John Conyers

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker and my colleagues, just over a half a century ago, John F. Kennedy, in an era of difficult engagements with the Soviets, said: ``Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.'' President Obama's diplomacy with Iran is grounded in strength and realism, but it is animated by something all too rare in foreign relations: hope. This is a strong deal that represents our best hope for lasting security and peace. As a veteran, I stand with our President and support this deal. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I would like to take this opportunity to thank Dwight Sullivan for twenty years of outstanding service to the House of Representatives, including eight years as a Professional Staffer with the House Judiciary Committee Democrats. Dwight will be retiring this month and he will be missed by all who know him. I want to especially thank Dwight for his extraordinary work to provide high level communications services to the staff and Members of the Committee; developing and maintaining methods to process, manage and store communications data for the office; trouble shooting computer problems and recommending updated and cost effective resources; helping make the Judiciary Committee web site the envy of Capitol Hill; and serving as a liaison between the Judiciary Committee Democrats and House Information Resources (HIR). Dwight is a native of North Carolina, where he received his degree from Johnson C. Smith University, and where he met his wife of forty- four years, Cheryl Sullivan. He still calls the Tar Heel state home, and spends his vacations there playing golf. In fact, those who know Dwight know that while his first love may be politics, golf is a close second. From Myrtle Beach to Boca Raton to Pinehurst, his love of golf has become legendary on Capitol Hill, where he has inspired many others to take up the game and shoot for par. A former project manager for IBM, Dwight began his Capitol Hill career in the office of my friend and former colleague, Congressman Melvin Watt (retired), and later honed his craft at HIR, before joining the House Judiciary Committee staff in 2007. Dwight will be missed for his ability to use good judgement to solve problems, for meeting technology challenges and keeping staff up to date on the latest and most effective approaches to keep communicating the work of the Committee. He will be missed as well for his wit, good humor, and loyalty. We wish him the best of luck in his retirement and extend to him and his family our deepest gratitude.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, if there are three core qualities that make an exemplary public servant, they might be the following: integrity, energy, and compassion. Mrs. Rinia Shelby-Crooms, who is leaving my office after 13 years of extraordinary service, uniquely embodies each of these qualities. Rinia is a woman of undeniable integrity. Her commitment to her family, her faith, and her focus on building a better world animate her to excellence in the workplace and beyond. Whether it's conducting legislative research to protect America's endangered honeybees or juggling a dozen or more urgent scheduling requests over the course of an afternoon, Rinia has always emphasized quality, honesty, and care in each and every one of her undertakings. Rinia also possesses incredible energy. While caring for two precious young boys, she has written legislation, organized Congressional briefings, counseled and cared for her fellow staffers, managed my often hectic schedule, and ensured my timeliness in arriving at speaking engagements and on airplanes. She maintains an upbeat attitude and focused attention--even when called upon for complicated logistical requests in the wee hours of the morning. Rinia is driven by deep compassion. Through her legislative portfolio, she has worked toward achieving progress in the areas most aligned with her life's mission: ensuring that foster children have access to safe and loving homes, guaranteeing Americans high-quality food, and defending the rights of Mother Nature. Rinia embodies compassion both big and small. She's not only committed to large-scale change in order to support and protect people and the planet, but also committed to showing the utmost care and kindness to the people she encounters each and every day. I am indebted to Rinia for her selfless service. But I am also indebted to her husband, Jeremiah, and her two young sons, Jayden and Jayee, who have also made important sacrifices as Rinia spent long hours, late nights, and weekends in service of our mission of advancing the causes of jobs, justice, and peace. There is one consolation for me as I bid farewell to Rinia: This is only the beginning of her contributions to Southeast Michigan and to our nation. She and her family are returning to the Detroit Metropolitan Area, so that she can pursue work as a consultant focused on bringing new economic opportunity to our region. Mr. Speaker, I salute Mrs. Rinia Shelby-Crooms for her 13 years of selfless service. I am deeply moved by her example of integrity, energy, and compassion.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I, along with Representative Zoe Lofgren of California, would like to thank Tom Jawetz for more than six years of service to the House of Representatives. Throughout this time, Torn has served as a dedicated counsel to the Judiciary Committee under three Chairmen, including myself, Representative Lamar Smith, and Representative Bob Goodlatte. For the past year, he has served as the Minority Chief Counsel to the Judiciary's Committee's Subcommittee on Immigration and Border Security. A native of New York City, Tom graduated summa cum laude from Dartmouth College with a bachelor's degree in Philosophy and Government. Tom developed a passion for working with low-income communities through an AmeriCorps fellowship in Charleston, South Carolina. As an AmeriCorps fellow, Tom worked with community members and witnessed the myriad challenges faced by those suffering from chronic poverty. Tom took his passion for working with the disadvantaged to Yale Law School where he served as a student clerk in the Complex Federal Litigation Clinic and a Student Director in the Immigration Legal Services Clinic. After graduating from Yale Law School, Tom clerked for the Honorable Kimba M. Wood in the United States District Court, Southern District of New York. He continued his immigration advocacy as an Arthur Liman Public Interest Fellow at the Washington Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights and Urban Affairs where he represented asylum seekers and designed pro se programs for immigrants in removal proceedings. In the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, Tom began working with the National Prison Project of the American Civil Liberties Union. As a litigation fellow with the National Prison Project, Tom helped to produce a groundbreaking comprehensive report condemning the belated evacuation of the Orleans Parish Prison. Tom combined his experience investigating prison abuse in New Orleans with his immigration expertise when he was hired to be the Immigration Detention Staff Attorney for the National Prison Project. In that role, Tom raised attention and awareness to the deficient and abusive medical care practices in immigrant detention and assisted Francisco Castaneda in a landmark case of medical abuse in detention. Tom testified honorably before the Judiciary Committee on two occasions, once accompanied by two of his clients who shared their stories in an effort to improve conditions of confinement. As counsel for the Judiciary Committee, Tom worked tirelessly to provide assistance to members and staff He was always available for legal analysis, advice and good conversation. Tom was known to many members and staff as a leader on all things relating to immigration. Tom developed a reputation for being dependable and easily approachable. His energetic disposition and positive attitude were always appreciated by Members and staff on both sides of the aisle. Tom played an important role in Comprehensive Immigration Reform negotiations, the reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act, issues concerning the surge of unaccompanied children and families at the Southern border and enactment of several private immigration bills. Tom's absence will be felt on matters pertaining to immigration law and policy, but we are pleased to know that he will continue his efforts as the Vice President of Immigration Policy for the Center of American Progress. Mr. Speaker, we applaud Tom's tireless, principled and loyal public service to the U.S. House of Representatives and the American people wish him every success in his future endeavors.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Zoe Lofgren).

