Jim Clyburn

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I, like many others, were shocked and saddened to learn of the passing of Senator Lindsey Graham, who served in this body from 1995 to 2003, when he left to begin serving in the Senate. I wrote in the introduction to my memoir that I am a child of blessed experiences, generally southern, proudly Black. All of my experiences have not been pleasant, but I have considered all of them to be blessings, and so it was with Lindsey Graham. My relationships with Lindsey were sometimes partisan and passionate, mostly productive on behalf of the people of South Carolina. For more than three decades, we served the people of the Palmetto State together here in Congress. Throughout that time, we maintained a relationship grounded in mutual respect, even when our political differences were significant. His commitment to public service and the people he represented will remain an enduring part of his legacy. I shall never forget playing a round of golf with Lindsey Graham in one of South Carolina's many beautiful golf courses, and I raised an issue with him that I thought was very significant. I said to him that South Carolina, which I considered to be one of, if not the most, historic States in our Nation, was without a heritage corridor, and I thought that one was in order for the State. Lindsey said he agreed with me, but I said to him: Lindsey, this bill that I have introduced to create the South Carolina National Heritage Corridor will never become law with my name on it. Things had gotten a bit too partisan back in 1994, 1995, and 1996. I asked him to put his name on it. He said to me: I don't want to take your legislation. I said to him: You are not taking it. I am giving it to you. Then he said: I don't know if I understand what it is all about. I said to him: When the bill is called, invite me to speak on it, and he did. South Carolina got that heritage corridor. It has now got two more since, and in every one of those heritage corridors, I worked with Lindsey Graham to make it happen. South Carolina now has three national parks. We had only one national monument, but now we have three national parks. The monument I worked with his predecessor to get, but with the last two national parks, I worked with Lindsey Graham to do it quietly. We didn't have press conferences. We just sat down with each other or we got in the golf cart together to make it happen. That is the way it was with Lindsey Graham, someone who was passionate but productive and sometimes pleasant--sometimes. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Wilson).

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor and celebrate the remarkable life of Harrison Rearden on his 90th birthday. For at least eight of his nine decades, Mr. Rearden has exemplified the values of service, leadership, faith, and community. His extraordinary contributions to South Carolina and its citizens are leaving an indelible mark on our state and he continues to serve as an enduring example of what can be accomplished through dedication to others. Born on June 6, 1936, in Edgefield, South Carolina, to Norris and Ruth Rearden, Harrison Rearden was raised in a rural community where the values of hard work, integrity, and perseverance were instilled in him at an early age. After graduating from Edgefield Academy in 1954, he continued his education at South Carolina State College where our paths first crossed when I arrived on that campus in 1957. Harrison earned a degree in biology in 1958, before pursuing graduate studies at Indiana State University. Following his studies, he answered the call to serve his country by joining the United States Army and reporting to Fort McClellan in Anniston, Alabama. Upon completing his military service, he began his professional career as an educator. Mr. Harrison transitioned into the insurance industry and spent fifteen years with Pilgrim Health and Life Insurance Company in Greenville, South Carolina where our paths crossed for a second time. In Greenville, Mr. Rearden quickly established himself as a respected civic leader. He served as President of the South Carolina Insurance Association, Executive Secretary of the Billy Graham Greenville Crusade, and became actively involved in civil rights activities through his membership in the NAACP. In 1974, Mr. Rearden began what would become a distinguished twenty- seven-year career with the South Carolina Department of Social Services. Through hard work, vision, and exemplary leadership, he rose through the ranks to become Deputy State Director. His dedication to public service earned him numerous accolades, including the Order of the Palmetto, South Carolina's highest civilian honor, the Silver Crescent Award, a Concurrent Resolution for Public Service from the South Carolina General Assembly, and the South Carolina State Employee of the Year Award. It was during his service in South Carolina's State government that he and I formed a lasting friendship. Even after retiring from the Department of Social Services in 2001, Mr. Rearden continued to devote himself to public service. His efforts have been recognized by organizations throughout South Carolina, including the Columbia Urban League, the Greater Columbia Chamber of Commerce, and the South Carolina State Employees Association. He also served on numerous boards and organizations, including the American Lung Association, Central South Carolina Alliance, Babcock Center, Salvation Army Advisory Board, Richland County Planning Commission, and the South Carolina State Employees Association. He chaired the Richland-Lexington Airport Commission and served as Vice Chairman of the South Carolina Highway Commission. Throughout his life, faith has remained a cornerstone of Mr. Rearden's character. He faithfully served as a Deacon at First Nazareth Baptist Church, a Board Member of the United Baptist Deacons of Columbia, and Chairman of the Deacon Ministry at First Calvary Baptist Church. His unwavering commitment to his church has touched countless lives and strengthened the communities he has served. Harrison has always believed in the power of service, the importance of community, and the value of treating every person with dignity and respect. South Carolina is stronger because of his contributions, and countless individuals have benefited from his wisdom, compassion, and example. Mr. Speaker, I ask that you and our colleagues join me in celebrating the 90th birthday of my good friend and mentor, Harrison Rearden. I thank him for a lifetime of service and wish him continued health, happiness, and blessings in the years ahead.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize and honor Dr. Preston N. Williams on the occasion of his 100th birthday. This milestone represents a century of wisdom, scholarship, leadership, and faith. Few people leave a legacy that touches classrooms, churches, universities, communities, and generations of students the way Dr. Williams has throughout his extraordinary life. Born in the rural town of Alcolu, South Carolina, Dr. Williams is a graduate of Washington & Jefferson College, Johnson C. Smith University, Yale Divinity School, and Harvard University. His life has reflected an extraordinary commitment to learning and faith. His distinguished teaching career at historically Black colleges, Boston University, and Harvard Divinity School inspired generations of students and colleagues alike. In every setting, Dr. Williams has nurtured minds and spirits, encouraging students to recognize their own dignity, intellectual gifts, and capacity to lead during times when such affirmation was urgently needed. Dr. Williams made history as the first tenured African American faculty member at Harvard Divinity School and later as the first African American to serve as Acting Dean of the School. He also served as founding director of Harvard's W.E.B. Du Bois Institute. Last year, I was honored to receive the W.E.B. Du Bois Medal from Harvard's Hutchins Center for African & African American Research, the successor to the Du Bois Institute. A leader among his peers, he also served as president of the American Academy of Religion, and president of the Society of Christian Ethics. Dr. Williams' scholarship in Christian ethics, African American religion, human rights, and social justice helped shape both academic study and public thought in profound and lasting ways. Those who know him best speak most often not of titles, but of his kindness, integrity, generosity, and wisdom. Throughout his life, Dr. Williams has demonstrated a deep commitment to building what Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. called, ``the Beloved Community.'' He expanded opportunities for students and scholars of color, helped broaden the study of African American and African religions in theological education, and created pathways for clergy and civic leaders through the Summer Leadership Institute for Church-Based Community and Economic Development. Even beyond his formal leadership roles, he has been a mentor, encourager, and trusted guide to countless individuals whose lives were transformed by his generosity and wisdom. As we honor Dr. Williams' 100th birthday, we give thanks for the countless lives he has influenced, including students who have become leaders, colleagues who became friends, and communities strengthened by his presence. His life reminds us that true greatness is measured not simply by achievement, but by the impact one has on others. In June, Dr. Williams and his lovely wife Dr. Constance ``Connie'' Williams will celebrate their 70th wedding anniversary. In honor of their lifetime of service to students, Harvard recently established the ``Constance W. and Preston N. Williams Scholarship Fund'' in their honor. They are the proud parents of David and Mark Williams. Mr. Speaker, I ask that you and our colleagues join me in congratulating Dr. Preston N. Williams on this historic and joyful milestone. May his life continue to inspire and uplift his community for many years to come.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Let me just say that I do believe you have heard from my colleagues tonight about one of America's best products. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CLYBURN. Let me just close, Mr. Speaker, if I may, by thanking the organizers of this, Cleo and Jonathan.

