John Conyers

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in honor of a former employee of my district office and friend of mine, Jerry O'Malley, who recently passed at the age of 82. Born to Jerome and Florence O'Malley on July 1, 1929, Mr. O'Malley was raised in Southeast Michigan. He attended and graduated from Detroit Catholic Central. He went on to earn his Bachelors in Business Administration from the University of Detroit. Upon graduation, he began his professional life in Florida where he worked his way up through Ford Motor Company. Starting on the assembly line, Mr. O'Malley retired from Ford's business development division. After retiring from Ford, Mr. O'Malley returned to Michigan to pursue his passion for public service. Working for County Executive Ed McNamara as the Director of the county's Equipment Division, Mr. O'Malley embarked on decades of political activism and community service. Residing in Dearborn, Mr. O'Malley was active in the campaigns of virtually every Democratic candidate on the ticket in recent history. He leaves behind three daughters, Catherine, Theresa Ann, and Diana. He was grandfather of Thomas, Kyle, Michael, Nathan, Joshua, Aaron, Tom, and Tabatha. He was the great grandfather of Nathan and Nolan. Mr. O'Malley was predeceased by his wife Catherine, his brother Harry and granddaughter Isabel. We will miss Jerry. Detroit and the surrounding area have lost a true jewel of our community.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, why would Congress pass three leftover Bush NAFTA-style ``free trade'' agreements with Korea, Panama and Colombia? A report issued by the Economic Policy Institute concluded that the Korea FTA agreement not only fails to create jobs for American workers, it would result in the net loss of 159,000 U.S. jobs in its first seven years. And when one considers the details of the agreement, it is not hard to see why. Under the proposed Korea FTA, the United States will eliminate tariffs on South Korean cars and trucks, increasing South Korean imports here, without requiring them to buy more of our vehicles. As a concession, South Korea did agree to waive certain environmental and safety requirements for up to 25,000 cars per U.S. maker--if suddenly there is demand for U.S. cars in South Korea, whose consumers historically have not bought U.S. imports. More than 95 percent of the cars sold in South Korea today are made in South Korea. Additionally, no changes were made to the low domestic content rules. Under the proposed agreement, up to 65 percent of the value of a vehicle can be sourced in low-wage nations like China and still qualify for the FTA's duty-free access. As a result, this agreement is an open invitation to the auto industry to send American auto parts jobs to China. Indeed, the Korean Auto Workers Union opposes this FTA because the low domestic content rules will also invite the South Korean parts industry to outsource their jobs to China. Meanwhile, Europe's trade agreement with South Korea requires 55 percent domestic content. Even NAFTA required 50 percent domestic content. But while this FTA does not follow NAFTA's domestic content requirements, it does replicate NAFTA's special privileges for foreign investors. This allows foreign investors to evade domestic courts and use foreign tribunals to get reimbursed for regulatory costs from U.S. taxpayers. There are more than 270 Korean corporate affiliates in the U.S. who would be empowered to use these tribunals to raid our Treasury if the Korea FTA were implemented. Among the laws exposed to attack are financial regulations that the U.S. and Korea implemented to restore stability after the devastating global financial crisis. The banks and securities firms that wrecked the global economy would be newly empowered under this deal to attack the policies designed to get them under control. Not surprisingly, the Korea FTA is loved by Wall Street's titans. And the FTA even includes President Bush's ban on references to the International Labor Organization's Conventions--the global labor standard. The agreement does nothing to require South Korean labor law to be put on equal footing with U.S. law, as under South Korean law, union members can be fired for striking and then sued for their employers' lost profits. The AFL-CIO, Teamsters, and many other American and Korean unions oppose this FTA. With the Big Three beginning to recover and hire more workers thanks to major U.S. government assistance, it seems problematic that Congress would support an agreement that could boost the auto industry's profits, but only at the cost of more off-shored jobs. The proposed Korea FTA is a bad deal for our country and America's workers. It's time to put the American worker first and stop these trade deals.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to honor the life of civil rights legal scholar, Derrick Bell. As a respected attorney, scholar, war veteran and mentor, Mr. Bell lived his life believing that change only occurs when we take risks. Mr. Bell was a man of many firsts. A graduate of the University of Pittsburgh Law School, where he was the only black student, Mr. Bell would eventually become the first tenured black professor at Harvard Law School. He later became Dean of the University of Oregon School of Law, becoming the first African-American to ever head a non-black law school. His willingness to be a pioneer was a reflection of his unwillingness to exchange personal position for the core principle of pursuing equity for all. Mr. Bell's resolve to stand on principle was seen throughout his career. As a newly minted attorney in his 20s, selected to work at the Civil Rights Division of the United States Justice Department, Mr. Bell was told to relinquish his NAACP