John Conyers

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I want to ask the gentlewoman, the author of the amendment, would she find that hearings and markups in the regular process would be helpful in developing an understanding around her motive and purpose for introducing this bill?

Mr. CONYERS. Well, that is the understanding I have heard from my good friend, the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Hutchinson), is that he considers this apparently a noncontroversial bill to which he is opposed to which hearings have never been heard. Well, now, if there has ever been a parallel like this ever in the history of this Congress, it has not been since I have been here. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, because we have 4 minutes left and my dear friend, the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Hutchinson) has 8 minutes left, I would ask him to go forward if he would.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey). (Ms. WOOLSEY asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, would the gentleman be willing to have hearings on the bill before the measure is passed which he is apparently very sincerely opposed to?

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute. Mr. Speaker, this is a Republican theme tonight, how dare we bring up this bill that they bring up. The gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Hutchinson) has said that the bill has not been through committee, no hearings. The author of the bill was notified in California that it was coming up, and now everybody is saying that this is a bill that they object to for many reasons. Is this some kind of a cynical political stunt that we are playing here tonight? Nobody wants the bill, but the Republicans sponsor it on a suspension on which they say there is supposed to be very little dissension about the bill. So I am in some confusion of what we are trying to do. I plan to vote present on this measure.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey).

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 15 seconds and caution the gentleman, my friend previously in the well. I thought I saw him ripping the Constitution. If that is the case, I would urge that he not do that publicly. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Taylor).

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise today under some very confusing circumstances. I would like to refer to the manager of the bill, the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Hutchinson). I thought I heard him say that he was moving to suspend the rules and pass a bill that he is now saying that he is opposed to. I thought he was the one that caused this bill to be brought to the floor and that it was him that is urging its passage. Did I hear him correctly?

Mr. CONYERS. I yield to the gentleman from Arkansas.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I see. I thank the gentleman for that information. Now, we are both on the Committee on the Judiciary. Did this bill go through the committee? I continue to yield to the ranking member on the Republican side.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman. He is not confusing me more, but we have increasing numbers of ambiguity. Let me turn, then, to the offer of this proposal, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey). And if I could ask her, and we have not talked about this, has she requested that this bill be placed on the floor for disposition? Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for her comments. I ask the gentlewoman, has she had any response from the Committee on the Judiciary about the disposition of the matter? She wanted hearings. She did not request that we come to the floor today.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, first of all, I think it is appropriate to commend the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Hilliard), with whom I have worked very closely in the Congressional Black Caucus, and the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus), with whom I have worked very closely on the House Committee on the Judiciary on a number of measures. This is a unique, ingenious way that continues the ability of America to help recognize that racial prejudice is something that we still can deal with in many creative, small ways. So House Joint Resolution 102 recognized that this ingenious notion, the Birmingham Pledge, can make an important contribution in fostering and promoting racial equality. It is a symbol of how far we have come and how far we have to go in the struggle for civil rights equality for all Americans. Because Birmingham, Alabama, occupies a unique and important place in the history of civil rights in America, for these two Members from the State of Alabama to come forward where we have had in the past the images of police dogs, fire hoses, racial strife, Dr. King's letter from a Birmingham jail, all makes it so important that from Alabama and now from around the Nation, signatures are pouring in. I understand that more than 60,000 have taken place already, and that President Clinton and the First Lady have all been signatories. So, Mr. Speaker, I think it is important as I conclude that if we pledge our belief today that every thought and every act of racial prejudice is harmful, then we should let our actions speak louder than our words and pass a hate crimes legislation bill that has come from the Committee on the Judiciary. