty areas.'' They are certified because 20 percent of their populations have lived below the poverty line for the last 30 or more years. They are diverse communities, including Caucasian communities in States like West Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee; Native American communities in States like South Dakota, Alaska, and Oklahoma; Latino communities in States like Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas; and African American communities in States like South Carolina, Alabama, and Mississippi. They are urban communities in States like New York and heartland communities in States like Missouri. There are 139 of these counties that are represented in this House by Democrats, 331 by Republicans, and 18 are split between the two parties. Combating persistent poverty should matter to all of us regardless of party, geography, or race. In early 2009, as we were putting together the Recovery Act, I proposed language to require at least 10 percent of funds in three rural development accounts to be directed to efforts in these persistent-poverty counties. This requirement was enacted into law. In light of the definition of ``persistent-poverty counties'' as having at least 20 percent poverty rates over 30 years, this provision became known as the ``10-20-30 initiative.'' In using the 10-20-30 formula, the Recovery Act funded a total of 4,655 projects in persistent-poverty counties, totaling nearly $1.7 billion. I saw firsthand the positive effects of these projects in my district. We were able to undertake projects and create jobs that would have otherwise languished. Among these investments were a $5.8 million grant and a $2 million loan to construct 51 miles of water lines in the rural community of Brittons Neck in Marion County, South Carolina. There are many other success stories. In Lowndes County, Mississippi, $17.5 million was spent to install a water line, elevator tank, and two wastewater pump stations, providing potable water to rural Mississippians and creating badly needed construction jobs. In 2011, I joined with our former Republican colleague, Representative Jo Ann Emerson of Missouri, to introduce an amendment to the continuing resolution that would have continued 10-20-30 for rural development and would have expanded it to 11 additional accounts throughout the Federal budget to enhance economic development, education, job training, health, justice, the environment, and much more. I want to make one thing clear about the 10-20-30 approach. It does not add one dime to the deficit. It simply targets resources from funds already authorized or appropriated. Over the past 30 years, the national economy has risen and fallen multiple times. During these economic downturns, we have been rightly focused on getting our economy, as a whole, on track. We have not given adequate attention to these communities that are suffering from chronic distress and Depression-era levels of joblessness. Mr. Speaker, I would hope that, as we undertake this budget, we will find ways to work together to move our Nation closer to Dr. King's dream of a beloved community.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Thank you so much, Mr. Payne, for yielding me time. I appreciate your accolades, and I promise you that my long, distant memory is getting very good, but I assure you that your contributions to this great body are very much appreciated. Mr. Speaker, yesterday, I opened up Black History Month with a speech at Cornerstone Baptist Church on Wayne Street in Columbia, South Carolina. They had an interesting topic for me to develop. It was all about remembering our past and preparing for the future. Chairman Butterfield has talked a little bit about the past that many of us remember, but 50 years after Selma, we must turn to the question that Martin Luther King, Jr., asked in one of his great books: Where do we go from here, chaos or community? Statistics show that there are nearly 500 counties and thousands of communities in the United States that are classified by the United States Census Bureau as persistent poverty areas. They are so defined because 20 percent of their populations have lived below the poverty level for the past 30 years or more. They are diverse, including Caucasian communities in States like West Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee; Native American communities in States like South Dakota, Alaska, and Oklahoma; Latino communities in States like Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas; and African American communities in States like South Carolina, Alabama, and Mississippi. They are urban communities in States like New York and heartland communities in States like Missouri. 139 of these counties are represented in this body by Democrats; 331 of these counties are represented in this body by Republicans; and 18 of these counties are split between the two parties. Combating persistent poverty should matter to all of us, regardless of party, geography, or race. In early 2009, when we were putting together the Recovery Act, I proposed language to require that at least 10 percent of funds in three rural development accounts be directed to efforts in these persistent- poverty counties. This requirement was enacted into law. In light of the definition of persistent-poverty counties as having at least 20 percent poverty rates over 30 years, the provision became known as the 10-20-30 initiative. This initiative bore dividends as economic development projects proliferated in persistent poverty communities across the country. Using the 10-20-30 formula, the Recovery Act funded a total of 4,655 projects in persistent-poverty counties, totaling nearly $1.7 billion. I saw firsthand the positive effects of these projects in my district. We were able to undertake projects to create jobs that would have otherwise languished. Among those investments was a $5.8 million grant and a $2 million loan to construct 51 miles of water lines in the little community of Brittons Neck in Marion County, South Carolina. There are many other success stories. In Lowndes County, Mississippi, $17.5 million was spent to install a water line, elevated tank, and two wastewater pump stations, providing potable water to rural Mississippians and creating badly needed construction jobs. The Wellborn Special Utility District in Brazos County, Texas, received a $538,000 loan to construct more than 9 miles of new water distribution lines and connect over 60 households to a new water system. In 2011, I joined with our former Republican colleague, Representative Jo Ann Emerson of Missouri, to introduce an amendment to the continuing resolution that would have continued 10-20-30 for rural development and expanded it to 11 additional accounts throughout the Federal Government affecting economic development, education, job training, health, justice, the environment, and more. I want to make one thing clear about the 10-20-30 approach. It does not--I repeat, it does not--add one dime to the deficit. It simply targets resources from funds already authorized or appropriated. Over the past 30 years, the national economy has risen and fallen multiple times. During each economic downturn, while we have been rightly focused on getting the