membership, which his superiors believed posed a conflict of interest. Mr. Bell, instead, did the opposite and quit the Justice Department. While perhaps a shock to some, Mr. Bell would ultimately resign as Dean at Oregon over a dispute about faculty diversity. In his 2002 memoir, ``Ethical Ambition,'' Mr. Bell recalled how his actions appeared to associates as ``futile and foolish.'' But he publicly declared the importance of living ``a life of meaning and worth.'' Mr. Bell is perhaps best known for his tenure at Harvard Law School, which began in 1969 after protests by black students for a minority faculty member. While at Harvard, Bell established a new course in civil rights law, published a leading legal textbook, ``Race, Racism and American Law,'' and rejected the dry legal analytics, which dominated legal scholarship, in favor of allegorical stories and parables. In 1986, he orchestrated a five-day sit-in to protest the school's failure to grant tenure to two professors. Mr. Bell's challenge to the legal orthodoxy served as inspiration to Harvard Law students, and President Barack Obama compared him to civil rights hero Rosa Parks while attending a rally as a student at Harvard Law. Mr. Bell ultimately left the law school in 1990 over principle and concluded his career at NYU Law School. He summed up his actions in a speech to Harvard students, saying, ``Your faith in what you believe must be a living, working faith that draws you away from comfort and security, and toward risk through confrontation.'' Mr. Bell believed that it would be hypocritical to urge his students to defy what is unjust, while not practicing his own precepts. Largely credited as the originator of critical race theory, Mr. Bell explored the nuances that exist in race-relations. Known as a soft- spoken gentleman, the professor unapologetically challenged conservatives and liberals, alike, on shared societal beliefs concerning race in America. While many viewed the 1954 desegregation decision in Brown v. Board of Education as monumental in the fight towards equality, Mr. Bell wrote that in light of the consequences of Brown, conditions for minorities might have worked out better if the court had instead ordered governments to provide both races with truly equivalent schools. Mr. Bell focused on motives just as much as outcomes, and while he generally supported litigation, he also cautioned that seemingly favorable rulings often yield disappointing results. His discourse prepared and empowered us to fight beyond court decisions and dig deeper into the implementation of policies which affect underrepresented communities. Mr. Bell will always be revered as a genuine, authentic champion in the struggle for civil rights. Robert Frost famously stated that ``Two roads diverged in a wood, and I--I took the one less traveled by, and that has made all the difference.'' We are all honored that Derrick Bell took the road less traveled, for his contributions have truly inspired others to make a difference.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to celebrate the birthday of the Reverend Joseph Lowery, one of the single most important leaders of the modern civil rights movement; and a close confidant of Dr. Martin Luther King. Reverend Lowery was born in Huntsville, Alabama on October 6th, 1921. He and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. formed the Southern Leadership Conference, which was the hub of the civil rights movement in the 1960's. In addition to being the co-founder of the SLC, Rev. Lowery is a co-founder of the Black Leadership Forum--a broad constellation of African-American faith and social justice groups dedicated to carrying on the legacy of Martin Luther King. Rev. Lowery is a living legend who will remain in the hearts and minds of all of who have been so blessed and fortunate to know him, including his friends, family members, and colleagues in the struggle for human and civil rights. Reverend Lowery was clearly one of the most influential leaders of the civil rights movements. He is a humble and gracious man with a keen sense of humor. He kept so many of us in the civil rights movement motivated, energized, and hopeful regardless of the many serious obstacles we faced as a social justice movement. Rev. Lowery is married to Evelyn Gibson Lowery, who in her own right is a committed and dedicated civil rights activist. We wish Rev. Lowery and his wife Evelyn Gibson Lowery many more years of happiness, good health, and blessings. America is a stronger, fairer, and more civilized nation because of the decades of work that Rev. Lowery devoted to the noble cause of liberty, freedom, and social justice for all Americans.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, the war in Afghanistan will mark its 10 year anniversary this coming Friday. After 10 years, it is clear money is being wasted on military spending and wars that aren't making us safer, and are doing nothing for ordinary people in Afghanistan and Pakistan and beyond. It's working people in Michigan, and throughout the rest of the country, who understand that--but unfortunately not enough of my colleagues in Congress. Sometimes it's only outside of Washington, DC, that the fundamental common sense of Americans shows up. This year the National Conference of Mayors passed a powerful resolution calling on the U.S. government to end the war in Afghanistan and to ``bring the war money home.'' It was the first time since the height of the Vietnam War, in 1971, that the Mayors took a clear anti-war position. The mayors understand that the money is there, but it's being diverted--away from jobs, away from the crucial investments in people that keep our workers employed, our children healthy, and our elders safe. Americans get it--64 percent of Americans