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time, and I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Hilliard) be the manager of this bill from this point forward.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I submit the following for the Congressional Record and recommend that all members read and consider it when looking at the issue of Violence Against Women. I hope members find it helpful when considering reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act. [From the Washington Post, Sept. 8, 2000] Battered Girlfriends Need Protection, Too (By Judy Mann) Barbara Dehl, a 44-year-old mother of four girls, lives a lot of her life in hindsight. Every day, she wonders why she didn't get ``Cassie's Law'' passed before her 17-year-old daughter, Cassandra, ended up dead--the victim, her mother has testified, of an abusive relationship with a boyfriend. After Cassie's parents divorced and her mother moved near Boise, Idaho, Cassie chose to remain with her father, Curtis Dehl, in Soda Springs and finish school there. When she was 14, she met Justin Neuendorf, a former altar boy at her church, who was three years older than she was. For the next year, she went out with him off and on. Her parents didn't realize that their daughter was undergoing verbal and mental abuse. In testimony before a state legislative committee, Barbara said she found out later, from Cassie, that Neuendorf would tell her such things as she wasn't pretty enough for anybody else to love. ``Once a wedge had been inserted between Cassie and her family and friends, the physical abuse began,'' Barbara testified. In the spring of 1998, Barbara testified, he choked Cassie hard enough to make her bleed from her nose and ears and ruin a white coat. Cassie had been staying with a girlfriend while her father was out of town. About six weeks after the incident, the girlfriend told Cassie's father about it, and he confronted his daughter. Cassie denied it. He intercepted a letter in which Neuendorf said he was ``sorry for almost killing you'' and explained that he had been on drugs. Curtis intercepted another letter in which the boyfriend mentioned slitting Cassie's throat. ``We gave these letters to the local police, the prosecutor, the probation officer and to his parents,'' Barbara says in an interview. ``Nobody believed a teenage girl living in her parents' home could be abused by her boyfriend. They just said, `Why doesn't she walk away?' Nobody believed abuse could happen to a young girl who wasn't married to the abuser. . . . He had her so manipulated that in her mind she thought she was in love with this guy, and she was as helpless to leave him as a victim of battered-wife syndrome. ``When she was 16, she said, `If I was only better, he wouldn't have to hit me.' When I would confront her, she would tell me it was her fault.'' It's a 350-mile trip, each way, between Boise and Soda Springs, and Barbara says she drove it weekly, trying to get help for Cassie. ``We put Cassie into domestic-abuse counseling twice, but they didn't have training in dealing with young girls and dating violence,'' Barbara says. ``We never allowed him to see Cassie. He'd take her out of school, out of work, out of state. ``Idaho did not have a domestic-violence order to cover girls her age. I filed for one, anyway. We went before the judge, and he said we had all the evidence in the world, but there were no domestic-violence laws to protect Cassie.'' On the night of Dec. 3, 1999, Neuendorf picked Cassie up from a girlfriend's house and did not allow her to get her coat, according to Barbara Dehl. It was below zero. ``After midnight,'' Barbara says, ``the truck crashed down an embankment. He was not in the truck. She was. We don't know how he got out. He was slightly injured, with a broken wrist. ``The accident was not reported for more than 15 hours,'' she says. ``The fact that she was in the accident and left at the scene was not reported for 18 hours. When the sheriff's deputy arrived on the scene, she was dead and her body frozen solid. That's how they found my baby.'' Neuendorf has been charged with vehicular manslaughter. ``Her sisters and father and I decided we had to make sure no parent ever had to walk in our shoes,'' Barbara says. The Idaho legislature started in January. Barbara wrote what became known as ``Cassie's Law,'' which allows judges to issue a domestic-violence protection order for people in an abusive dating relationship. It allows parents to secure this restraint even without a child's help. Barbara quit work, cashed in her retirement and used her savings to lobby the legislature. The bill passed, was signed into law