Elijah Cummings

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. To Chairwoman Lofgren, I want to thank you for your leadership. And certainly to Chairman Conyers and the ranking member and ranking member of the subcommittee, I want to thank all of you for getting this bill to the floor. Finally, I want to thank the professional staff on the Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration for working so diligently with my staff to bring this legislation again to the floor of the House. Mr. Speaker, the Kendell Frederick Citizenship Assistance Act truly is a step towards correcting and honoring our non-citizen servicemembers, many of whom continue to serve in Iraq and Afghanistan. It is appropriate, therefore, that we consider this legislation as we approach Veterans Day, honoring all who have risked their lives to protect our own. I introduced the Kendell Frederick Citizenship Assistance Act to ensure that those who are willing to fight relentlessly on the battlefield to protect our great Nation do not have to also battle through a drawn-out citizenship process. Specifically, H.R. 2884 will assist our noncitizen servicemen and -women on the road to citizenship by making the following needed adjustments: Requiring the United States Department of Homeland Security to use the fingerprints taken by the Defense Department at induction for citizen applications; Requiring noncitizen military servicemembers to submit their citizenship applications within 24 hours of enlistment; Requiring the Department of Defense and DHS to determine a single acceptable format for fingerprint submission; Requiring DHS to update appropriate application forms for naturalization, the instruction and guidebook for obtaining naturalization, and the DHS Web site when naturalization procedures pertaining to members of the Armed Forces are changed; and Ensuring efficiency and accountability to Congress by requiring the Government Accountability Office to report on DHS's training of personnel, methods and effectiveness in adjudicating applications by members of the Armed Forces. Mr. Speaker, this legislation honors the memory of a young man from my district, 21-year-old Army Reserve Specialist Kendell K. Frederick. He was a resident of Baltimore County and a native of Trinidad who was stationed in Iraq and died while trying to journey to another post in order to meet the citizenship application fingerprinting requirement. In other words, if he didn't have to go through the changes that he went through, he probably would still be with us today. And one of the interesting things that was mentioned a little bit earlier, he was part of the ROTC process, but he was also a young man, when he entered the military, he entered and made agreement to serve in the military for 8 years. I mean, even knowing that there was a war going on, he bravely said, I want to serve my country. And he claimed this as his country and still went out there and fought, but he wasn't even a citizen yet of our country. Namely, after trying for more than a year to become a citizen and having his application delayed at least five times due to miscommunication and misinformation in processing his fingerprints, keep in mind the reason why he was killed was he was on his way trying to get his fingerprints done over there in Iraq, Specialist Frederick had no choice but to travel with a convoy to a base to resolve this issue. Unfortunately, he was killed on the way by a roadside bomb, never realizing his dream of becoming an American citizen. And the interesting thing is that he was in the last vehicle of the convoy. Mr. Speaker, Specialist Frederick embraced a Nation that had failed to fully embrace him by honoring him with citizenship during his lifetime. And it's interesting I think that it was a day or so after he died, then they gave him citizenship. That is why I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of H.R. 2884 to make certain that no other soldier who wants to be a citizen will have to jump through unnecessary bureaucratic hoops. These outstanding noncitizen soldiers such as Specialist Frederick have made the choice to give voluntarily to our Nation by fighting the terrorist groups that threaten us, putting their lives on the line, sacrificing their blood, their sweat, their tears, and their lives. I urge my colleagues to please vote in favor of this legislation. I know his mother is watching, and I know that she will be very moved. This is something that has been a long journey for her. And with that, I thank the gentlelady for your courtesy.