economy as a whole back on track, we have not given adequate attention to these communities that are suffering from chronic distress and Depression-era levels of joblessness. As a result, they have suffered even in good economic times. The 10- 20-30 approach would provide a mechanism to address this deprivation in times of want and in times of plenty, in times of Federal investment and in times of fiscal austerity. Last year, I wrote an essay on 10-20-30 which was published in the Harvard Journal on Legislation. I discussed the history of our Nation's efforts to address chronic poverty and more fully laid out the case for broadly implementing 10-20-30 in a bipartisan fashion. Mr. Speaker, as we begin to put our 2016 budget together, I look forward to working with all Members in this body on both sides of the aisle irrespective of what State or county you may represent. I look forward to working together so that we can make a real productive legacy for Selma and we can move forward and answer Dr. King's question ``Chaos or community?'' with a resounding: We are building communities.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to a wonderful woman and South Carolinian who is turning 100 years old on February 7th. Elise Jones Martin has been a stalwart of her community in Columbia, South Carolina for decades, and is very deserving of this recognition she is receiving from people all across the State of South Carolina. Ms. Martin was born in Hartsville, South Carolina and arrived in Columbia in the 1930s following cosmetology training in New Jersey. She later attended South Carolina State College in Orangeburg, SC where she received her teaching certification. She taught for many years at Booker T. Washington High School and was very active in her trade's professional organizations. Ms. Martin became the first African American woman to own a business on Main Street in Columbia when she opened a wig shop called Accent Elise. She became a dedicated and trustworthy member of the community. She worked with the Columbia Housing Authority on its Hope VI program and served as a poll worker for over three decades. In 2008 she served as the poll manager to her polling location at the youthful age of 94. She has also served as a member of the Columbia Zoning board and a member of the America Beautiful Committee of the Midlands. She believes that citizens must take part in the change they seek and has been a tireless worker through the City of Columbia. Ms. Martin has been extremely dedicated to Bethel A.M.E. Church, where she's been a member for more than 70 years and has held many leadership positions. Her deep and lasting commitment to her church and her community have made her a valuable asset. She has always been very approachable. Her wisdom, friendship and compassion are often sought and highly valued by her family and fellow citizens. Mr. Speaker, I ask that you and my colleagues join me in congratulating Ms. Elise Jones Martin on this tremendous milestone. It is very fitting that her valuable contributions and this celebration of 100 years of life are being recognized by her family and friends for all she has done to give back to those with whom she has shared a century of blessed experiences.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend, Mr. Smith, for allowing me to share this time with him. Mr. Speaker, in keeping with the tradition of the First Amendment--a law deeply ingrained in the core of American values--I would like to put into the Congressional Record the poem ``One River, One Boat.'' This poem was written by South Carolina's poet laureate, Marjory Wentworth, in anticipation of reading it at today's gubernatorial inauguration. It illustrates the history of my home State and ponders a look at the path the State seems to be embarking upon going forward. Ms. Wentworth has recited a poem at the last three gubernatorial inaugurations, but she will not be reciting a poem at today's. She was told that her participation would make the program too lengthy. Now, Mr. Speaker, I have attended several inaugurations of South Carolina's Governors. Some were shorter than others. None were allotted a specific amount of time. South Carolinians are proud of their poet laureates, but all have not always agreed with the import of their writings. I believe it is wrong to not include this prolific, artistic expression in this year's ceremony. Recently, individuals across the globe are living in fear of censorship when free speech and expression should be a fundamental right. We have even seen cowardly individuals use their own beliefs to badger, batter, and even murder those whose views and expressions they have found discomforting. We have seen many instances of arbitrary actions against the powerless by the powerful when words and actions threaten their comfort levels. Such actions should not be. I applaud Ms. Wentworth for her touching words, and I am reading her poem today in hopes that the people of South Carolina, across the country, and peoples around the world are as touched by her words as I have been. One River, One Boat (By Marjory Wentworth, poet laureate of South Carolina) Because our history is a knot we try to unravel, while others try to tighten it, we tire easily and fray the cords that bind us. The cord is a slow moving river, spiraling across the land in a succession of S's, splintering near the sea. Picture us all, crowded onto a boat at the last bend in the river: watch children stepping off the school bus, parents late for work, grandparents fishing for favorite memories, teachers tapping their desks with red pens, firemen suiting up to save us, nurses making rounds, baristas grinding coffee beans, dockworkers unloading apartment size containers of computers and toys from factories across the sea. Every morning a different veteran stands at the base of the bridge holding a cardboard sign with misspelled words and an empty cup. In fields at daybreak, rows of migrant farm workers standing on ladders, break open iced peach blossoms; their breath rising and resting above the frozen fields like clouds. A jonboat drifts down the river. Inside, a small boy lies on his back; hand laced behind his head, he watches stars fade from the sky and dreams. Consider the prophet John, calling us from the edge of the wilderness to name the harm that has been done, to make it plain, and enter the river and rise. It is not about asking for forgiveness. It is not about bowing our heads in shame; because it all begins and ends here: while workers unearth trenches at Gadsden's Wharf, where 100,000 Africans were imprisoned within brick walls awaiting auction, death, or worse. Where the dead were thrown into the water, and the river clogged with corpses has kept centuries of silence. It is time to gather at the water's edge, and toss wreaths into this watery grave. And it is time to praise the judge who cleared George Stinney's name, seventy years after the fact, we honor him; we pray. Here, where the Confederate flag still flies beside the Statehouse, haunted by our past, conflicted about the future; at the heart of it, we are at war with ourselves huddled together on this boat handed down to us--stuck at the last bend of a wide river splintering near the sea.