by the governor on April 3 and went into effect July 1. Barbara Dehl is now helping the National Task force to end Sexual and Domestic Violence Against Women lobby for the reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act. The act, passed in 1994, expires in October, and unless Congress reauthorizes it during what remains of this session, the agencies that help victims of domestic violence will be greatly weakened. Over the past six years, $1.6 billion has gone to states and communities to train law enforcement officials and counselors on how to deal with domestic violence. ``A lot of it is going to police and prosecutors and shelters and community education,'' says Pat Reuss, chair of the coalition. ``It's been a very good bill.'' In 1993, women experienced an estimated 1.1 million violent offenses at the hands of an intimate partner, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics. By 1998, the estimate had declined 21 percent, to 876,340 offenses, even though women have become more likely to report crimes of domestic violence. And the number of women killed by an intimate partner declined 23 percent between 1993 and 1997. The Violence Against Women Act is every bit as important as some other political hot topics, such as prescription drug coverage and hate crimes. It is saving lives. The House version covers women in dating relationships; the Senate version does not. What happened to Cassie Dehl should persuade the Senate to go along with the more inclusive House provisions. If anything, teenage girls are more susceptible to abusive relationships than mature women. The bills have strong bipartisan support, and they should be passed promptly. They are too important to be caught up in the last-minute rush of election year politics.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I honor on behalf of the Congressional Black Caucus and salute the lifetime achievements of one of the most important artists in American music history. Jazz vocalist and lyricist extraordinary, Jon Hendricks is widely regarded as the ``Father of Vocalese,'' a unique singing style characterized by the addition of lyrics to complex jazz arrangements. Hendricks' impressive body of work has influenced jazz vocalists for decades. He is an ``American original,'' deserving of recognition by the Congress of the United States. Born in Newark, OH, in 1921, Jon Hendricks began his career as an entertainer singing in the choir of the church where his father served as pastor. He later began singing professionally in nightclubs around Toledo, OH, where his family moved and he grew up. His accompanist for two years was pianist Art Tatum, who, himself, went on to achieve great renown. After service in the Army, Jon Hendricks returned home and studied law at the University of Toledo. One night, Hendricks was sitting in with legendary saxophonist Charlie Parker. Parker told him to give up law, come to New York City, and pursue work as a jazz singer. Two years later, Jon Hendricks did just that. He found Parker playing at an engagement in Harlem, and almost fainted when Parker invited him up on the bandstand to sing. In addition to singing, Hendricks sought work in New York as a songwriter. His first chance to record his own material came when King Pleasure invited Hendricks to write lyrics to his version of ``Little Boy, Don't Get Scared.'' Hendricks subsequently developed into one of the greatest jazz lyricists, having authored the words to such jazz standards as ``Doodlin,'' ``Tickle Toe,'' ``Cloudburst,'' and ``Yeh Yeh.'' During the course of his career, he has composed lyrics for music written by such jazz giants as Duke Ellington, Miles Davis, Thelonius Monk, Sonny Rollins, and many others. In the late 50s, Jon Hendricks joined Annie Ross and Dave Lambert to form the groundbreaking jazz vocal trio known as Lambert, Hendricks, and Ross. The group quickly gained fame, winning an award in Down Beat's 1959 Poll. Hendricks wrote lyrics to many of the jazz standards that were performed by the group. A trademark of his work is that each song's lyrics constitute a fully realized story. For this, he earned the nickname ``the James Joyce of Jive.'' Jon Hendricks has recorded numerous albums during his career, the latest being ``Boppin' at the Blue Note,'' released in 1995. On that particular recording, he is accompanied by a vocal ensemble that includes his wife, Judith, their daughters Michele and Aria, and Kevin Burke. At 79, Hendricks continues to actively pursue his recording and performing career. He has been called ``The Poet Laureate of Jazz'' and ``The James Joyce of Jive.'' Among his honors are the Grammy Award, as well as Emmy and Peabody Awards for his work on the CBS-TV documentary, ``Somewhere to Lay My Weary Head.'' Congressman Conyers, along with ASCAP, will bestow special awards upon Mr. Hendricks during a brief ceremony during the concert. Last year, Hendricks received an honorary Doctor of Performing Arts degree from the University of Toledo. He was also named Distinguished Professor of Jazz Studies and has just begun teaching classes at the university. Mr. Speaker, I am honored to present to this body the accomplishments of Jon Hendricks, a musical genius whose songs we all have come to enjoy.