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks), whose roots are in South Carolina.

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire how much time is remaining.

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the comments. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Brooklyn, New York (Ms. Clarke), who is the chair of the Congressional Black Caucus.

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor and pay homage to the late Reverend Jesse Louis Jackson, Sr. On Tuesday, February 14, 2026, I joined the Nation in mourning the passing of one of the most quintessential civil rights leaders: the Reverend Jesse Louis Jackson, Sr. Our relationship began as students at rival high schools in South Carolina--he at Sterling in Greenville and me at Mather Academy in Camden. Our schools played football and basketball against each other. Jesse was a star quarterback at Sterling, and I was a prolific benchwarmer at Mather Academy, but the rivalry was there and real. He could play, and I could yell. That relationship was extended and intensified when he enrolled at North Carolina A&T, an 1890 Land Grant HBCU in Greensboro, North Carolina. I was already attending South Carolina State, the 1890 HBCU in our home State. There was and still is an intense rivalry between those two iconic institutions. Then, independent of each other, we both pledged and became members of Omega Psi Phi Fraternity. It was in that brotherhood and during our political activism, although not always in the same camp, that we developed a love and respect that lasted throughout the ages. His mother, Helen, was one of my biggest political boosters and a valued friend. Jesse and I had a genuine friendship, in large measure because our mothers willed it to be. During my political visits to Greenville and the Piedmont area, his mother, Helen, and her good friend, Lottie Gibson, would make sure I had as much sustenance as their southern fried chicken could provide. I shall never forget the night I kicked off my campaign for South Carolina's Secretary of State in Georgetown, every bit of a 4-hour drive from Greenville. Just as that rally began, I looked up, and who was walking through the door of that church? Helen Jackson and Lottie Gibson. They had driven all the way from Greenville down to Georgetown to help me in that effort. I lost that race. As one can imagine, with that loss, came some anxieties about the future. As fate would have it, I was destined to serve here in Congress and eventually with two of Helen's grandsons: Jesse, Jr., and Jonathan, Jesse's sons. Today, some of our children have become friends. Ours was a friendship that spanned four generations. Jesse was a son of Greenville, born to a mother who was just 16 years old at the time of his birth. His grandmother raised him until he was 13 when he then was adopted by his stepfather, Charles Jackson. Jesse began his activism in the summer of 1960, as a student seeking to desegregate the Greenville Public Library. Jesse recounted how painful it was to not be allowed access to the books in that library. After being denied that privilege, Jesse vowed to return that summer to advocate for the library's desegregation. He became a leader in the sit-in movement. Jesse led seven Black high school students into the Whites-only Greenville Public Library. They were arrested for sitting down in that library and became known as the Greenville Eight. Interestingly, around that same time, I became one of the leaders of a sit-in in Orangeburg, and some referred to us as the Orangeburg Seven. It was interesting how all of this happened during that time. There was the Greensboro Four up in North Carolina and the Friendship Nine in Rock Hill. I don't know why they gave us those kind of monikers, but we wore them with pride. The Greenville Eight ultimately won the right to have access to that library. Today, the Greenville Public Library serves all people, and that episode launched what would become for Jesse a life of civil rights and political activism. He became director of Operation Breadbasket and the founder of the venerable Rainbow PUSH Coalition, an intergenerational movement to uplift the voiceless and downtrodden. His passion to bring together people of all colors and creeds is a testament to his vision of unity and oneness, as proclaimed by our Nation's motto: ``E Pluribus Unum''; ``out of many, one.'' Operation PUSH became renowned for using direct action, selective buying, and creative negotiations to encourage major corporations to be more inclusive, hire more Black executives, and support and contract with Black-owned businesses and corporations. The Rainbow PUSH Coalition was and still is about dignity, fairness, justice, and hope. Jesse worked to make the greatness of this country accessible and affordable for all. Jesse's historic Presidential runs in 1984 and 1988 were reflective of his strong will, guiding faith, and belief in possibilities. Those two Presidential campaigns came up short, but that didn't stop him. Because of Jesse's efforts, an end was brought to the winner-take-all distribution of delegates, a creative device comparable to those that were prevalent post-Reconstruction. Where is the fairness when the candidate who gets 51 percent of the votes receives 100 percent of the delegates? Despite what may be said to the contrary, it is a fact that this change allowed underdogs and nonwealthy candidates to compete, increased voter diversity, and paved the way for future candidates. Were it not for the proportional voting in our primaries made possible because of Jesse's efforts, Barack Obama would not have received our party's nomination and would not have been elected our 44th President of these United States of America. Jesse's efforts were not in vain. A life lived defying odds, Reverend Jackson showed us that if we remain focused, work hard, and unite in our purpose, we can continue bending the arc of the moral universe toward justice and continue our pursuit of a more perfect Union. Operation Breadbasket, anti-apartheid activism, voter registration, and corporate diversity were among just a few of his initiatives that advanced opportunity and equality for Black Americans. It should not be lost on any of us that the impact that Jesse had on the Nation and the world was great. His visionary leadership is his legacy, and his orations continue to inspire all of us as we continue our pursuit of justice and equality. In 3 months, we will be celebrating the 250th anniversary of this country's existence. I quote from Thomas Paine's famous writing, ``The American Crisis,'' published in 1776, during the American Revolution. Paine wrote: ``These are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of his country; but he that stands by it now deserves the love and thanks of man and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph.'' Jesse Louis Jackson was not a summer soldier. He was not a sunshine patriot. He stood with the times. Because of his efforts, many of us can stand where we stand today. Jesse endured setbacks, losses, and the scrutiny of those who did not believe in him. But still, Jesse taught us to renew our faith in what is possible. My favorite Old Testament Scripture is Micah 6:8: For he has shown thee, O man, that which is required--to do justly, be merciful, and walk humbly. In the late 1970s and 1980s, when this country grew weary of justice, it was Jesse who led us to keep walking humbly and maintaining hope. Jesse believed and internalized the admonition found in James 2, ``Faith without works is dead.'' Jesse's voice calls on each of us to keep that faith as enunciated in Hebrews 11:1: ``Faith is the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things unseen.'' Jesse understood that we must find the strength to fight for a more perfect Union and find the compassion to make it universal. On March 2, 2026, the late Reverend Jesse Louis Jackson returned home to South Carolina to lie in state in the South Carolina State Capitol. I had the honor of paying homage to him that day, and hundreds filed past his casket to pay respects. Jesse's efforts in the place he called home never wavered. In 2015, he came home to advocate for the removal of the Confederate battle flag from the South Carolina State House grounds after nine Black worshippers were killed at Mother Emanuel AME Church in Charleston by a young white supremacist who worshipped that flag and wanted his act to start a ``race war,'' his quote. Jesse became the second Black person to lie in state in our State's Capitol. The first was his and my friend, the late pastor and State Senator Clementa Pinckney, who was one of those Emanuel 9. I am pleased to be here this evening and to be part of this Congressional Black Caucus Special Order. I thank my good friend for allowing me to be here. Cleo is my classmate from 1993. I thank him for allowing me to be here. I close by thanking Jesse's family for what they mean to me and my family. It is an emotional connection not easy to explain. In his 1984 Rainbow Coalition speech, Jesse said: ``No matter how difficult the days and dark the nights, there is a brighter side somewhere. In Angola; Mozambique; Nicaragua; El Salvador; South Africa; Greenville, South Carolina; and Harlem, there is a brighter side.'' The impact of his enduring legacy will resonate for years to come. May he take his rightful place among those who have shaped this Nation's course and pushed us further toward a more perfect Union. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green).