Mr. CONYERS. I yield 15 seconds to the gentlewoman.

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Speaker, I just want to make clear that the gentleman from Virginia, the chairman of the committee, is wrong about this bill. He says it only prohibits States and localities from adopting policies about not communicating with ICE. This is not true. The bill also prohibits State and local law enforcement agencies from adopting policies directing their officers not to collect information about immigration status for the general public. Any individual, the bill says. So it doesn't state that State and local police must gather immigration status information for the Federal Government.

Mr. CONYERS. Will the gentleman yield?

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise in strong opposition to H.R. 3009, the Enforce the Law for Sanctuary Cities Act. This thoroughly flawed measure is a blatant attempt by most of the majority to insert its anti-immigrant status agenda into local policing initiatives. It does this by prohibiting State and local governments from receiving critical criminal justice funds if they have policies that prioritize public safety and community policing over Federal immigration enforcement. The bill absolutely makes no sense because, rather than improving public safety, it will achieve the complete opposite; and that is not just my conclusion. Law enforcement agencies from across the United States and numerous organizations--such as the Major County Sheriffs Association, the Fraternal Order of Police, the Law Enforcement Immigration Task Force, the United States Conference of Mayors, and the National League of Cities--all oppose this bill. In effect, this bill would punish law enforcement officers by withholding the funds they need to do their jobs, and it would require States and localities to prioritize Federal immigration enforcement ahead of enhancing public safety. Reactionary proposals such as this legislation will only make our communities less safe because immigrants will not report crimes or otherwise cooperate with the police if they fear they or their family members may be asked for their immigration status. As a result, crimes will go unsolved and unpunished while criminals are free to victimize more people. In addition, withholding crucial United States Department of Justice funds from local communities will not lower crime. Studies have demonstrated that these programs, particularly the COPS and Byrne JAG funds, provide crucial support services to fight criminal activity, but a vote for H.R. 3009 is a vote to take these funds away and to risk making communities less safe. All of us, on both sides of the aisle, are opposed to violent crime. There is simply no debate about that. Not one of us would condone what happened to Kate Steinle in San Francisco, but H.R. 3009 is simply the wrong approach. I agree with the Major Cities Chiefs Association that the best way to reduce crime in their cities is to gain the community's trust and cooperation. I also believe that the majority of immigrants in this country are hard-working, law-abiding residents; and comprehensive immigration reform would allow these law-abiding individuals to come out of the shadows and get right with the law. Such legislative reform would enable Immigration and Customs Enforcement to focus its limited resources on deporting the worst elements, while ensuring that our entire community, citizens and immigrants alike, are protected from harm. Instead of considering this commonsense solution, the majority--most of them--have repeatedly voted to deport DREAMers; to deport the parents of United States citizens; and to deport vulnerable children from fleeing persecution, violence, and trafficking. Now, the majority, in the form of H.R. 3009, asks us to override the public safety mission of State and local enforcement agencies to increase deportations. I strenuously urge my colleagues to oppose this dangerous legislation. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler), a senior member of the Judiciary Committee.