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I rise on behalf of the Congressional Black Caucus and the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation to celebrate the cultural achievements and monumental contributions to music in both America and around the world as a result of the creative genius and work of Ester Gordy Edwards. On this special occasion, I am honored to present to the 106th Congress, a national treasure who has been one of the most important and influential historical figures of the 20th century in the development of music--Ester Gordy Edwards. As one of the chief executives and administrators during Motown's first decade, Ester Gordy Edwards, in collaboration with her legendary brother Barry Gordy, was instrumental in the success of Motown through her administrative and talent development skills. She was one of the key architects of marketing the Motown Sound overseas, and helped to bring rhythm and blues, in particular, rhythms and harmonies from gospel music, to millions of listeners in America and around the world. The ``Motown Sound'' has brought joy and delight to countless fans, and is a uniquely American art form that will endure the test of time. It is my heart felt belief that because of the work of Ester Gordy Edwards, the music and spirit of Motown will always be with us; because it is music from the heart, it is about love, peace and harmony, it is brilliant, sophisticated, dynamic, and soulful beyond description. Motown music transcends race, class, and culture. This is one of Motown's most profound and powerful historical legacies--promoting brotherhood, humanity, and love through music. During Motown's first decade, Mrs. Edwards was head of the Artists Personal Management Division of Motown. From her director's position, she guided the career and development of world-famous recording artists, including: Diana Ross, The Supremes, Smokey Robinson, The Miracles, The Temptations, The Four Tops, Marvin Gaye, Stevie Wonder, Mary Wells, Martha Reeves, and many other outstanding artists and musicians. Simultaneously, Mrs. Edwards directed Motown's International Operations, setting up foreign licensees, and sub-publishers, worldwide. Mrs. Edwards' outstanding administration of these areas greatly enhanced Motown's phenomenal growth into the world's largest independent record manufacturer. In 1972, when Motown Record Corporation moved its headquarters from downtown Detroit to Los Angeles, California, Mrs. Edwards remained in Detroit as head of Motown's Public Affairs Division, and CEO of Detroit operations. Ongoing public visits and public demand resulted in the official founding of the Motown Historical Museum, Inc. in 1985. Ester Gordy Edwards is also Vice Chair of the African American Heritage Association (AAHA) which provided the African American Room in the Ethnic Heritage Center at Wayne State University. She is a former member of the National Board of Directors of the Martin Luther King, Jr. Center for Non-Violent Social Change and a former Trustee of the Founders Society of the Detroit Institute of Arts. Mrs. Edwards is a member of Bethel A.M.E. Church, Alpha Kappa Alpha and Gamma Phi Delta sororities. She is listed in ``Who's Who in America'' and ``Who's Who in the World.'' One of her cherished honors is being selected in 1994 ``Distinguished Warrior'' by the Detroit Urban League, for her notable leadership in the community and lifetime devotion to improving conditions in society. Esther Gordy Edwards is the daughter of the late Bertha and Berry Gordy Sr., widow of the late Michigan State Representative George H. Edwards, and mother of one son, Robert B. Bullock by a previous marriage. She is stepmother to the Honorable Harry T. Edwards, Judge, U.S. Court of Appeals, District of Columbia; Verne Edwards DeBorge and Pamela Edwards Matthews. I am proud to honor my close friend Ester Gordy Edwards today, and am one of many admirers of her dedication to excellence and her desire to enrich and strengthen the African American community. Ester Gordy Edwards is a pioneer of African American music, and will forever be remembered as a distinguished woman who has served as a positive role model for African American youth. She gave hope to millions of African Americans by showing that hard work, dedication to your career, and the quest for excellence can translate into dreams fulfilled and lives enriched.