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the life and legacy of an extraordinary woman, Mrs. Christine Osburn Jackson, who entered eternal rest on February 25, 2026, at the age of 97. Mrs. Jackson's life was defined by courage, compassion, and an unwavering commitment to uplifting others. For more than three decades, she stood at the helm of the YWCA of Greater Charleston, transforming it into a beacon of hope, justice, and opportunity for countless individuals across her community. Born in Marion, Alabama, to Roland and Cornelia Scott Osburn, Christine Jackson was shaped early by faith, family, and a deep sense of responsibility to others. Her upbringing, rooted in church and community, instilled in her the values that would guide her life's work. She pursued higher education in home economics and carried those skills with her as tools for empowerment and service. Early on, Mrs. Jackson proved she was a trailblazer, yet another reminder of her resilience and perseverance as a Black woman of her generation. In 1963, she and her husband, the late Reverend Dr. Eddie L. Jackson, Sr., made their way to Charleston, South Carolina, where her journey with the YWCA began humbly with teaching a sewing class. What followed was nothing short of transformation. In 1966, she assumed leadership of a segregated institution during one of the most pivotal periods in our Nation's history. With quiet strength and steady determination, she helped guide the YWCA through the turbulence of the civil rights struggle, ensuring that the Y's mission aligned with the principles of equality and inclusion. Under her visionary leadership, the YWCA of Greater Charleston became a cornerstone of the community. Mrs. Jackson championed programs that registered voters, supported young mothers, and provided educational and leadership opportunities for youth. She helped establish initiatives such as the Tribute to Women in Industry (TWIN), elevating the contributions of women across the region, and played a central role in creating Charleston's annual Martin Luther King, Jr., commemorations--ensuring that Dr. King's legacy would live on in both word and action. Her influence extended far beyond organizational leadership. During the 1969 Charleston Hospital Strike, the YWCA served as a meeting place for those seeking justice, and Mrs. Jackson stood among those committed to advancing civil rights. She was connected personally and historically to this movement, sharing close ties to the family of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and carrying forward the spirit of service and sacrifice that defined that era. Even in retirement, Mrs. Jackson remained a guiding force, ever hopeful and steadfast in her belief that ``the good in people will always outweigh the bad.'' Her life's work was made possible not only by her leadership but also by her unique ability to bring people together in the service of a greater cause. She leaves to cherish her memory her loving children, Moshe Rashad and Kim Jackson; her bonus son, Jeremy Lamar Jackson; and a host of grandchildren, family, and friends who will carry her legacy forward. Mr. Speaker, I ask that you and our colleagues join me in honoring the remarkable life of Mrs. Christine Osburn Jackson. She was a trailblazer, a servant leader, and a pillar of her community. Her legacy of service, justice, and faith will continue to inspire generations to come.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize and honor Reverend Charcey Priester, Sr., who is celebrating the 20th anniversary of service as pastor of St. Paul Baptist Church in Orangeburg, South Carolina. Reverend Priester has provided steadfast leadership to his congregation, guiding the church with vision, compassion, and an unwavering commitment to faith and community. Since becoming pastor in 2005, Reverend Priester has led St. Paul Baptist Church through a remarkable period of spiritual, physical, and financial growth. Under his leadership, the church's membership has increased tremendously, reflecting the strength of his ministry and the welcoming spirit of the congregation. As the church expanded, Reverend Priester introduced an additional Impact Service to ensure that even more individuals could feel welcome to visit and worship. Reverend Priester's leadership has also been marked by a bold vision and careful stewardship. In 2007, the church purchased 46 acres of land that would become the site of a new sanctuary for the growing congregation. In April 2010, the members of St. Paul Baptist Church caravanned to their new church home--a beautiful sanctuary capable of seating 700 worshippers and a banquet hall that accommodates 300 guests. This milestone serves as a testament to Reverend Priester's leadership and the faith of the church family. Throughout his tenure, Reverend Priester has strengthened the congregation by establishing and revitalizing numerous programs. These include a Minister-in-Training program, three-night revival workshop services, the Men's and Women's Ministries, as well as membership in the National Baptist Association. His ministry has also focused on serving the broader Orangeburg community. St. Paul Baptist Church has implemented a grief reconciliation ministry for widows and widowers, organized a Girl Scout troop and a 9th Grade Character Academy, and reactivated the Health Ministry. Through its Missionary Society, the church provides meals and clothing to those in need, reflecting a deep commitment to compassion and outreach. Mr. Speaker, I ask that you and our colleagues join me in congratulating Reverend Charcey Priester, Sr., on this important milestone. We also recognize the love and support of his wife, Minister Sarah Priester, and their children, Charcey Priester, Jr., and Majesty. May Reverend Priester continue to inspire and uplift his congregation and community for many years to come.