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Price).

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Gutierrez), an excellent member of the Committee on the Judiciary.

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 15 seconds to the gentleman.

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to Representative Lofgren and ask unanimous consent that she be permitted to control the time.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I thank Mr. Welch and Mr. McGovern for their work on this issue. Ladies and gentlemen, one of the most important lessons I have learned in the years I have been in this great body is that we have got to be aware of unintended consequences. While some claim genetically modified organisms are safe beyond a reasonable doubt, the simple fact is that there is a great deal that we do not know about a technology that alters the basic building blocks of nature. We have more to learn about how the widespread use of GMOs could hurt the resilience of our food system by reducing the diversity of plant species, and there is much research to undertake on how the chemicals that are used concurrently with GMOs threaten human health. Just this year, the World Health Organization found the herbicide glyphosate to be a probable cause of cancer. GMOs are designed specially to be used with great quantities of this chemical, and the herbicide is being used in increasing quantities around the world. This is why Pope Francis, himself, recently spoke of the need to exercise greater caution with regard to genetical manipulation by biotechnology. This is why more than 90 percent of Americans want GMO labeling, according to recent polling. Mr. Chairman, H.R. 1599 would make it impossible for people to even be mindful of unintended consequences. It makes it impossible for people to know what they are purchasing and eating. It prevents States from taking prudent actions to protect consumers and farmworkers. Our Nation's leading legal organizations, environmental groups, consumer groups, and food safety groups all oppose H.R. 1599 because it is an attack on transparency and a dangerous attack on our great tradition of federalism.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, on July 21, 2015, I was not present for roll call votes #448 and 449. Had I been present, I would have voted AYE on both.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chair, I rise today in opposition to H.R. 1734, the majority's haphazard effort to delay and weaken regulation of coal combustion residuals--better known as coal ash. Every year our coal plants consume nearly 800 million tons of coal. That consumption produces nearly 100 million tons of coal ash loaded with mercury, cadmium, arsenic, and heavy metals. These toxic compounds have led even conservative towns like Conway, South Carolina--where President Obama lost by 28 points to Governor Romney in 2014--to vote for coal ash removal. The Environmental Protection Agency's Coal Combustion Residual (CCR) Rule, issued on December 19, 2014, seeks to remedy the problem that many communities have with coal ash. It prohibits storage in dangerous areas, like along fault lines and too close to the water table. It creates strong liner requirements to prevent leaching of toxic compounds. It requires groundwater testing of areas immediately next to coal ash storage sites. It requires companies to clean up their mess when their coal ash leaches out or spills into waterways. It requires disclosure and public notice of testing results and spillages. H.R. 1734 would weaken most of these strong standards in favor state- run permitting programs. And those programs that would take years to create and would then require fewer protections for the public. But the watered down standards are merely the surface problem with H.R. 1734--the fatal flaw is in how H.R. 1734 would delay and undercut any effort to enforce coal ash regulations. Under current law, private citizens may bring lawsuits to enforce the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act of 1976 (RCRA). Since EPA promulgated the Coal Ash Regulation under RCRA, that means that the same people who care most about coal ash--those whose air and water are threatened--may sue to enforce EPA's Coal Ash provisions. H.R. 1734 changes that, creating a permitting program that could delay suits for more than five years. Still, the Chairman of one Energy and Commerce Subcommittee describes H.R. 1734 as a win for coal ash accountability, because it ``breathes real-life enforcement authority into the standards.'' Nothing could be further from the truth. North Carolina--ground zero in the fight against coal ash--provides a crystal clear example of the crony capitalist regulation and corrupt enforcement that H.R. 1734 would enshrine in law. On February 2, 2014, Duke Energy spilled nearly 40,000 tons of coal ash into the Dan River. The spill by itself was a disaster. But it also called attention to a decades-old problem--coal ash leaching in less dramatic ways into North Carolina's waterways. Newly-aware North Carolinians were furious and demanded action. Raleigh, NC-based Public Policy Polling found that 93% of North Carolinians wanted the state to force Duke Energy to clean up the Dan River; 83% favored forcing Duke Energy to clean up all their coal ash sites. But that was not what happened. North Carolina met Duke Energy's Dan River spill not with enforcement, but with what looks a lot like ``constituent services.'' A three-decade Duke Energy employee occupied the North Carolina governor's mansion. North Carolina's environmental regulator delayed the enforcement proceedings--as they have done with other leaching-based contaminations--to the benefit of Duke Energy. When they finally assessed a fine--they hit Duke Energy with just $25 million against a company who made $3 billion that year. But that agreement also had no requirement that Duke Energy clean up their spill--directly contradicting the wishes of 93% of North Carolinians. H.R. 1734 tells us to trust in state enforcement. But as we have already seen, it is far too easy for corrupt utilities to capture state regulators. H.R. 1734 repeals the EPA rule for one reason--it would work. And unlike coal ash leaching into our drinking waters, that is not something that unscrupulous special interest groups are going to tolerate. I urge my colleagues to end the farce that H.R. 1734 represents; pull it from the floor like they did with the House Interior and Environment Appropriations; and figure out how they can help our communities instead of poison them.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I will vote for H.R. 3038, the Highway and Transportation Funding Act of 2015, because our nation cannot afford a surface transportation shutdown. There are still upwards of 15 million Americans either unemployed or underemployed, and a lapse in highway funding--however brief--would jeopardize thousands of Americans' livelihoods. My hope is that Republicans will stop careening toward crisis and finally pass a long-term measure to fix our aging infrastructure and put Americans to work. I am proud to support such a solution: today's Democratic Motion to Recommit aimed to allow a vote to re-authorize a long-term Transportation Bill to provide 6 years of funding for states and localities to repair crumbling roads and bridges. The time has come to stop governing by crisis and start making long-term investments to build a full employment society.