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Madam Speaker, I rise today to extend birthday greetings to one of Maryland's most famous sons and elected officials. Mr. William D. Schaefer turns 86 today. He was born and raised in Baltimore, dedicating his life to public service. After graduating from the University of Baltimore School of Law in 1942, he joined the U.S. Army and served in World War II. He remained in the U.S. Army Reserves until 1979 when he retired with the rank of colonel. Although he was unsuccessful in his first two bids for public office, ``Donald'' Schaefer, as he was fondly known, did not give up. In 1955, he earned a seat on the Baltimore City Council; and in 1967, he was elected city council president. From that point onward, his career continued to soar. In 1971, Donald Schaefer ran successfully for the mayor's office, a position to which he would dedicate himself until 1986. During his tenure, he was known for his attention to detail, taking notes of strewn garbage and other violations as he rode around town and ordering them to be fixed immediately. There is also a famous photograph that shows him dressed in an old- fashioned striped bathing suit, ready to dive into the dolphin pool at the then-new National Aquarium in Baltimore to settle a wager that it would not be opened in time. In 1986, Donald Schaefer was overwhelmingly elected Maryland's 58th governor with 82 percent of the vote, the largest percentage total ever for a contested statewide election. He was re-elected to a second term in 1990. His legacy includes Oriole Park at Camden Yards, M&T Bank Stadium, stricter measures against pollution, and higher standards for public schools. He also pushed for the Light Rail Line of electric-powered trains that runs 30 miles through the central corridor of Maryland. In 1998, Donald Schaefer returned to public office, winning the position of Comptroller of Maryland by a substantial margin, 62 percent to 38 percent. In 2002, he won re-election to that post, receiving almost 68 percent of the vote. William D. Schaefer is revered in Baltimore City and the State of Maryland. Throughout more than 50 years of public service, he has been tenacious, colorful and visionary. It is with great pleasure that I wish him the best on his 86th birthday.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I ask that my name be removed as a cosponsor of H.R. 3547.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, on Monday, October 22, 2007, President Bush requested an additional $46 billion for U.S. operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. This is on top of the original $150.5 billion requested at the beginning of Fiscal Year 2008, bringing the total amount requested to $196.4 billion, more than 10 times the original 50 to $60 billion cost estimated by the White House in 2002. A Congressional Budget Office, CBO, estimate that was released on October 24 determined that the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan could cost more than $2.4 trillion, amounting to nearly $8,000 for every American through the next decade. Notably, the war in Iraq accounts for about 70 percent of the $2.4 trillion cost estimate. Meanwhile, the administration is satisfied with continuing our military operations in Iraq, functioning on borrowed time and largely borrowed money. The result is a limited budget to advance our priorities at home, like aiding the increasingly unstable real estate market and providing adequate health care for our children. Mr. Speaker, the war in Iraq continues to be mismanaged. As a senior member of the Oversight and Government Reform Committee, I received testimony from Secretary Rice on October 25 regarding corruption in Iraq, private contractors and the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad. Unfortunately, I must say that I walked away with very few answers. There were very few, if any answers at all, for why President Maliki issued an executive order to stay the corruption investigation of his cousin, the Minister of Transportation. There was no answer for why individuals in Secretary Rice's own department, such as Stuart Bowen, the Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction, have described U.S. anticorruption programs as lacking a strategic plan and corruption levels amounting to a ``secondary insurgency'' that threatens to undermine U.S. and Iraqi efforts to build a stable democracy. There was no answer for why, according to a recent Government Accountability Office report, the United States Embassy in Baghdad, ``does not have a firm plan or strategy for addressing the next steps in the development of the system,'' despite the substantial U.S. investment. There was no answer for why Secretary Rice has permitted contractors in Iraq, such as Blackwater, to escape justice for crimes they have allegedly committed, blaming it on simply a hole in the United States law, while providing them with the stamp of impunity. And finally, Mr. Speaker, Secretary Rice provided us with no answer for why, despite the United States spending over $300 million in taxpayer dollars during the course of 2 years to improve the capacity of Iraq's ministries. And with $255 million more sought for next year, progress has been stalled, not only by poor security, but also by pervasive corruption, a shortage of competent personnel and sectarian and political control of appointments. Yet, despite all of these shortcomings, despite State Department's lack of ability to forestall corruption in the Iraqi Government, despite its mismanagement of paramilitary contractors, and despite the President's overall failed policy in Iraq, the President has come to Congress once again