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize and honor a dedicated public servant and steadfast champion of America's transportation system, Mr. Bruno Maestri, on his retirement from Amtrak on January 30, 2026. After decades of distinguished service in the railroad industry and in the halls of government, Bruno Maestri leaves behind a legacy defined by integrity, bipartisanship, and an unwavering commitment to strengthening our Nation's passenger network. I have known Bruno for many years, and I can say without hesitation that he is a gentleman in a town where that is not always a common or easy attribute. His professionalism, humility, and steady demeanor have earned him the respect of colleagues on both sides of the aisle and throughout the transportation community. Since joining Amtrak in 2019 as Vice President for Government Affairs and Corporate Communications, Bruno has led the company's federal, state, and community outreach with exceptional skill and integrity. He strengthened relationships with key stakeholders, including the freight railroads over which many of Amtrak's routes operate, and ensured that the voice of America's Railroad was heard clearly and constructively across all levels of government. His thoughtful engagement elevated Amtrak's national reputation and reinforced its public service mission. Bruno has been instrumental in representing Amtrak before both the legislative and executive branches. His ability to build trusted, bipartisan relationships has been essential to advancing the company's priorities. During his tenure, Amtrak secured historic levels of public investment--resources now modernizing infrastructure, expanding service, and improving safety and reliability for millions of passengers nationwide. These achievements will strengthen passenger rail for decades to come. He also played a pivotal role in raising the visibility of passenger rail as a vital component of America's transportation network. Working closely with policymakers and community leaders, Bruno championed efforts to expand and enhance service so that Americans in both urban and rural communities could benefit from a more modern and connected rail system. During the unprecedented challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic, Bruno's steady leadership proved indispensable. In a time of uncertainty, he ensured clear and consistent communication with employees, customers, policymakers, and partners. His work helped guide Amtrak through one of the most difficult periods in the history of the transportation industry and positioned the company for recovery. Prior to joining Amtrak, Bruno served for 24 years in senior leadership roles at Norfolk Southern Corporation, overseeing federal and state government affairs and coordinating regulatory engagement with key agencies. His deep expertise and professionalism have long been recognized throughout the rail industry. Mr. Speaker, I ask that you and our colleagues join me in honoring Bruno Maestri as he embarks on his well-earned retirement. As Bruno begins this next chapter--spending more time with his family in Chincoteague and cheering on his beloved Washington Nationals--we thank him for a career marked by service, partnership, and perseverance.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I am going to close with something a bit more general because I have been wrestling with this for the better part of the last 4 or 5 years. It is Martin Luther King, Jr.'s letter from the Birmingham City Jail. King, when he wrote that letter, said something that I will leave us with tonight. King was told that the officials in Birmingham wanted him to leave Birmingham because they said that he was a disruptive force and that they thought that his cause was right, but his timing was wrong. King wrote this to those people who wrote him the letter. He said: ``Time is never right. Time is never wrong. Time is always what we make it.'' Then he concluded that he was coming to the belief that the people of ill will in our society were making a much better use of time than the people of good will. Then he closed saying that we are going to be made to repent not just for the vitriolic words and actions of bad people but for the appalling silence of good people. There is a lot going on in our country today for which we need to speak up about. If we remain silent, we are going to be made to repent, and we may see that democracy is no longer with us. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is remaining.