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, on behalf of myself and Ms. Jackson Lee, I am pleased to introduce the Law Enforcement Trust and Integrity Act of 2015, along with additional cosponsors. This legislation has a history of support by both police and civil rights organizations around the country and is focused on building trust between law enforcement agencies, officials and the people they serve. Over the past two decades, tensions between police and communities of color have grown as allegations of bias-based policing by law enforcement agents, sometimes supported by data collection efforts and video evidence, have increased in number and frequency. Since the tragic police-involved shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, there has been public outcry for Congressional action to address police accountability and public safety issues through the adoption of substantive law enforcement policy reforms. Despite the fact that the majority of law enforcement officers perform their duties professionally and without bias, the relationship between the police and some of minority communities has deteriorated to such a degree that federal action is required to begin addressing the issue. With recent Washington Post reports of almost 400 police-involved shooting fatalities in the first five months of 2015, all should agree that the time for bipartisan action is long overdue. The Law Enforcement Trust and Integrity Act is designed to provide incentives for local police organizations to voluntarily adopt standards to ensure that incidents of deadly force or misconduct will be minimized through appropriate management and training protocols and properly investigated, should they occur. The bill authorizes the Department of Justice to work cooperatively with independent accreditation, law enforcement and community-based organizations to further develop and refine accreditation standards, and further authorizes the Attorney General to make grants to law enforcement agencies for the purpose of obtaining accreditation from certified law enforcement accreditation organizations. Beyond the human toll created by law enforcement accountability issues, there remains the fiscal impact created by the high cost of litigation settlements for police abuse claims. Currently, there are no federally recognized minimum standards for operating a law enforcement agency. The ad hoc nature of police management has accordingly left many officers and agencies in the dark about how to cope with changes in their communities. While most cities fail to systematically track the cost of litigation, the cost reports for major cities have proven staggering. In New York City alone, during Mayor Michael Bloomberg's three term tenure, NYPD payouts were in excess of $1 billion for policing claims. For small departments, the cost of a single high profile incident could prove crippling in its impact on public safety. While the Department of Justice has a range of criminal and civil authority to address policing issues, the Civil Rights Division will never have the resources necessary to investigate more than a small fraction of those departments engaged in unconstitutional conduct, even with the enhanced funding and task force authority granted by this legislation. Through the support of a robust accreditation regime, like that existing in healthcare, Congress can ensure that all communities have the best trained and managed police departments. Only by establishing acceptable police operations standards can we begin to preemptively address issues like use of force and heal the rifts within our communities. Media reports from Baltimore and other cities depicting confrontations between protestors and their police departments illustrate the current divide between law enforcement and the communities they police. In the past years, cities from New York to Cincinnati and Miami to Los Angeles have experienced unrest following controversial use of force incidents by their police. Absent a climate of trust and accountability, community needs are not served and the jobs of the police officers become more difficult and dangerous. The energies of Congress should be focused on the adoption of legislative priorities that address the substance of law enforcement management and strengthen the current battery of tools available to sanction misconduct. As a Congress we have been enthusiastic about supporting programs designed to get officers on the street. We must be just as willing to support programs designed to train and manage them after they get there. The current national climate requires decisive action to implement solutions. Out of respect for all who have lost their lives over the last nine months--both law enforcement and civilian--I hope you will join Ms. Jackson Lee and myself in supporting legislation that initiates the reforms necessary to restore public trust and accountability to law enforcement.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, although I oppose H.R. 644, the Trade Facilitation and Trade Enforcement Act of 2015, I rise in support of Section 302 of the bill because it wisely allows Customs and Border Protection (CBP) the flexibility to determine when there is a suspicion that goods are counterfeit. The section clarifies that CBP shall consult with Intellectual Property (IP) owners and preserves the flexibility of customs to first consult as appropriate with the importer. However, it does not direct CBP to modify in any particular way its procedures regarding notice to importers prior to determining whether there is a suspicion that their detained goods are possibly counterfeit. This should result in earlier and more accurate decisions by CBP and preserve the ability of lawful importers to protect their confidential information from disclosure. I am aware of cases where importers of genuine material have suffered significant and real costs because of CBP suspicions that the material was counterfeit. These losses occurred because shipments that were detained or seized were ultimately determined to be genuine and released long after their arrival and expected delivery dates. For example, in one case, a company suffered delays and increased costs for over 17 shipments that were seized or intensively examined by CBP over a three-month period after which all of the goods were ultimately determined to be genuine and were released long after their arrival and expected delivery dates. In another case, a company reported one shipment was seized and another one was detained for more than 30 days before both of these shipments were found to be genuine and were released. As a result of these long delays, the importers in each of these cases suffered significant costs for storage, brokerage, legal fees, product damage, and losses in customer good will. I thank Chairman Ryan as well as the other Ways & Means Committee members who remain as committed as I am to preventing counterfeit merchandise from crossing our borders. I look forward to working with them to ensure smooth implementation of this new policy.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.