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to join with subcommittee ranking Member Howard Berman and subcommittee chairman Howard Coble to introduce the ``Work Made for Hire and Copyright Corrections Act of 2000,'' which strikes ``sound recordings'' from the definition of ``work made for hire'' in section 101 of the Copyright Act. This bill undoes an amendment to the Copyright Act made last November, an amendment that changed the Act to treat ``sound recordings'' as ``works made for hire.'' Without the benefit of Committee hearings or other debate, that change effectively terminated any future interest that artists might have in their sound recordings and turned them over permanently to the record companies. Fortunately, all of the interested parties--the Members, the recording artists, and the recording industry--after hearing testimony at a Subcommittee hearing now agree that the provision must be struck, that we must return the law to where it was on November 28, 1999, the day before the amendment passed into law, so that artists' authorship rights are preserved. I am pleased that the recording industry has worked diligently with the recording artists to reach agreement on how to do just that. Arrived at after several months of negotiations, this bill ensures that we return to status quo ante on ``sound recordings'' with respect to whether and under what circumstances they are considered ``works made for hire.'' The bill is retroactive to the date section 1011(d) was enacted. As such, this bill will function as if section 1011(d) never existed; the artists and industry have the same rights now that they did on November 28, 1999. I ask my colleagues to support this compromise legislation. Vote ``Yes'' when it comes before the full House.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I am proud and honored today to be joined by Ms. Baldwin, Ms. Maloney and 40 other co-sponsors to introduce the ``Violence Against Women Civil Rights Restoration Act of 2000.'' The Violence Against Women Act of 1994, or ``VAWA,'' was historic legislation that contained a broad array of laws and programs to address domestic violence and sexual assault in our country. In addition to funding numerous programs such as law enforcement and prosecution grants to combat violence against women, a National Domestic Violence Hotline, and battered women's shelters and services, VAWA created both civil and criminal causes of action to target domestic violence and sexual assault. A few months ago, the Supreme Court struck down a provision of VAWA, which allowed victims of gender-motivated violence to sue their attackers in federal court. Importantly, that case, United States v. Morrison, did not affect the validity of the rest of VAWA, which is clearly constitutional. But, Morrison is just the latest in a series of cases in which the Supreme Court has, in my view, improperly narrowed Congress' authority to legislate under the Commerce Clause. The Court's 5-4 majority disregarded the mountain of evidence that Congress had amassed through four years of hearings, documenting the effects of violence against women on interstate commerce. The Court's majority substituted its own judgment for that of Congress--and this from supposedly ``conservative'' Justices who purport to defer to Congressional findings. The Morrison decision vividly demonstrates the important role the next President will have in shaping the composition of the Supreme Court, and ensuring that the Court respect Congress' authority to protect the civil rights of our citizens. In response to the Morrison decision, I am introducing the ``Violence Against Women Civil Rights Restoration Act of 2000.'' This legislation will restore the ability of victims of gender-motivated violence to seek justice in federal court, where there is a connection to interstate commerce. For example, a rape victim could bring a civil suit against her attacker in federal court where the attacker crosses a state line; if he uses a facility or instrumentality of interstate commerce--such as the roads, the telephone, or the Internet; or if he uses a gun, weapon, or drug that has traveled in interstate commerce. In addition, she could bring a case where the intent of the offense is to interfere with her participation in commercial or economic activity. The bill also authorizes the Attorney General to prevent discrimination in the investigation and prosecution of gender-based crimes. This bill will ensure that all victims have fair and equal access to the courts. I want to thank the domestic violence and sexual assault communities for their support of this legislation, especially NOW Legal Defense and Education fund, who defended Christy Brzonkala before the Supreme Court, and who has been instrumental in drafting this bill. I look forward to working with the Majority, the Senate, and the White House to help pass this bill into law and restore the civil remedy for victims of gender-based violence.