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I yield to Joyce Beatty.

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I would like to mention a little bit of history here that I think is very meaningful and helps to make the point that I really want to make tonight. I attended public and private schools in South Carolina, grade schools, before going off to South Carolina State, now University. When I came to Congress, South Carolina State had given or produced more African-American general officers than all the military service academies combined. It was that one little school in Orangeburg, South Carolina. Today, if my memory serves, they have produced 23 general officers. That school was founded in 1896 as what we call an 1890 land-grant school. When the land-grant schools were first put into production, it was 1862. In fact, the land-grant bill was signed by Abraham Lincoln. Of course, these institutions in the south, like Clemson University in South Carolina, did not allow African Americans to serve. If you look at the legislation that created the Morrill Land Grant Act, which I have studied, it says that it is to teach agriculture and mechanics. We see in a lot of these schools A&M--in fact, I spent last Friday on the campus of Florida A&M University in Tallahassee, Florida. Florida A&M University stands for agricultural and mechanical. In that law, there is another M that very seldom gets recognized. The Morrill Land Grant Act lists this as part of the training these institutions should undertake; military. It is in the law. Some of these schools, like South Carolina State, have taken that seriously. Over the years, other land-grant schools like Tuskegee University-- now I just mentioned the Tuskegee Airmen who came online during World War II. After the war, we had contributions from people like Daniel ``Chappie'' James. I like to mention Daniel ``Chappie'' James because I remember, as a kid in those schools I was attending in South Carolina, I would hear all this stuff and read this stuff about Jimmy Doolittle. I read up on Jimmy Doolittle. He was an outstanding military person, but his resume does not touch the resume of Daniel ``Chappie'' James, who became the first African-American four-star general in the Air Force. Chappie James fought in both the Korean war and the Vietnam war. In both those wars, he flew 160 missions and is credited with having shot down 26 enemy planes. Where in these textbooks do we hear any discussion of Chappie James? I have never been able to understand what it is about folks who feel that to give one person credit for having done what they did takes something away from another person's contributions. We all believe in this great country. There isn't a need for it to be made great. It is already great. We have all got to learn how to work together so that everybody can benefit from the greatness of this country. It doesn't take anything away from a child sitting in a class with my grandchildren, learning about the contributions, learning about Chappie James. How can that be an insult? There is no insult to my children to learn about Jimmy Doolittle. Why is it an insult to learn about Chappie James? Why is it okay for everybody to enjoy the baseball skills of Jackie Robinson? It is all right to put his contributions to sports in books. Before Jackie Robinson ever set foot on Ebbets Field, he was in the military. He served honorably in the United States military, and that has been recognized by our military institutions. Why would this administration take Jackie Robinson's military records out of our archives? It is okay for him to be a baseball player. It is okay for him to entertain but not okay for us to recognize him for his military skills. I don't quite understand that. I don't understand why it is that we let all these contributions of entertainers be celebrated; but when it comes to academia, when it comes to the military, it all becomes wokeness. I have yet to hear one person apply that term to sports people and entertainers. That, to me, tells it all. Mr. Speaker, I think that as we pause to recognize not just the 100th anniversary of the Black history celebration--I want to say something about that, too. I really get a little nervous when I hear people misrepresent the history of this. In 1915 and 1916, Carter G. Woodson started trying to get our country to recognize what he called Black History Week. He finally got the country in, I think, 1926 to recognize it. It became Black History Week. When I was a student, that is when we celebrated it. I want the Record to be clear because I want our history to be what it is, not what somebody says it is. Carter G. Woodson was offered the opportunity to designate the week when we should celebrate Black history. It was Carter G. Woodson who decided that it should be in February. Mr. Speaker, the reason he picked the week that he did is because he wanted to embrace the birthdays of two people: February 12, the birthday of Abraham Lincoln, and February 14, the birthday of Frederick Douglass. That is why it was done. Thanks to the visionary leadership of President Gerald Ford--maybe Gerald Ford was a woke President. It was Gerald Ford who decided that we should have Black History Month. He made that decision. Was Gerald Ford a woke President? I think he was an enlightened President, a mature thinker. I would hope that we would all get to the place in our society where we are mature enough to step outside of our comfort zone sometime, mature enough to recognize the contributions of others, mature enough to have in our textbooks the contributions of people who we call geniuses. It was okay for us to learn about the lightbulb, but we don't see anyone learn everything about the lightbulb. In fact, that bulb couldn't work until Lewis Latimer's filament was put into it. It was Lewis Latimer's filament--Lewis Latimer, the son of former slaves, who collaborated with Thomas Edison. Edison's bulb, Lewis Latimer's filament makes it work. Thomas Edison was mature enough to step outside of his comfort zone and sit down with the son of former slaves, Lewis Latimer, and get his filament to put into his lightbulb, and Lewis Latimer was mature enough to collaborate with Thomas Edison. I would hope that all of us in this body can be mature enough to recognize everybody's contributions and not be insulted by what may be the contributions of one as opposed to another. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mrs. Beatty for joining me in this Special Order hour. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is remaining.