already say that the war in Afghanistan is just not worth fighting. But it sure seems like no one is listening. Because just this year, taxpayers in my congressional district are paying about $172 million just for our share of the war in Afghanistan. That war isn't doing anything to make us safer--the CIA and all the rest of the intelligence agencies admit there are only 50 or 100 al-Qaeda members even left in Afghanistan. But the numbers of civilian casualties are higher than they've been since this war began ten years ago. And that 172 million in tax dollars? If we weren't wasting it on a failing war in Afghanistan we could use that money for something that really might help keep us safe--like hiring 3,275 firefighters for a year. We could retrofit 53,807 houses in my district to provide renewable electricity. Those war dollars could cover health care for 22,447 of our brave veterans, so many of whom are coming home from the wars with devastating physical and emotional injuries. Any of those things would keep us safer than wars that create more terrorists with every civilian casualty. We can't afford to keep fighting counterproductive wars. The wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and Pakistan are not keeping us safe. It's time to end them; it's time to spend the money we need to bring our troops safely and quickly home. We have too much to rebuild in our cities and across our country, to waste our hard-earned tax dollars. Americans get it. After 10 years, it's time to bring our troops, and our war dollars home.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, this year, a memorial honoring the late Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was finally unveiled on the National Mall. This unveiling, which occurs during the presidency of the first African- American President of the United States, is, for many, the culmination of the movement for equality and civil rights that began with Dr. King in the 1950s and 60s. However, those of us who have carried Dr. King's dream forward to the present understand that history isn't so neat and clean. While the arc of history does bend toward justice, it bends only because advocates for justice, peace, and human dignity have dedicated their lives to bending that arc through their leadership, determination, and sheer force of will. My friend, the Revered Jesse Jackson, is one of those people. From his days standing alongside Dr. King in Selma, to his groundbreaking run for the presidency in 1988, Reverend Jackson's commitment to an uncompromising vision of racial harmony and economic opportunity for all Americans has inspired millions. Perhaps the work Reverend Jackson is best known for are his efforts to fulfill the promise of America's great democratic experiment. Our history books teach us that the America established by our Founding Fathers purported to endow each American with certain fundamental rights. However, we all know that certain residents of this country-- African-American slaves, immigrants, women, and those without property--were left out of this original social contract. Reverend Jackson has spent his life trying to remedy this failing--to expand the membership of our social contract and ensure that everyone feels welcome in our big, loud American family. That's exactly what Reverend Jackson was doing when he founded the National Rainbow Coalition in 1984 and later ran for President in 1988. All of a sudden, millions of new voters--the young, ethnically and racially diverse minorities, the poor, and the politically marginalized all felt like they had a voice and a candidate who spoke for them. For the first time, many of them felt like they had ownership and a stake in the direction of their country. They realized they had power. I'm certain that the young people currently making headlines with their ``occupation'' of Wall Street owe much of their movement's energy to the groundwork laid down by Reverend Jackson in 1988, when he reminded America that ``people power'' is the only surefire way to successfully challenge an entrenched and corrupt power structure that favors a wealthy few. Jesse Jackson has spent the last 50 years bending the arc of history towards justice. It is hard work, and a lesser man might be getting tired. For Reverend Jesse Jackson, the work of creating a more perfect union continues. Just last week, he marched with me through the streets of Detroit and spoke out on behalf of 41,000 mothers and children in Michigan who risk losing their access to the basic necessities of life because of cruel and misguided government policies. He was there to give a voice to the voiceless. That's just what he does. Mr. Speaker, this is why I am proud to acknowledge Reverend Jackson on the floor today for his life, his tremendous legacy, and, most of all, for the work that is yet to come.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I rise to celebrate the life and legacy of the late Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth. Today, we mourn the loss of an American soldier who lived without fear to exemplify the power of nonviolence in the ongoing fight against injustice, inequality and inequity. No other word best describes civil rights pioneer Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth but the word ``fearless.'' Rev. Shuttlesworth was a native of Alabama and spent his entire life there dedicated to combating discrimination and the alienation of underrepresented communities. He co-founded the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), and was a key strategist of nonviolent campaigns, working alongside notable civil rights leaders such as Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Rev. Ralph Abernathy, Bayard Rustin and Ella Baker. Rev. Shuttlesworth was committed