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to introduce today the Restoration of Fairness in Immigration Law Act of 2000. Today is truly a seminal event when the Congressional Black, Hispanic and Asian Pacific Caucuses along with Members on both sides of the aisle unite behind a single piece of comprehensive immigration legislation. For too many years, Congress has witnessed a wave of anti-immigrant legislation, playing on our worst fears and prejudices. Since 1994, we have considered proposals to ban birthright citizenship, ban bilingual ballots, and slash family and employment based immigration, as well as to limit the number of asylees and refugees. In 1996 we passed laws denying legal residents the right to public benefits and denying immigrants a range of due process and fairness protections, including prohibiting courts from reviewing many INS decisions, requiring lawful permanent residents be deported for minor offenses committed years ago, and imposing mandatory detention on non-criminal asylum seekers. This year, I believe we have turned the corner, as business and organized labor have joined the advocacy community in recognizing the critical role immigrants play in our workplaces, our communities, our schools, and our culture. I particularly want to commend John Sweeney, President of the AFL-CIO, and the other 29 organizations who yesterday endorsed this historic piece of legislation. With the introduction of this comprehensive bill, I, along with the bipartisan list of co- sponsors, the Black, Hispanic and Asian Pacific American Caucuses, and the many supporting community organizations, send a clear message that Congress needs to fix what we did in '96. Our work will not stop with the introduction of this legislation. We only have one month left in the legislative session, but I believe that many provisions of this bill can be passed into law, including providing Haitians and Central Americans with immigration parity, enacting late amnesty relief, and protecting battered immigrants. Attached is a summary of the key provisions of this legislation. Summary of the ``Restoration of Fairness in Immigration Law Act of 2000''

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I fully respect the gentlewoman from Florida who has introduced this measure. I point out to her that normally, there is some Federal jurisdictional requirement that is cited in a bill of this kind that applies to a State, and that there is none such in this bill. I am not quite sure if she was aware that there was in the Federal Criminal Code a measure that precludes in the Federal law at this moment a sentence from death being carried out upon a woman while she is still pregnant. I would ask the gentlewoman from Florida if she were aware of the existence of such a provision in our Federal law.

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself 2\1/2\ minutes, the remaining time on our side. Madam Speaker, I refer to the Missouri v. Holland case that the floor manager cited because it deals with whether incidents of the State are covered by treaties entered into by the United States. There the Supreme Court said that the supremacy clause means treaties do cover State residents, a very important point that is completely unrelated to the issue of Federal nexus before us. But this bill is an entirely different constitutional animal. This bill deals with commandeering State functions and officials. As such, the New York v. U.S. and U.S. v. Lopez both reinforce one another and say that one must cite the Federal nexus, which this bill does not have. But I say that to say that the bill may not have been, in haste, properly drafted. It does not mean that we cannot correct it. I would not object to this bill being passed. I do not oppose the bill on these grounds. But my colleagues must recall, Madam Speaker, that, without any notice, we have had a bill rushed to the floor that was introduced less than a week ago. Is this to soften the less than kind, less than gentle, somewhat brutal image of the Republican presidential candidate after his somewhat callous and callow action on the death penalty in Texas? I hope not. It seems to me that we have had the execution in the State of Texas of Karla Faye Tucker, a born-again Christian. She was executed and was mocked later by the governor of Texas, who made a whimpering noise and claimed, ``With tears in her eyes, she said, `Please Governor, don't kill me.' '' And so I am saddened by the fact that we take this small tiny portion of the death penalty and bring it to the floor in this very hurried manner. Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Speaker, who has the right to close?

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. LaFalce).

Mr. CONYERS. Madam Speaker, again reclaiming my time, I would close by merely reminding everyone that these two cases, which both cite very clearly and unambiguously that they are not limited to the Commerce clause or any other particular part of the Constitution, require that the statute must cite the authority. The role of the Federal Government with respect to State functions must be made clear and explicit. The jurisdictional requirement has to be satisfied. I submit to my friends that this is one of the few cases, few bills I have ever seen come to the floor that does not cite any authority, whatsoever. Now, it may be that in the haste of the moment, this is a bill that has not been before the Committee on the Judiciary, so maybe my colleagues forgot. We are dealing with a bill that was introduced on July 19, 2000. That was a few days ago. So that may be the problem. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.