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is remaining.

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I thank very much the chair for her leadership of the Congressional Black Caucus. I thank her for allowing me to co-chair this Special Order hour with our friend, Congresswoman Joyce Beatty. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Mrs. Beatty) because I think she has a few historical notations that all of our viewers and listeners will benefit from hearing.

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Clarke).

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I rise tonight to join with my colleagues in the Congressional Black Caucus to pay homage to the Black men and women of our Armed Forces whose service and sacrifices have far too often gone unrecognized and underappreciated. To make matters worse, they have often been denied their proper and well-deserved benefits as veterans who proudly served our Nation. There has been no war or conflict in which this country has been involved that Blacks did not participate. The men and women we are honoring tonight, as we commemorate the 100th year of celebrating Black history, made memorable and consequential contributions to the greatness of this country. It should not be insulting to any red- blooded American to hear about them, read about them, and learn about them in the same manner that we learn about others whose contributions were similar, but their skin color made them more worthy. When we hear stories of the American Revolution, we don't often hear of Crispus Attucks, a Black man who became the first casualty of the American Revolution when he was the first of five colonists shot and killed on March 5, 1770, in what became known as the Boston Massacre. His murder stirred the revolutionary fervor and America's fight for its liberation from the British. So, why is it that all of us were taught about the Boston Tea Party but nothing about the Boston Massacre? The life of Crispus Attucks is far less documented than his death. Crispus Attucks escaped from slavery in Framingham, Massachusetts, in 1750 and spent two decades on trading ships and whaling vessels. His death continues to serve as a reminder that African Americans took an active role in the path to American independence, not a passive one. The poet John Boyle O'Reilly celebrated Attucks as ``the first to defy, and the first to die.'' In his 1964 book, ``Why We Can't Wait,'' Martin Luther King pays homage to Attucks for his courage and defining role in the American Revolution. Why don't our textbooks? In his 1881 autobiography ``Life and Times of Frederick Douglass,'' Douglass wrote that he ``urged every man who could enlist to get an eagle on his button, a musket on his shoulder, and the star-spangled banner over his head,'' and ``there is no power on Earth which can deny that he has earned the right to citizenship in the United States.'' Douglass believed the Civil War offered the Black soldier an opportunity to gain his stripes, but he could not convince his friend, Abraham Lincoln, to allow Blacks to serve. In August 1862, a formerly enslaved Black man from South Carolina came here to Washington and convinced Lincoln to allow Blacks to serve. History records that 170,000 Blacks joined the Union Army, 19,000 joined the Union Navy, and 40,000 died in that war. Robert Smalls, who convinced Abraham Lincoln to allow these freedmen to serve, became a captain in that Navy, participated in 18 battles, and was the only genuine hero of the Civil War. In my not-so-humble opinion, Robert Smalls is the most consequential South Carolinian who ever lived. In 1865, Abraham Lincoln acknowledged their value, saying: Without the military help of the Black freedmen, the war could not have been won. In what textbook do we find that? I would say very few, if any. World War II saw the service of many African Americans who never got their just due in or out of the military. My father had two brothers. Both of them, William and Charlie, served in World War I. Every time I tried to engage them in conversations about their experiences in that war, they never ever would discuss that. They made it very clear to me that the treatment they got both in that war and when they came back home made them wonder what they were fighting for. World War II was much of the same. If I were to mention tonight the Montford Point Marines, I would suspect very few, if any, in this Hall would recognize them. Well, Montford Point Marines were those Black marines who were not allowed to be trained at Camp Lejeune alongside White soldiers. They were sent to a mosquito-infested swamp in Montford Point, and that is where they served from 1942 all the way through 1949. I am pleased that this body, in its wisdom, saw it fitting and proper to give the Congressional Gold Medal to those Montford Point Marines in such a way that I would think was offering an apology for the way they were treated while they were serving. Now, I would mention, in speaking of World War II, the Tuskegee Airmen, and everybody would know about the Tuskegee Airmen, the first African-American military aviators in the United States Armed Forces, flying over 15,000 combat missions. They played a vital role in the Allied victory in World War II. Instead of being defined by the discrimination and the doubts of those around them, they became one of the most successful pursuit squadrons in our military. They went on to embody the true meaning of Black excellence. They left a segregated country to fight in a segregated Army and painfully returned to a country that still did not treat them with the dignity and the respect that they deserved and had earned. They had a movie made about them, the ``Red Tails,'' but they were not given their GI Bill benefits. On July 26, 1948, President Harry Truman signed Executive Order 9981, desegregating the Armed Forces so there would be no more Montford Point marines. Truman declared: There shall be ``equality of treatment and opportunity for all persons in the armed services without regard to race, color, religion, or national origin.'' Many servicemen wrote to