to civil disobedience in order to bring about the Constitution's promise of equality, however, he was in no way considered a ``passive'' individual. Many who worked closely alongside of him recall how he prodded his fellow civil rights comrades to be more active and deliberate in the push for equality. Prior to founding the SCLC, Rev. Shuttlesworth was a very visible civil rights figure, serving as Membership Chairman of the Alabama State Chapter of the NAACP in 1956, and establishing the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights (ACMHR) after the state of Alabama outlawed NAACP activities. His visibility made him a clear target of bigotry and violence, including an assassination attempt on the Christmas of 1956 where sixteen sticks of dynamite placed under Shuttlesworth's bedroom window resulted in extensive damage to his home. Shuttlesworth, however, suffered no bodily harm. When advised by a police officer with Klan allegiances to ``get out of town,'' Shuttlesworth rejected the officer's admonition, stating ``I wasn't saved to run.'' Rev. Shuttlesworth refused to be driven out by intimidation, ignorance and intolerance. We are ever so grateful he did not run. Rev. Shuttlesworth was one of the many brave souls who participated in the sit-ins at segregated lunch counters in 1960. His fingerprints are all over the Freedom Rides of 1961, where he organized and saw the mission to its completion. When riders were severely beaten, Rev. Shuttlesworth solicited other clergy and religious leaders to drive the wounded to hospitals and nursed some riders in his church, Bethel Baptist in Birmingham. His character was such that if one was hungry, he would feed them; thirsty, he would provide them with water; homeless, he would open his doors; imprisoned, he would visit them. Rev. Shuttlesworth believed that whatever we do for the least of our brothers and sisters, regardless of race, creed, orientation or any other qualifier, we are indeed doing for all of humanity. All men perish, but it is often upon the passing of great men that we truly recognize their value. Rev. Shuttlesworth is a universal figure whose activism led to several victorious litigations against segregation, including the Supreme Court decision of Shuttlesworth v. Birmingham, which reversed his conviction for holding a peaceful demonstration. His involvement in the marches in St. Augustine, Florida and Selma, Alabama led to the historic passages of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Every state in the United States, as well as twenty countries, has created programs to combat racism and prejudice implementing Rev. Shuttlesworth's strategies and organizational skills. Rev. Shuttlesworth once vowed that he would ``kill segregation or be killed by it.'' Fortunately, he lived to see the fruits of his labor. He served our country fighting for segregation's demise and as a result, we are all beneficiaries of his efforts. Now more than ever, we must follow the example of Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth and see the value in caring for the least among us. His efforts will never be forgotten.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today because of my full commitment and support of the values of equality, respect, and freedom fortified within the creation of the Constitution of the United States of America. Today is a day set aside to recognize the importance the Constitution has provided throughout its evolution to the continued principles of democracy our Founding Fathers championed. I would like to highlight both the 13th and 15th Amendments for the equality each ensures to American minorities. The 13th Amendment abolished slavery and started a revolution of social progress for blacks subject to slavery, and also for women and laborers. The 15th Amendment ensures the right to vote to all citizens, regardless of one's race, color, or previous condition of servitude. I personally respect the struggle that ensued after this Amendment was ratified. It took until the 1965 Voting Right Act until this right was protected with vigorous enforcement--a vote I remember voting for passage as a newly elected Representative of the United States Congress. These two Amendments perhaps best show the injustices that can be righted by Congress and the Nation when we recognize that we are a united people of equal bearing who are each entitled to equality under the Constitution and the help of our brethren.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I begin by congratulating Howard Coble of North Carolina, a senior member of the Judiciary Committee, who is the sponsor of this bill, and agree with him entirely. It was reported by our committee by voice vote and no amendment. His explanation was thorough, and I appreciate his inclination for detail which had us make this important modification of appeal time clarification. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 2633, the ``Appeal Time Clarification Act of 2011,'' as amended. This noncontroversial legislation simply clarifies the time for filing an appeal in federal civil cases. It does so by amending section 2107 of title 28 of the United States Code to provide that current or former officers or employees of the United States who are sued in their individual capacities for acts or omissions in connection with the performance of their federal duties are entitled to 60 days from the entry of a judgment, order, or decree to file their appeals, rather than the normal 30 days. The bill resolves an ambiguity in current law as to whether officers or employees of the United States who are sued in their individual capacities--as opposed to their official capacities--are entitled to the 60-day period. The amendments made by H.R. 2633 would make it