Mr. CONYERS. I thank the chairman. Mr. Chairman, I urge support for the amendment. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. CONYERS. Ladies and gentlemen of the House, this amendment is designed specifically to support the men and women of the United States Armed Forces and to dramatically improve their quality of life while they are deployed. On a daily basis, the United Service Organizations, USO, reaches United States military members in numerous ways. They provide calling cards at deployed locations for servicemembers to call their families. They provide toiletries and necessities for deployed servicemembers and those in austere locations. They are the first persons to welcome back redeploying servicemembers. They volunteer to run morale and welfare tents offering Internet connectivity for deployed locations. Connecting troops to their families through calling cards and the Internet is just part of the USO's 40-plus program repertoire, but it is incredibly important to our deployed men and women and to their spouses, parents, siblings, and children. In an era where our servicemembers are fighting prolonged wars, connecting them to their families and friends back home is a service to our military that we cannot afford to underfund. In fact, 93 percent of troops surveyed in 2012 agreed that USO services boost morale, ease separation from friends and family, and convey a feeling of support to the servicemember. Unfortunately, however, our deployed servicemembers too often go to the USO tent only to find that USO provisions, including supplies and calling cards, have run out. Increasing funding to the USO will help alleviate this unacceptable problem. In the proposed fiscal year 2016 Defense Appropriations bill, the USO is funded at just $20 million. This amendment will reduce the operations and maintenance defensewide account by less than one two- thousandths, while having an immeasurable impact on the quality of life of our servicemen and -women. It is past time that we direct sufficient funds to the quality of life of the men and women that sacrifice everything to defend our Nation. I urge Members on both sides of the aisle to support it.