President Truman. Perhaps the most pivotal letter that Truman got came from Isaac Woodard, Jr., a World War II veteran who, hours after being honorably discharged from the United States Army, was dragged off a bus and beaten to near death and blinded by police in Batesburg-Leesville, South Carolina. In response to Woodard's letter, President Truman declared, and I am quoting Truman: ``When a mayor and a city marshal''--I want to repeat this: ``When a mayor and a city marshal can take a Negro sergeant off a bus in South Carolina, beat him up and put out one of his eyes, and nothing is done about it by the State authorities, something is radically wrong with the system.'' In January 2025, President Trump made the decision to stop teaching Air Force recruits about the Tuskegee Airmen in the name of banning DEI initiatives. Their heroism is not DEI. It is American history. Sergeant Woodard deserved better treatment because of his sacrifices. President Truman decided it was time to close a chapter on one part of American history. Other Black soldiers returning home from World War II found themselves facing the same socioeconomic and racial discrimination they had faced before going off to war. Instead of being welcomed back home with open arms, they struggled to find jobs, to get an education, and to purchase homes. We cannot undo the injustices of our past, but we can begin to restore the possibility of full economic mobility for those whom the original GI Bill left behind. That is why I have sponsored for several years now the GI Bill restoration act that would bring us one step closer to that goal. America can't change what happened to these Black soldiers. We can't change what happened to too many soldiers like Sergeant Woodard who went uncelebrated because our Nation judged them by the color of their skin and not the content of their character. However, we can do our best to make it right, and that begins with us passing my legislation that I co-led with Congressman Seth Moulton, the Sgt. Isaac Woodard, Jr. and Sgt. Joseph H. Maddox GI Bill Restoration Act. We didn't stop with World War II. Just 2 years after Truman issued his executive order, we began to desegregate the Armed Forces. There we were in the Korean war, and we put Truman's executive order into action and was greeted with resistance. Truman's 1948 executive order inspired many Black men to join, believing the military would provide an equality of opportunity the greater American society lacked. It was in the Korean war that African Americans first served shoulder to shoulder with soldiers of all races and backgrounds for the first time. A message resounded throughout the Nation: If people of different races could serve as comrades in combat abroad, they could live as neighbors at home. The quest for racial equality extended far past the barracks or on the battlefield, but that same quest for racial equality returned home with Black soldiers. I often think about our former colleague, the late Congressman Charlie Rangel. At the age of 17, Charlie Rangel left school and joined the Army to help his mother support his family. Soon after he enlisted in 1948, he deployed to Korea for what he thought was a police action but soon realized it was a full-scale war. With a fighting spirit, he found himself in combat during the Korean war and risked his life to rescue 40 soldiers from behind enemy lines. Returning home to Harlem, New York, Rangel was first elected to Congress in 1970 and would go on to serve 23 terms in this body. Mr. Rangel was a proud cofounder of the Congressional Black Caucus. Today, America is faced with a turbulent reality as the Trump administration is still trying to purge our United States Armed Forces of Black officers, diversity, and honoring Black history. In February 2025, President Donald Trump fired General Charles ``CQ'' Brown, then chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The words Trump used to justify his firing were ``woke'' and ``DEI.'' CQ Brown was the Air Force's first Black commander of the Pacific Air Forces and later the first Black Chief of Staff. What is woke about being a commander of the Pacific Air Forces? None of the other commanders before him were called woke. They were all called commanders. So why was he called woke and fired? Well, Mr. Speaker, I think you know why. In March 2025, part of Project 2025, Arlington National Cemetery erased from its website educational materials about the history of Black servicemembers, including the Tuskegee Airmen and General Colin Powell, the first Black Joint Chiefs chairman. Why are they erasing these people from the website and not anybody else? We know why. Let me be clear: The White House and the so-called Department of War appear determined to undermine, discredit, and even erase the evidence of Black patriotism and Black servicemembers who have faithfully served our Nation. Against this backdrop, we must remain vigilant against these attacks on Black servicemen and veterans, recognize their valor and sacrifice, and work diligently to offer them the promise of this country that they deserve. May Black military service, in triumph and tragedy, always serve as a powerful reminder that the stories of sacrifice and patriotism must never be erased regardless of who embodies them. In all too many instances, Black veterans have had to fight for equal access to benefits and respect upon returning home. Black veterans have struggled and died in a dual battle: fighting abroad in defense of country and fighting at home for opportunity, change, and their rights as American citizens. Millions of Black Americans have answered the call to serve and protect the American people from all threats, both foreign and domestic. Today, 350,000 Black men and women serve in the United States military, and there are over 2.4 million Black veterans, many of whom still are not getting the GI Bill benefits that they deserve. This body is still refusing to honor legislation that would give them what they deserve. Mr. Speaker, I thank Congresswoman Beatty for joining me in this Special Order hour. I yield to her now to continue this discussion.

