Daniel Coats

Mr. COATS

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the amendment be agreed to, the committee substitute be agreed to, the bill considered read the third time and passed, as amended, the amendment to the title be agreed to, and the title, as amended, be agreed to, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, and that any statements relating to the bill appear at this point in the Record.

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the amendment be agreed to.

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

Mr. COATS

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I also ask unanimous consent that members of my staff be granted floor privileges during the presentation of my statement. And I also ask unanimous consent that a list of their names be printed in the Record.

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, let me state that it is not my intention to hold anybody here that needs to leave. It is my understanding that all normal business for the day has been finished, and that is why I asked for the permission to speak in morning business. If that is not the case, I am certainly willing to defer. Since I hear no objection, I will proceed.

Mr. COATS

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that there now be a period of morning business with Senators permitted to speak for up to 5 minutes each.

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be permitted to speak for up to--and I do not think it will take that long--15 minutes.

Mr. COATS

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to; that the preamble be agreed to; that the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table; and that any statements relating to the resolution be printed at the appropriate place in the Record.

Mr. COATS

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of H.R. 4679, which was received from the House.

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read the third time and passed, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, and that any statements relating to the bill be placed at the appropriate place in the Record.

Mr. COATS

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I regret that this objection is being made. The bill is vital to the technology industry, and this objection makes it impossible to pass the bill this year.

Mr. COATS. I am happy to yield to the Senator.

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, first of all, I thank the Senator from Iowa for his kind comments. We have served together in the Labor Committee for a 10-year period of time. While we have had our disagreements, we have also agreed on a number of things. I have enjoyed working with him. I understand, but regret, the objection of this unanimous consent request. There obviously is a difference of opinion as to the need for support in the technology industry, the computer industry, particularly with the Y2K problem. That issue will have to be resolved. There is honest disagreement here. We will pick the issue up in the next Congress.

Mr. COATS

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, and that any statements relating to the resolution appear at the appropriate place in the Record.

Mr. COATS

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Senate Concurrent Resolution 83.

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to; that the preamble be agreed to; that the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table; and that any statements relating to the resolution be printed at the appropriate place in the Record.

Mr. COATS

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate now proceed to the consideration of calendar No. 595, H.R. 3069.

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the committee amendment not be agreed to.

Mr. COATS

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution and preamble be agreed to, en bloc; that the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table; and that any statements relating to the resolution be printed at the appropriate place in the Record.

Mr. COATS

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 257.

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to; that the preamble be agreed to; that the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table; and that any statements relating to the resolution be printed at the appropriate place in the Record.

Mr. COATS

Mr. COATS. I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, and any statements relating to the resolution appear at the appropriate place in the Record.

Mr. COATS

Mr. COATS. I thank the Senator from Texas.

