John Conyers

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Chairman, Members of the House, this is an amendment originally proposed by the gentleman from Hawaii, and it is designed to ensure that the decisions made by government officials aren't tainted by the prospect of private gain after they leave public office. That was one of the very first of our goals in this entire bill, to end the practice of Members attempting to use their power to influence private lobbyists' hiring decisions. This amendment furthers that objective by extending the conflict of interest standards to generals and flag officers of the Armed Forces who serve as top decision-makers in their respective services. It only applies to contracts greater than $50 million in size, and it mandates a cooling-off period for 1 year. Now, we have a huge military budget, a growing one, and unfortunately, many questions have arisen in recent years about the manner in which some of these contracts have been negotiated. Some have even received prison sentences as a result of serious conflicts of interest that occurred during the conduct of these negotiations. Each of these contracts involving military people affect the security of our Nation, the welfare of our men and women in uniform, and the public trust of the taxpayers. The provision of the gentleman from Hawaii will ensure that there is not even the appearance of a conflict. It will provide an assurance that the public's defense dollars are spent on the security of our Nation and the welfare of our troops rather than from private gain from our top military officials. It's a measure that the gentleman from Hawaii has discussed with me in great detail. And I urge its favorable consideration. Madam Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Chair, I would yield as much time as he may consume to the gentleman from Hawaii (Mr. Abercrombie).

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Chairman, I am very delighted to accept this amendment. It expresses a sense of Congress that is perfectly consistent with what we are doing. I am pleased to accept it, and we can move on to the next amendment.

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment and I ask unanimous consent to speak in favor of it.

Mr. CONYERS. I would just like my friend to know that this amendment meets with our standards. I want to commend the gentleman from California, because it allows judges to deal effectively and appropriately with extraordinary abuses of public trust, and that does not have any mandatory conditions to it whatsoever. I am pleased to accept it. Madam Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I reserve a point of order on the motion to recommit.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I object.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, this is a level of hutzpah tonight to have Jack Abramoff's name being brought up by the Republicans, which is why we are on the floor here legislating. This is what brought it all on. I am so delighted that you chose to give it the right name. Now let's be reasonable about this. We have not had the opportunity to even get the vaguest idea of what this recommit motion was about. And I ask my colleague, as one who has worked with the Judiciary Committee Republicans without exception, what is wrong with 5 minutes notice about it? We got no notice, and so we had to waste 435 Members' time until we could find out what was in the motion to recommit. I just ask my friends on the other side of the aisle, particularly the leadership because I don't ascribe this to Lamar Smith, the ranking member, at all. But let's get to the substance. From our brief review of what we could hear and read about this matter, this motion to recommit deals with several issues: The ability of the State and local governments and Indian tribes to make gifts, a new revolving door limitation on former lobbyists, a requirement that lobbyists disclose when they are lobbying on earmarks, and new restrictions on bundling. Now I wish we had time to review the motion in detail. But I have worked hard to make this process bipartisan and will continue to do so. My inclination is to accept this amendment today; and I will tell you why, we have no objection to combining the bundling provisions with the rest of the lobbying disclosures. They do go together. We started out this process, and we thought it would appeal to more Members, but if now my colleagues on the other side of the aisle wish to combine them, I find no objection with it. It gives us one bill. We can go into conference and we will work our way there. This chairman has at least a 50 percent chance of becoming the conference chairman. So, without any further ado, we accept the amendment of the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot).