clear that they are indeed entitled to the longer appeal period. This change would also bring section 2107 in line with a pending revision to Federal Rule of Appellate Procedure 4, which also governs the time for appeals in civil cases. The amendment to Rule 4 was approved by the Supreme Court in April and is set to take effect on December 1, 2011. H.R. 2633's amendment to section 2107 will avoid confusion and inconsistency between the two provisions that pertain to the time to file an appeal in civil cases. Finally, the change made by H.R. 2633 is consistent with the policy that underlies the longer appeal period involving federal parties generally. If the United States represents a federal party, the government typically needs time to review the case, determine whether an appeal should be taken, and secure the Solicitor General's approval for that appeal. The same concern applies when the United States--through the Justice Department or some other federal litigating entity such as the House Office of General Counsel or the Senate Office of Legal Counsel-- decides to represent a current or former officer or employee sued in his or her individual capacity. Therefore, making it clear that the 60-day time period to file an appeal is available in such cases serves that policy goal. H.R. 2633 was reported by the Judiciary Committee without amendment by voice vote. The version of the bill we are considering today is identical, but for the addition of certain findings made at the Senate's recommendation. For these reasons, I urge my colleagues to support this commonsense legislation. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the chairman of Judiciary, Lamar Smith, as well as the subcommittee chair, Mr. Coble, for swiftly moving this through the Judiciary Committee. I think it has been explained that the redaction of sensitive information for the benefit of members of the judiciary is obvious and important. I am hoping that with my consultation with the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee we would be able to make the permanent feature that Howard Coble has discussed a permanent one and a part of the law as it now exists. H.R. 1059 gives the Judicial Conference of the United States permanent authority to redact certain sensitive information from public financial disclosures required by the Ethics in Government Act. This important legislation, which was ordered reported from the Judiciary Committee by voice vote, deserves the support of the entire House for a number of reasons. First, H.R. 1059 properly balances the purposes of the Ethics in Government Act with the need to ensure the security of judges, judicial employees, and their families. The Ethics in Government Act serves to promote ethics and openness in the federal government by reducing the risk of corruption or preventing the appearance of impropriety. The Act accomplishes this objective by requiring the public disclosure of certain information, including identification of personal financial information, non-governmental sources of income, gifts, property interests, and liabilities. Unfortunately, the required disclosures can also include critical information about the filer's residence, a spouse's workplace, a child's workplace, or a vacation home. This information has the potential to place individual judges, employees, and their families at risk. The bill's redaction authority is critical to ensuring that this information does not get into the wrong hands. Second, the risk to the personal safety of federal judges and court employees from disclosure of personal location information is real. But, without further action, this important protection for judicial security will expire at the end of this year. And, finally, making this redaction authority permanent will not lead to abuse of such authority. The federal judiciary has utilized such authority very sparingly. For instance, there were 17,658 financial disclosure filings between 2007 and 2010. Of those, there were 750 instances where filers requested redaction. Of that number, 645 redaction requests were granted in full, while 70 requests were granted in part, and 35 requests were denied. Thus, in only 4.2 percent of filings was redaction even requested, and not all of those were granted. It's clear, based on these statistics, that the federal judiciary exercises considerable restraint in applying its redaction authority in recognition of the need for public disclosure. The Government Accountability Office similarly reported in 2004 that the judiciary's exercise of its redaction authority provided a measure of security to at-risk individuals, while not substantially interfering with dissemination of information to the public. Congress first recognized the value of granting redaction authority to the judiciary back in 1998. It has repeatedly reauthorized redaction authority on a temporary basis since then, except for a two-year lapse in 2006 and 2007. In order to avoid future lapses, this redaction authority should be made permanent. In closing, I would like to thank Chairman Lamar Smith and Subcommittee Chair Howard Coble for moving this important legislation through the committee and swiftly to the floor. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I begin by commending my colleague on Judiciary, Trey Gowdy, for introducing this bill and being the sponsor of it. I agree with everything that has been said. I would like to ask my colleague about a shooting I read about just today--it wasn't a mass killing, but some of these things are so awful--a 17-year-old young girl athlete shot mysteriously. Do you see that that might be a role that we may want the FBI to be able to intervene in if they are invited as well?

Mr. CONYERS. I yield to the gentleman from South Carolina.