in the 11th hour requesting billions of dollars more in funding for the wars both in Iraq and Afghanistan. Mr. Speaker, under the presentment clause of the United States Constitution, Congress, having the power of the purse, has the responsibility to execute fiscal constraint and fully investigate such war funding requests, not to act with a rubber stamp, especially when the President refuses to provide adequate health care funding for our Nation's neediest children. Therefore, as we consider the President's war budget request, we must listen to the overwhelming majority of the American people and challenge President Bush to shift from failed policies in Iraq to a strategy that is fundamentally diplomatic and weighs heavily on the assistance of the international community. We owe this to over 3,800 brave soldiers who have lost their lives in Iraq to date. We also owe this to our hardworking constituents whose tax dollars have in part continued to fund the war in Iraq.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Madam Speaker, tonight this House passed House Resolutions 740, 573 and 726 with regard to Darfur and Sudan. Madam Speaker, decades from now our children's children will look back on these times as an ugly blemish on human history. They will remember a time when innocent people were senselessly slaughtered in the Darfur region of Sudan. The question is whether they will look back and see that this Nation and this Congress stood up for what is right and just, or did we sit idly by and watch from the sidelines. Madam Speaker, we must be on the right side of this issue. That's why I'm so glad that we have passed these resolutions today. Although much work remains to be done, they represent a step in the right direction. The passage of these bills rightfully pressures the Sudanese Government to end civil strife and ongoing human rights violations in Darfur, which threatens stability in the region and the very fabric of Sudanese life. As you know, Madam Speaker, Darfur remains in great peril. Hundreds of thousands of Sudanese have lost their lives since the conflicts spiraled out of control in February of 2003. Over 2 million civilians have been internally displaced, and an estimated 215,000 more persons have been externally displaced in such neighboring states as Chad. Even for those who are internally displaced persons, they have experienced anything but a safe haven outside of Darfur while ongoing killing, torture, rape, looting and the unlawful destruction of their property by all parties continues, mainly by the janjaweed, associated militia groups, and the institution that should be protecting them, the Sudanese Government. Indeed, as House Resolution 726 points out, it has become treacherous for women or young ladies in Darfur or eastern Chad to leave their villages to collect firewood or food from the market. They are at risk of being raped and assaulted, which, unfortunately, to date is exactly what has occurred to thousands. Although some strides have been made in reducing the government's participation in continued human rights abuses in Darfur, militia groups remain a very real and present threat for the civilians in Darfur and eastern Chad, despite peace negotiations. Particularly, as reported by the United Nations, these systematic human rights violations have been and continue to be committed with total impunity throughout Sudan, especially in Darfur. It is clear that the Government of Sudan has taken to turning a blind eye to such atrocities, choosing instead to provide strikingly few prosecutions, sentencing or even adequate examinations of war crimes or crimes against humanity, whether by criminal courts or those courts established to investigate the violations. These failures by the Sudanese Government to respect and abide by customary international norms, international humanitarian and human rights laws embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Geneva Conventions and the Convention on the Rights of a Child that it is a party to demonstrates a lack of respect for international law and responsibility that it has to protect its citizenry from unacceptable levels of abuse. Meanwhile, this Bush administration has held tightly to a hands-off approach by failing to send any troops to Sudan, despite there clearly being a lack of an adequate and capable number of African Union troops, amounting to a mere 7,000. The President promised to not allow another Rwanda-style atrocity to occur; however, it appears to be happening once again, with little being done about it. Even the peace negotiations that recently occurred in Libya appear to be faltering, with two key militia groups failing to show up for the meeting. As such, I congratulate my colleagues in passing these three vital resolutions this evening. And I thank the Congress, which has chosen to answer the pleas for help by the people of Darfur while the administration has failed to adequately respond. We must act with a great sense of urgency. History will judge whether we have synchronized our conduct with our conscience.