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to the instructions of the House in the motion to recommit, I report the bill, H.R. 2316, back to the House with an amendment.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks on H.R. 2316, the Honest Leadership and Open Government Act of 2007.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the first amendment before us, and in strong opposition to the second. It is unfortunate that we have come to this point today. This House has already passed two supplemental war funding bills that would set in motion the change of course in Iraq that the American people have demanded of us. The first was vetoed by the President; the second failed in the Senate. Last week, Democratic leaders met with the President and offered to drop all domestic items in the supplemental if the administration would accept meaningful benchmarks and timelines for ending our involvement in that civil war. He refused. We are now left with the Senate-passed plan, which gives the President the funds he requested, accompanied by a much weaker set of benchmarks than those passed by the House. Some have cited the inclusion of these benchmarks as a step toward ending 6 years of Congressional blank checks for the President's war. While these benchmarks may be a step in the right direction, they are too small of a step. I will vote against the second amendment we are considering today. However, I will support amendment No. 1 to the Senate amendment to H.R. 2206. This measure will provide emergency funding to address critical needs here at home. It includes additional funding for the State Children's Health Insurance Program to prevent many thousands of poor children and some of their parents from losing health coverage, as well as increased spending for Gulf Coast hurricane recovery. It also provides more funding for our veterans' health needs, with additional funding set aside specifically to address traumatic brain injury, one of the most common and devastating injuries our soldiers are suffering in Iraq. The amendment also codifies the raise in the minimum wage that the House originally passed during the First 100 Hours of the 110th Congress. The value of the minimum wage is at its lowest level in more than 30 years, and raising it will provide much-needed help to many of America's financially-strapped working families. I find it unconscionable that the President and some Congressional Republicans have derided these provisions as ``pork.'' Each of these issues is an emergency in its own right and rises to the level of inclusion in this emergency spending bill. I am proud to support them. In September, as these funds expire, the Congress will once again have to decide what course of action to take on this war. The rule we passed for consideration of this bill requires that before we vote on another supplemental bill in the fall, we must vote on whether the funds appropriated therein be limited to the safe redeployment of our troops on a responsible timetable. It is my hope that when these votes occur in September, many more of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle will have come to their senses and realized that the civil war in Iraq cannot be ended by further American military involvement. I am confident that if the American people continue to voice their strong opposition to the President's failed policy in Iraq, enough Republicans will join with us to override future vetoes and end this misbegotten war.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Speaker, I rise to call attention to the lifetime artistic achievements of singer Gloria Lynne, an outstanding vocalist whose unique style and sound has blurred the distinctions among pop, jazz, and blues. Born Gloria Alleyne in the Harlem section of New York City on November 23, 1931, Gloria Lynne compensated for a bleak domestic life of poverty by absorbing everything she could of the city's vibrant night life. Exposed to gospel music at a young age by her mother, Lynne quickly graduated from singing at home to singing in the local African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church's choir. However, it was Lynne's first place performance at the Apollo Theater's Amateur Night, at the age of 15, which introduced America to her unique and impressive ability to tell stories that leaves audiences spellbound. Twelve years later, in 1958, after singing with groups like the Dell- Tones and Enchanters, Ms. Lynne signed with Everest Records and began her solo career. This marked the beginning of her most prolific period: between 1958 and 1963 she cut 10 records and had hits with ``I Wish You Love'' (a song she virtually made a standard) and ``I'm Glad There Is You.'' ``I Wish You Love'' not only became a signature song for Lynne, it sold in the millions and was the first song to become a hit on the jazz, rhythm & blues and pop music charts at the same time. Her popularity during this time enabled her to work with many of jazz's greatest masters, teaming up with musicians like Ray Charles, Billy Eckstine, Ella Fitzgerald, Quincy Jones, Harry Belafonte and others, as well as co-writing ``Watermelon Man'' with Herbie Hancock and ``All Day Long'' with Kenny Burrell. Gloria Lynne continues to perform before enthusiastic audiences. She was a special honoree at the Apollo's 2006 Amateur Night Celebration and recently performed to sold-out crowds at Dizzy's Coca Cola Room at New York's Lincoln Center for 5 consecutive nights. Ms. Lynne performed before a standing-room-only audience in May 2005 in Washington, DC at the 1,200-seat Historic Lincoln Theater in Washington, DC as part of Jazz in Southwest. She performed at the Kennedy Center's Women in Jazz Festival in 2003; and also in 2003, she received the National Treasure A ward from the Seasoned Citizens Theatre Organization. She has been inducted into the National Black Sports & Entertainment Hall of Fame. She is also the recipient of The Rhythm & Blues Foundation's Pioneer Award in honor of her lasting contributions to the music world. In 1996, she received the International Women of Jazz Award. On April 7, 2007, she received the Living Legend Award from the State of Pennsylvania. Teaming up with her son, Richard Alleyne, a writer and producer, Lynne also helps run their production company, Family Bread Music, Inc. On May 23, 2007, Ms. Lynne will be returning to Washington, DC. to receive a tribute from the Southwest Renaissance Development Corporation for her contributions to jazz. I am pleased to take this opportunity to add my voice to theirs and congratulate Gloria Lynne on her long and fruitful career. I wish her many more years of success.