Mr. CONYERS. I thank the gentleman, and I think this is something that our community might well want to look into, because the general impression is that crime is going down, and I assume that's accurate, but in some places it isn't. I thank the gentleman for making sure that this assistance from the FBI has a statutory basis, which it hasn't enjoyed until now. I join with him in providing this assistance as a matter of law, and I urge the passage of the measure. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to support H.R. 2076. This bill will improve the ability of the FBI to assist state and local law enforcement in response to certain types of incidents. H.R. 2076 would give the Federal Bureau of Investigation, FBI, specific statutory authority to respond to requests from state and local law enforcement authorities for assistance in the investigation of felony crimes of violence that are violent acts, shootings, mass killings, and attempted mass killings. The FBI does not currently have specific statutory authority to assist in the investigation of mass killings or attempted mass killings occurring in venues such as schools, colleges, universities, non- federal office buildings, malls, and/or other public places. While the FBI continues to receive requests for such assistance from state and local law enforcement, there is no federal statute that directly provides jurisdiction to the FBI to respond to such requests. Legislation granting the proposed investigative authority would allow the FBI to provide state and local law enforcement with the assistance requested when the violent act does not appear to otherwise violate a federal law. State and local law enforcement agencies responsible for investigating mass killings in the workplace or classroom often need the many resources which the FBI is well capable of providing. Further, the general public expects the FBI to be capable of responding when mass killings threaten the safety of our nation's citizens. There is a need for legislation that grants the FBI authority to respond immediately to requests for assistance from state and local law enforcement authorities when mass killings are committed or attempted. I commend the gentleman from South Carolina, Representative Trey Gowdy, for introducing H.R. 2076. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I want to pay tribute to my dear friend Nancy Wilson, an American treasure. After nearly sixty years of performing, Nancy will officially retire September 10th in Columbus, Ohio where she began her career. I am deeply honored to call Nancy a friend and when I think of her, I am reminded of her sophistication, refinement, poise and grace. For years Nancy has been a trail-blazing artist whose work incorporated genres like jazz, R&B, and pop music. With a career that ranges from blues to Broadway musicals, she has proven herself to be an inspiration to many and has continually reinvented and refined her sound. Coupled with her engaging and charming stage presence, she has appealed--and continues to appeal--to generations of Americans and world audiences. Born in Chillicothe, Ohio in 1937, Nancy Wilson discovered her voice while singing in church choirs. When she was 15, she won a vocal contest and consequently starred in her own television show, Skyline Melodies. Later, Nancy was a regular guest on the TV variety shows of Johnny Carson, Andy Williams, Flip Wilson, Arsenio Hall, and others. Also well known as an actress, she has appeared in such television programs as I Spy, Room 222, Hawaii Five-0, The Cosby Show, New York Undercover, and the films The Big Score and Meteor Man. She once commented on her versatility as an artist, ``Each song is a little play, a little vignette.'' Nancy used her voice to address those who deal with the joys and heartaches of love through such songs as Guess Who I Saw Today, Save Your Love For Me, and Like in Love. She was also the host of the noted NPR series Jazz Profiles. Her extraordinary talents and brilliant career earned her Grammy Awards in 1964, 2005, and 2007; a National Endowment for the Arts Jazz Masters fellowship, the Oprah Winfrey Legends Award, an NAACP Image Award, and a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame. Earlier this year, the Smithsonian's National Museum of American History accepted two of her gowns into its National Collections. I was honored to have Nancy perform at the 1990 Congressional Black Caucus Foundation jazz Concert, entitled Salute to Women in Jazz. Nancy Wilson has championed many causes, including the Martin Luther King Center for Social Change and the National Heart Association. Nancy has also co-founded the Nancy Wilson Foundation, which takes inner city children on trips to rural America. She has received numerous awards, like the Essence Award and the Paul Robeson Humanitarian Award. She has been awarded honorary degrees from the Berklee College of Music and Columbus Central State College. Music lovers will truly miss her. There will only be one Nancy Wilson.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, legendary jazz artist Randy Weston will be honored this year by the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation at the Jazz Issue Forum and Concert that will take place during the 40th Annual Legislative Conference. Mr. Weston will also perform at the concert, which will take place on Thursday, September 22, 2011, at the Walter E. Washington Convention Center, in Washington, DC. Randy Weston is an internationally renowned pianist, composer, bandleader and cultural ambassador, whose compositions encompass the vast rhythmic heritage of both America and Africa. After six decades of active work, he is widely recognized as a true innovator and visionary who continues to inform and inspire. Mr. Weston has had an outstanding career that deserves the recognition of this body. Let me share some of the highlights from his biography. Randy Weston was born on April 6, 1926 and raised in Brooklyn, New York, son of