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, for the second time we have overwhelmingly and on a bipartisan basis passed a bill to provide health insurance for 10 million American children by reauthorizing the State Children's Health Insurance Program. This legislation presents another opportunity for President Bush to show the American people that he values the well-being of our Nation's children. After all, the President has often said that he is a ``compassionate conservative.'' Well, he failed the first time, and I was hopeful that the House could override his ill-advised veto. But, unfortunately, we came up 13 votes short. So we are here again today passing a revised bill that sufficiently addresses the stated concerns of those who opposed the earlier bill. Those concerns really amount to little more than empty rhetoric. Rather than complain, House leadership compromised on phasing out health care insurance for childless adults from 2 years to 1 year. The bill we passed today clarified that CHIP will focus first on enrolling low-income children by capping the enrollment level at 300 percent of the poverty level, or $62,000 for a family of four. We also added language to clarify that CHIP does not cover illegal immigrants by requiring States to obtain further documentation of citizenship that cannot be confirmed by the Social Security Administration. And in addition to doing those things, creating new options for States to develop and expand premium assistance programs designed to keep children and their parents in an employer-sponsored plan, the new bill contains a provision adding premium assistance programs to the list of things a State can do to receive bonuses. It will also now require all States to develop plans and implement recommended best practices for minimizing crowd-out. Let me be clear, Mr. Speaker. None of these fixes were necessary under the original CHIP bill, which already contained provisions addressing these very issues. But these were concerns raised by some Members and the President; so we clarified the language for them. There can now be no question as to whether this bill should be supported. In addition to addressing the concerns that have been raised, it contains several excellent provisions for our children. It insures dental coverage and mental health parity, including guaranteed dental benefits that I offered in response to the death of Deamonte Driver, a 12-year-old Maryland boy who died when a tooth infection spread to his brain. It also provides $100 million in grants for new outreach activities to States, local governments, schools, community-based organizations, safety-net providers, and others. And it improves a new quality child health initiative to develop and implement quality measures and improve State reporting of quality data. A recent national poll from CBS News finds that 81 percent of the American people support this bipartisan legislation, including large majorities of Democrats, Independents, and Republicans. I have heard many of my colleagues say that they wanted more time to review the bill, but we have already debated the issue more than was necessary. We are acting expeditiously because the short-term fix CHIP expires on November 16 and we cannot allow the 6 million children who are currently enrolled in the program to lose their coverage because we cannot make up our minds. When it comes to health of our children, there is no time for uncertainty. That is why I am glad that we were able to pass the legislation a few minutes ago. And I strongly urge the Senate and President to follow suit with a great sense of urgency. This urgency is needed because there are 10 million very good reasons why we should support this legislation. As I have often said, our children are the living messages we send to a future we will never see. I think we ought to be about the business of urgently making sure that we send children into the future who are healthy.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I have stood before the House many evenings to discuss the problems associated with witness intimidation and its detrimental impact on our judicial system and our communities. Tragically, there has been another ruthless occurrence of witness intimidation in my home town of Baltimore City that I must report tonight. A family who spent 10 years living the American Dream found it destroyed in just 10 minutes. They came home last week to find their home smoldering and torn apart. The phrase ``rats must be killed'' and the word ``snitch'' crossed out with Xs spray painted on their walls. The couple's oldest daughter has been in custody since July for her role in a robbery of a taxicab driver earlier this year. Apparently, her co-conspirators believe she is cooperating with law enforcement on some level. Gang activity also appears to be involved. The word ``blood'' appeared on various parts of the house. Needless to say, the family will not be returning to their home. This is an innocent, hardworking family trying simply to live in peace. They deserve so much better. Unfortunately, when people are willing to cooperate with the police in Baltimore City and other jurisdictions throughout