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 1525) to amend title 18, United States Code, to discourage spyware, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume. Software and electronic communications are increasingly being used by criminals to invade individuals and businesses' computers without authorization. These practices undermine consumer confidence in the integrity and security of the Internet itself. Two particularly egregious examples involve the use of spyware and phishing scams. Spyware is a form of software that helps gather information about an individual or organization without their knowledge. It also can be used to take control of someone else's computer and surreptitiously send information stored in that computer, such as the individual's personal information and passwords, to another entity where it can then be redirected for criminal purposes, including fraud, larceny, theft or other cybercrimes. According to a survey last year by the FBI, computer security practitioners say that spyware is among the most critical threats to the security of our Nation's computer systems. Phishing is another form of cybercrime. It is a scheme by which a criminal creates a Web site or sends e-mails that copy a well-known, legitimate business in an attempt to deceive Internet users into revealing personal information. Through phishing, for example, a criminal can trick an Internet user into revealing his bank account numbers or passwords. Pharming is a version of phishing, and that involves the fraudulent use of domain names. In pharming, hijackers hijack a legitimate Web site's domain site and redirect traffic intended for the Web site to their own Web site where users may unknowingly provide personal information to the hacker. This measure before us, H.R. 1525, aims to put a stop to these kinds of crimes that invade our privacy. It amends title 18 of the United States Code to impose criminal penalties, including up to 5 years in prison, on those who intentionally engage in spyware-related behavior in furtherance of other Federal criminal offenses. Another thing the bill does is impose fines and imprisonment up to 2 years for anyone who engages in such practices with the intent to defraud or injure a person. Finally, this measure authorizes $10 million per each fiscal year, 2008 through 2011, to help the Department of Justice combat these crimes. I want to lift up the names of two of our Judiciary Committee members, Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren of California, and of course, Bob Goodlatte of Virginia, both of whom have put this legislation together and shepherded it through the hearing and the processes of the Judiciary Committee. I'd like to commend them for hard, effective work in developing and moving this bill on a bipartisan basis. This is a targeted measure, ladies and gentlemen, that protects consumers by providing appropriately strong penalties for egregious behavior. I urge my colleagues to join us in support of it. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, the gentlelady from California, Zoe Lofgren, is the principal mover of this bill, and I'm pleased now to yield her as much time as she may consume.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I am now pleased to yield such time as he may consume to the chairman of the Subcommittee on Crime of the Judiciary Committee, the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Bobby Scott.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, this is a very important measure. We are finally dealing with those spyware crimes that invade our financial privacy, and I commend all of the actors on the Judiciary Committee that played a role in bringing this to our attention. Mr. Ric Keller has done an excellent job as well.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the bill under consideration.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 1615) to amend title 18, United States Code, to provide penalties for aiming laser pointers at airplanes, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Members of the House, when a laser is aimed at an aircraft cockpit, particularly at the critical stage of take-off or landing, it presents an imminent threat to aviation security and passenger safety. This has now been increasingly recognized, and we propose to do something about it today. According to the Federal Aviation Administration, laser illuminations can temporarily disorient or even disable a pilot during critical stages of flight. And in some cases, a laser might also cause permanent physical injury to the pilot. Since 1990 the FAA has reported more than 400 of these kinds of incidents. The rash of incidents involving laser beams is compounded by the concern that the low cost of hand-held laser devices could lead to even more incidents of these kinds happening in the future. So the measure before us today responds to the problem by amending title 18 of our United States Code to impose criminal penalties on someone who knowingly aims a laser pointer at an aircraft or in its flight path within the special aircraft jurisdiction of the United States. The criminal penalties include imprisonment of up to 5 years and fines. So I again extend a hand of thanks to Chairman Bobby Scott of the Crime Subcommittee for expeditiously moving this bill forward. And I also commend the sponsor of this legislation, Ric Keller, who is floor manager today, the gentleman from Florida, for his leadership on addressing the danger that lasers can pose to aircraft. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the chairman of the Subcommittee on Crime, Bobby Scott.