parents from Jamaica and Virginia. New York City has long been a Mecca for jazz giants and Weston cites Count Basie, Duke Ellington, and Art Tatum as his piano heroes. It was Thelonius Monk, however, who made the greatest impact. ``He was the most original I ever heard,'' Mr. Weston remembers. ``He played like they must have played in Egypt 5000 years ago.'' Much of Mr. Weston's connection to African music stems from his father, Frank Edward Weston, who told his son he was ``an African born in America. . . . . He told me I had to learn about myself, about him and about my grandparents,'' stated Weston, ``and the only way to do it was I'd have to go back to the motherland one day.'' Inspired by Nigeria's newly won independence from the United Kingdom, Weston started to incorporate tribal music with a type of West African pop music known as High Life. This blend culminated in Mr. Weston's 1960 album Uhuru Afrika, which featured traditional African percussion and rhythms in the form of a jazz suite. In the late 1960's, Mr. Weston took his father's advice and left the United States for Morocco, travelling throughout Africa to experience each country's musical diversity. One of the highlights of his travels was the 1977 Nigerian Festival, which drew artists from 60 cultures. ``At the end,'' Weston says, ``we all realized that our music was different but the same, because if you take out the African elements of bossa nova, samba, jazz, blues, you have nothing. . . . To me, it's Mother Africa's way of surviving in the New World.'' He had the honor of playing at the Kamigamo Shrine in Kyoto, Japan in 2008 and commemorated the 50th Anniversary of his Uhuru Africa album in 2010. With his strong connection to African music, Weston has enjoyed success with the dozens of albums he released over the past 50 years. Randy Weston has received awards and acclaim at home and abroad, including the prestigious Jazz Masters Award from the National Endowment for the Arts, NEA, in 2001. He has also received an honorary Doctor of Music degree from Brooklyn College, City University of New York, in June 2006. In 2009 he was added to the American Society of Composers, Authors and Publishers (ASCAP) Jazz Wall of Fame. On May 11, 2011 Weston received the award of Royal Wissam of National Merit of the Order of Officer by command of His Majesty the King Mohammed VI of Morocco, for his lifelong commitment to Morocco. His memoirs, African Rhythms: The Autobiography of Randy Weston, composed by Randy Weston and arranged by Willard Jenkins, was published in 2010. Mr. Speaker, Randy Weston is a living jazz treasure and I urge all members to join me in commending him for his magnificent contribution to jazz fans around the world.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I rise to acknowledge the retirement of Marvin L. Berenson, the Senior Vice President and General Counsel of Broadcast Music, Inc. (``BMI'') after 35 years of service to the organization. BMI licenses the public-performing rights on approximately 6.5 million musical works on behalf of its 500,000 affiliated songwriters, composers and music publishers. Mr. Berenson joined BMI in 1976 as a member of the legal staff specializing in copyright litigation. He was named Senior Vice President and General Counsel in 1991. During his tenure, Mr. Berenson actively participated in the modernization of copyright law, from the Copyright Revision Act of 1976 to the Berne Convention Implementation Act of 1988 to the Digital Millennium Copyright Act of 1998. On multiple occasions, he testified before Congress and the Copyright Office, and he served on the staff of the National Information Infrastructure Advisory Committee during the Clinton Administration. Throughout his legal career, Mr. Berenson honed and maintained a reputation for fundamental fairness and good judgment. As part of his advocacy, he developed a disarming sense of humor. He fervently reflected the spirit and history of BMI as an open collective rights licensing organization. During congressional testimony, he explained: ``Most BMI affiliates are ordinary citizens who receive a modest income for the creative efforts of writing music that is publicly performed by others. There can be no question that the majority of songwriters are not wealthy. They struggle to make a living, day to day, just as the average citizen does.'' Mr. Berenson's present and past industry affiliations include member and past Treasurer of the Copyright Society of the USA, member of the Board of Directors of the American Copyright Council, staff member of the National Information Infrastructure Advisory Council, Executive Board of the International Literary and Artistic Association--USA, Intellectual Property Organization, American Bar Association-- Intellectual Property Section, and the Association of the Bar of the City of New York--Antitrust Section. He also served on the CISAC (International Confederation of Societies of Authors and Composers) Technical Committee for the Promotion of Repertoire, and currently serves on the CISAC Legal Committee. Mr. Berenson graduated from Michigan State University in 1963 and from Boston University Law School in 1966. With his spouse Gloria, he raised two children, a son Harris and a daughter Allison. The Berensons are the proud grandparents of three grandchildren. As Del Bryant, BMI's President and CEO, put it: ``Marvin has worked diligently and uncompromisingly to protect the interests of songwriters, composers and music publishers for the past 35 years, and we all in the music industry salute his valuable contributions.'' Bryant added that Mr. Berenson would ``be leaving his department and BMI in an excellent position to deal with the many complex and challenging legal issues we face.'' Mr. Speaker, because of Mr. Berenson's work, our Nation's songwriters, composers and publishers will be the beneficiaries for generations to come.