Mr. COATS

Mr. COATS. Mr. President, the end of the 105th Congress marks the beginning of my transition from Senator to citizen. This ends 24 years for me of public service: Two in the U.S. Army, four as a legislative assistant and district director for then- Congressman Dan Quayle, and 18 in the Congress. While I look forward to life after politics, I know how much I will miss this place and its people, and so I want to acknowledge some debts. I want to acknowledge the privilege of serving under two remarkable Republican leaders and one Democrat majority leader, all of whom I hold a great deal of respect. Senator Mitchell was majority leader when I arrived. He gave me nothing but the utmost courtesy, fairness and respect. I have a great deal of respect for him in the way he conducted this Senate. Senator Dole became my friend and mentor. His life is a tribute to a true patriot and to someone whose commitment to public service, I think, is nearly unequal. Our current leader, Senator Lott, is someone who is a dear friend, someone who I greatly respect, and I think certainly has a great future as majority leader. There are many others that have made a deep impression on me and provided friendship and support in ways that I will never be able to adequately acknowledge: The senior Senator from Indiana, whose lifetime of public service serves as a model to many; my staff, who have faithfully and tirelessly served. I have always said good staff makes for good Senators. I don't know if I fit the quality of a good Senator, but I know I had a good staff. Any failings on my part are not due to my staff, they are due to me. They have been exceptional. I think they are the best Senate staff assembled. I say that for the very few who are left that have not secured employment. Some of you are passing up great opportunities if you don't grab them. I have had three very, very able administrative assistants, chiefs of staff: David Hoppe, who now serves as the floor's chief of staff and served with me for my first 4 years; David Gribbin, who many of you know, assistant secretary of staff for Dick Cheney for many, many years in the House; and now Sharon Soderstrom. All have been exceptional chiefs of staff. They have assembled a wonderful staff. The Senate support team: All those who man the desks and work the cloakroom and make sure we vote on time; the guards who protect us and make sure we are safe in our jobs; the staff who serve us, and the people who make this place work, they are a family. They have treated me like part of the family. I have tried to treat them as part of the family. They make it possible for us to do so many things and they certainly deserve our acknowledgment. Our Chaplain, who has meant so much to me from a spiritual perspective, and my colleagues, my friends, who I can't begin to thank; those who share my ideals and have voted with me and those who don't but who have engaged in respectful, meaningful dialog in debate, and who, at the end of the debate, we have been able to meet at the center aisle, shake hands, acknowledge, ``Well done, we will get you next time,'' or ``See you at the next debate?''--all of those mean a great deal to me. I come from here with many, many memories. I want to thank my wife for her love and support and sacrifice. She is the best mother that any three children could ever have had. She has been a father many times when I haven't been there to do the job as a father. My children have been patient and had stolen moments which I will never be able to recover. I thank my colleagues, as I said, those who have shared ideals and those who we had honorable and honest disagreement. Finally, the people of Indiana who have seen fit to elect me many times to the Congress and twice to the Senate, thank you for giving me a privilege beyond my ability to earn the privilege of their trust, the honor of their votes. In times of change you become reflective, and it is nice to think about your accomplishments. It is also a time to reflect on unfinished business, business that I hope will help shape the direction of this Congress that some have indicated an interest in, and hopefully others will pick up that interest. By constitutional design, the measure of success in the Senate, I think, is different from other parts of government. We are employed to take a longer view, insulated from the rush of hours to see the needs of future years. This is the theory. In practice, the pace of politics makes this very different, very difficult. This has been the greatest source of personal frustration during my years in this institution, that we have not spent nearly enough time dealing with the larger issues that face us, things that will matter down the road, topics that will be chapters in American history, not footnotes in the Congressional Record. If you allow me the privilege, I will briefly mention three of those matters that I trust will remain central to the questions of our time. All of you know of my interest in the issue of life. I believe there is no higher call of government than to protect the most defenseless among us. There is no greater honor in this Senate than to use our voice to speak for those who cannot speak for themselves. Perhaps uniquely among our deliberations, the cause of life is informed and ennobled by a simple truth: Humanity is not an achievement. It is an endowment, and that that endowment is made by a Creator who gives inalienable rights, first among them the right to life. This is a founding principle of our political tradition. It is the teaching of our moral heritage. And it is the demand of our conscience. Abraham Lincoln wrote of our Founders: This was their majestic interpretation of the economy of the universe. This was their lofty, and wise, and noble understanding of the justice of the Creator to his creatures. . . . In their enlightened belief, nothing stamped with the divine image and likeness was sent into the world to be trodden on. . . . They grasped not only the whole race of man then living, but they reached forward and seized upon the farthest posterity. They erected a beacon to guide their children, and their children's children, and the countless myriads who should inhabit the Earth in other ages. My question is, Will that beacon shine for all our children, those born and yet to be born? Or will we, in the name of personal liberty, stamp out the divine image and likeness of the most defenseless of all? I believe it is one of the central questions of our time. I know we are divided on that issue. I hope, though, that we would all put aside some of the harsh rhetoric and continue to engage in the discussion about the meaning and the value of life and what our duties and responsibilities are to protect that life, to expand the ever- widening circle of inclusion that our great democracy is known for: bringing women, the defenseless, the handicapped, African-Americans and minorities within this circle of protection in our democracy. And I believe--my personal view, and I hope one we would