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the subject of this Special Order.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding time. Madam Speaker, as ranking member of the Transportation, Housing and Urban Development, and Related Agencies Subcommittee, I rise in strong support of this bipartisan legislation in large measure because it freezes funding for the Department of Homeland Security at its current level while allowing for several days, 10 to be exact, for us to continue to zero in on that segment of the legislation and hopefully reach a bipartisan agreement. We have already reached bipartisan agreements on five other sections, and one of those in this bill includes $113 billion in discretionary spending for transportation and housing programs and reflects a renewed commitment to addressing the affordability crisis and improving the safety of our transportation systems. For housing, the bill prevents the eviction of more than 4 million low-income households served through HUD's rental assistance programs, including those currently served by Section 8 and public housing. The bill reinforces efforts to combat homelessness by increasing funding for homeless assistance grants by $366 million. It protects investments for mayors and Governors by providing $3.3 billion for the popular Community Development Block Grants program. It includes $58 million for housing counseling assistance for renters and first-time home buyers and $8 billion to continue legal aid for evictions assistance. For transportation, the bill invests in the safety of the flying public by increasing FAA operations by nearly $230 million, enabling the hiring of 2,500 new air traffic controllers. It increases funding for air traffic control towers and facilities by 26 percent above fiscal year 2025. The bill also protects investments for continuing Amtrak service along the Northeast Corridor and national network by providing $2.4 billion. The bill also includes $100 million for the 2026 World Cup and $94 million for the 2028 Olympics to help transit agencies manage local transportation in support of games across the country. Madam Speaker, this year's Transportation-Housing bill will provide greater economic certainty to communities across the country and improve the day-to-day lives of everyday people. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding the time. I apologize for not getting here at the time I told her I would, but a few other things came into play. Mr. Speaker, I also thank Congressman Mfume for restating the Lincoln speech, a speech that I think bodes well for us to reflect on today in much the same way as I reflected last week on some history as I watched things unfold. I thought about that often stated mantra that Black history is really America's history, and it is. It came very forcefully to me the last 2 weeks as I watched things happening in St. Paul and Minneapolis: I thought about Selma and Montgomery. When I saw what I consider to be the murder of Alex Pretti, I thought about Jimmie Lee Jackson. I may be the only one on this floor old enough to remember Jimmie Lee Jackson and what led to his death and what his death precipitated. The fact of the matter is, the reason I thought about him was because Jimmie Lee Jackson was shot and murdered by law enforcement when he was trying to protect his mother, and I saw Alex Pretti trying to protect a woman and being murdered. It told me why I was thinking about Selma and Montgomery as I watched things happen in St. Paul and Minneapolis. We ought to learn lessons from history. As George Santayana, that great Spanish philosopher, said to us that if we fail to learn the lessons of history, we are bound to repeat them. The question we have to ask ourselves as we celebrate Black History Month is: Have we learned any lessons from Selma and Montgomery, or are we comfortable allowing ourselves to repeat them? I have been listening to a lot coming from this administration about Black history. I don't understand why we don't see where this country would be today if we did not have the contributions of people like Ernest Everett Just, who was recognized around the world as the Black Apollo of science. Yet this administration seems to think that there is something wrong with celebrating this genius' contributions to not just this country but the world. I don't know why it is considered a problem to focus on where modern medicine would be were it not for Charles Drew--whose genius gave this country the ability to safely refrigerate, store, and use blood when it is needed. Do we realize how many souls and lives were saved in World War II because of this man's genius? It is supposed to be an insult to little children to learn about his contributions. Why is it okay for my grandchildren to learn about the genius of Thomas Edison and his principal invention, the lightbulb, but it would be insulting for a little White child to learn about Lewis Latimer and that filament that Mr. Edison used to put in his lightbulb. The filament that keeps the lightbulb burning was invented by a guy named Lewis Latimer, the son of former slaves, a genius. The reason we are able to do that today is because Thomas Edison had enough maturity to step outside of his comfort zone and sit down with Lewis Latimer and get his filament and put it into the lightbulb. Thomas Edison had that much maturity to know that as smart as he was, a greater genius as he was, he did not know everything and he didn't have a problem leaning on the genius of this Black guy to allow his invention to work. We live a much better life today in this country because two guys, one Black and one White, have lit the world. What is wrong with that? How is that insulting for us to have in our textbooks? Yet this administration seems to believe that. Why is it okay for Jackie Robinson to be an outstanding baseball player, but when we put in the archives of the Army his contributions as a military man, we take it out. This administration ordered the Jackie Robinson stuff be taken out of the archives. What is that about? That seems to me to show the ultimate in immaturity if you are so threatened by your own existence that you don't want anybody else to be recognized for theirs. That is what Black History Month is all about. This is one of the anniversaries--Carter G. Woodson had the genius back in 1915, 1916--he finally got around to it--of Black history week. I am old enough to remember Black history week. I am not being partisan here because I want to say it tonight, I thank President Gerald Ford, who celebrated the 200th anniversary of this country by calling upon the Nation to give due respect, moving Black history week to an entire month. That was Gerald Ford who did that. Mr. Speaker, there is nothing partisan about this. I thank Gerald Ford for having the maturity to do that. I want us to think about this month because we are getting ready to celebrate the 250th anniversary of this country's existence. Are we going to have a 250th birthday of this great country while not giving due honor and respect to the people who helped make this country great? This country is greater because of Charles Drew. When I saw the tear gas there in Minneapolis, I thought about Garrett Morgan. It was Garrett Morgan who invented the gas mask, as well as the traffic light that all of us use. Where would this country be today but for the order that this man's invention gave to us? I can go through a whole lot of this, but I know my colleagues are waiting to speak. I apologize for going so long. I hope that we will meet like this for the rest of this month, so I can continue to give due honor and respect to a great American, Gerald Ford, for giving us a month to celebrate the contributions of people of color.

Mr. CLYBURN

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Chair, I would like to take that 15 seconds to thank those who spoke in opposition to this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Chair, may I inquire as to how much time I have remaining.