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I am pleased to join with the chairman of the committee in support of the Senate bill that would allow for the extension of the term of FBI Director Robert Mueller whose 10-year term expires on August 2. On May 12 of this year, President Obama announced his desire to extend that term by 2 years. At the time, the President said, ``In his 10 years at the FBI, Bob Mueller has set the gold standard for leading the bureau. Given the ongoing threats facing the United States, as well as the leadership transitions at other agencies like the Defense Department and Central Intelligence Agency, I believe continuity and stability at the FBI is critical at this time.'' I agree with the President's remarks, and I am confident that Director Mueller will continue to work with integrity and respect for Americans' rights as he ensures the safety of the American people. The Nation needs, now as much as at any time in our history, an FBI that is capable of a multifaceted mission to best protect us from a variety of criminal threats, which has been proven under Mueller's leadership. I congratulate him on his noteworthy 10-year term and look forward to continuing to work with him and with the Committee on the Judiciary. The job of the Federal Bureau of Investigation is critical, and that agency must have experienced and capable leadership. There are many threats which the FBI must concentrate its limited resources on, ranging from interstate violent crime, organized crime, human trafficking, exploitation of children, corporate fraud, mortgage fraud, cybercrime, and domestic terrorism. As time advances, so do the demands we place on the FBI and its agents across the country. We appreciate the difficulty the Director must face when determining how to allocate resources. As these demands grow and the nature of the threats evolve, I hope the FBI will maintain an appropriate degree of focus on the types of crime that impact average Americans every day, whether it be fraud against seniors, corporate officers defrauding investors, civil rights violations by those who abuse power, theft of individual identities, or electronic intrusions into people's privacy. Director Mueller is the right person to continue to lead the Federal Bureau of Investigation in confronting these challenges at this time. He has proven himself to be honest, frank, and committed to the rule of law. While this extension is unusual, it is important that we grant it so that we have continuity in the leadership of the FBI at this critical time. I urge support of this important measure. I yield 2 minutes to our distinguished Member from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chair, today I rise in opposition to the H.R. 2354, the Fiscal Year 2012 Energy & Water Development Appropriations Bill. In particular, I oppose the provisions of this legislation that would rescind all remaining unobligated high-speed rail American Recovery and Reinvestment Act funds. The rescission would eliminate rail funding for the high-speed Chicago to Detroit line, eliminate thousands of jobs, and provide fewer travel options for my constituents. Well over $492 million is cut from three projects, which are critical components of this high speed rail line. Even worse, these cuts would eliminate more than 13,000 jobs in a community where good paying jobs are few and far between. High speed rail would give my constituents a viable and green commuting option in the Midwest. Having the ability to travel from Detroit to Chicago with the speed of a plane flight would open the doors to new business investments in the Metro Detroit area and connect major markets in the Midwest. It would be a win-win for consumers and business. Mr. Chair, it is appalling that this body seems to lack the courage to strive for greatness for America. Franklin Coolidge had that courage. He worked with Congress to create the Hoover Dam. Dwight Eisenhower had that courage. He worked with Congress to create the National Highway System. John Kennedy had that courage. He and Congress sent our country to the moon. Where is this body's courage? Where is the belief that America can still do and build great things? Do we still have the desire to be the best, or will we let China lead the way on when it comes to manufacturing and high speed rail in the 21st Century? I for one believe America can, and must, be a leader when it comes to investing in our country's economic future. I urge my colleagues to reject this defeatist bill and embrace a 21st century transit system.

Mr. CONYERS

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I rise with the assistance of my good friends, Tom McClintock of California, Lynn Woolsey of California, and Barbara Lee of California. It is my Libyan amendment, again, which would prevent funds appropriated in this act from being used to deploy any type of ground troop presence for the purpose of pursuing military operations on Libyan territory. This amendment would simply codify the policy endorsed by President Obama and the international community and thereby ensure that our involvement in Libya remains limited in scope. An identical amendment passed this House on May 26 by a vote of 416-5 as part of the National Defense Authorization Act. It's also the intent of this amendment, as it was in my earlier amendment, that funds would be allowed to be used to rescue members of the Armed Forces participating in the NATO no-fly zone operation. The American people, obviously many of them, have grown weary of the open-ended military conflicts that place our troops in harm's way and add billions to our national debt. We simply cannot afford another Afghanistan or Iraq. And so the time has come for Congress to once again exercise its constitutional authority to place boundaries on the use of our military forces overseas and clearly state that this conflict in Libya will not escalate into an expensive occupation that would strain our resources and harm our national security interests.

Mr. CONYERS. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.