certainly debate and discuss--that extends to the unborn. Secondly, another great issue that I believe demands our continued attention is the long-term strength of our Nation, the resource and planning that we devote to the defense of liberty. Here we are, not weak as a nation, but I fear that we are on a trajectory toward weakness--that our power and authority are being spent and not accumulated. It has been one of the highest callings and privileges for this Senator to serve on the Senate Armed Services Committee and to use that position to advance the cause of our men and women in uniform. I deeply respect and honor those who have served our Nation in war and peace as watchmen on the wall of freedom, but the test of our appreciation is measurable by the firmness of our determination that their lives will not be needlessly sacrificed because we have allowed the deterrent power of America's military to decay. The history of this country is a history of military victories, but it is also a history of how our Nation often invited future conflict and unnecessary loss of American life by too swiftly disarming after our victories and squandering the opportunities of peace. In 1939, Army Chief of Staff, Malin Craig said: What transpires on prospective battlefields is influenced vitally years before in the councils of the staff and in the legislative halls of Congress. Time is the only thing that may be irrevocably lost, and it is the first thing lost sight of in the seductive false security of peaceful times. Mr. President, I believe we have been living in peaceful times. We have enjoyed prosperity and peace that is almost unprecedented in America these past several years. I fear that storm clouds are gathering, however, on America's horizon, that the ``seductive false security of our peaceful times'' is fast fading. We see a frightening proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. We see worldwide terrorism, much of it directed at Americans and American interests. We see political instability and human suffering, social disorder resulting from ethnic hatred, power- hungry dictators, and the very real prospect of global financial distress with all of its attendant consequences. All of this, I believe, calls for eternal vigilance, a national defense second to none, a military equal to the threats of a new century. We have a unique opportunity, I believe, and a strategic pause that is fast fading to build a new military equal to the new challenges and the new threats of the future. Closer to home, it is my hope that the Senate, in every future debate on social policy, will focus on the role of families, churches and community institutions in meeting human needs and touching human souls. This is a world of heroic commitment and high standards and true compassion that must be respected and fostered and protected, not harassed or undermined by Government or Hollywood. It is a world of promise that I urge all of you to take the time to discover. I believe our Nation needs a bold, new definition of compassion. We need compassion that shows good outcomes, not just good intentions. We need to get rid of the destructive welfare culture. We have taken a great step in that direction, but we still need to fulfill our responsibilities to the less fortunate and disadvantaged, the children and the helpless. We need to abandon our illusions about Government bureaucracies, but we still need to keep our human decency. How is this possible? I am convinced there is a way--a hopeful new direction for change, because there are people and institutions in our society that can reach and change these things. Families and neighborhoods, churches, charities, and volunteer associations have the tools to transform people's lives. They can demand individual responsibility. They can practice tough love. They can offer moral values and spiritual renewal--things that Government can't do, and we should not want Government to do. I believe a bold, new definition of compassion will adopt this bold dream: to break the monopoly of Government as a provider of compassion and return its resources to individuals, churches, synagogues, charities, volunteer associations, community organizations and others. This, I believe, is the next step of the welfare debate and the next stage of reform, the next frontier of compassion in America. Before I close, let me add a personal note, and it is difficult for me to say this. I have deliberated long on whether I should say this. But I believe, since I am not going to be here next year, this is something I would want to have said. So allow me to briefly do that. I resolved when I came here, like many of you, from the moment I took the oath, that I would do my best not to do anything to bring this body into disrepute, that I would try not to tarnish it by word or action, that whatever I did in public policy, I would try my best not to contribute to public cynicism or a diminishing of the office. I think all of us feel this burden. It is one of the reasons that I believe this impeachment process, which we are contemplating, which looms large on the horizon of this Senate, has to be taken seriously. I don't presume that any of us should draw a conclusion at this point. But I believe it is a serious thing to consider. I don't believe that moral deregulation of public office is ratified by public apathy. It will be a terrible thing if the ethical expectations of public office are allowed to wither. The Nation could double its wealth, but we could have a shrunken legacy. I believe each of you who will be here have a high duty and moral responsibility to address this with the utmost seriousness and the absolute smallest amount of partisanship that is possible, and I speak to my colleagues on the Republican side, as well as the Democrat side. It is my hope that when the time comes, the Senate will give evidence to the ideals that I have seen displayed so many times in this body. I believe these things strongly, but I don't want to end on this point. I make the points because I have learned from so many here in the Senate and from so many great Americans who served before me how honorable public service can be. I am not leaving the Senate disillusioned in any way. I leave having seen how important and how sometimes noble elective office can be, after nearly two decades of service. I believe in this job and in its goals, and I am confident that the country is well served by my many friends and colleagues who will continue to serve and lead this institution. Again, I thank my great State of Indiana and the people and friends who made it possible for me to serve here. I thank my God for the privilege of service in this place, and I thank each of you for being my friends and my colleagues and leaving me with memories that I will never, ever forget. I will leave here extolling this institution as the greatest deliberative body in the greatest country in the history of the world, and I have been privileged to be a part of it. Thank you very much. [Applause.]