our country, sadly, it has become customary for their homes to be firebombed or for them to be threatened, attacked or even killed. No one can forget the tragedy surrounding the death of Angela and Carnell Dawson and their five children. The entire family was incinerated in October 2002 in the middle of the night when their home was firebombed in retaliation for Ms. Dawson's repeated complaints to police about recurring drug trafficking in her east Baltimore neighborhood. Just 2 years ago, the home of community activist Edna Abier survived a firebomb attack that was launched just because of her attempts to rid her neighborhood of drug dealers. Just a few weeks ago, I had an opportunity to meet with another couple whose home had been firebombed because they were simply trying to cooperate with police. Finally, Carl Lackl was murdered outside of his home with chilling calculation just days before he was scheduled to testify as a witness in a murder case. His murderers lured him out of his home under the premise of looking at his used car that he was trying to sell. Violent crime in the United States is on the rise nationwide, as is drug-related gang activity. However, if witnesses are too afraid to come forward, criminals cannot be prosecuted and our justice system has no credibility and cannot stand. This is why I introduced H.R. 933, the Witness Security and Protection Act of 2007, which authorizes $270 million over the next 3 years to enable State and local prosecutors who demonstrate a need for the funds to protect witnesses in cases involving gangs or other violence to establish short-term witness protection programs. Improving protection for State and local witnesses will move us one step closer to alleviating the fears and threats to prospective witnesses and help safeguard our communities from violence. The time has come for us to show our commitment to our constituents and the justice system because, without witnesses, there can simply be no justice.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that my name be removed from House Resolution 106 as a cosponsor.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I am deeply saddened that we have failed to override the President's veto of legislation to reauthorize the Children's Health Insurance Program. This action represents a misstep of historic proportions. It also saddens me that several Members on the other side applauded when this body failed to override the President's veto. By voting against this bipartisan, bicameral legislation, some Members of Congress have turned their backs on more than 10 million poor children who need health insurance now. Let me be clear. The legislation that was vetoed today was an excellent piece of legislation, and our children will be worse off without it. The continuing resolution that we passed will temporarily cover children who are currently enrolled in CHIP, but the uncertainty surrounding the program's future leave our children's futures uncertain. Some States are already indicating that they will make cuts to the program if they cannot rely upon a steady Federal funding stream. Further, the continuing resolution fails to address many of the critically important measures that we included in the reauthorization. Notably, dental, mental, and vision coverage are all absent. We need no greater reminder of the need for these provisions than the recent death of Deamonte Driver, a 12-year-old boy from my home State of Maryland who died when an untreated tooth infection spread to his brain. Yes, he died. Those who voted against this bill have ignored the calls of more than 81 percent of the American people and members of the Democratic and Republican Parties who support the initiative. Because of their lapse in judgment, 4 million uninsured children, 65,500 of them from my home State of Maryland, will be denied the coverage that Congress intended to grant them. Further, my colleagues who voted against this bill have shut the doctor's office door on approximately 6 million children who currently rely on CHIP for health insurance. It chills the conscience to think of all those children who will be forced out of care. It is particularly upsetting to consider how this will affect children with chronic disease who rely upon the CHIP benefit to get the care they need to simply survive. Lives are in the balance. Bipartisan coalitions, including the National Governors Association and the United States Conference of Mayors, recognize the unique moral obligation we have with this legislation. Earlier this week, Mayor Sheila Dixon of my hometown of Baltimore held a press conference to call on Congress to override the President's veto. She also joined 20 mayors from across the country in signing a letter making the same appeal. Unfortunately, some of our colleagues in this Chamber stubbornly failed to acknowledge the reality that so many of us have clearly seen. Mr. Speaker, I could talk about the benefits of reauthorizing CHIP as I have in the past statements before this Chamber, but today I will take a different approach by letting my Republican colleagues speak for me. Specifically, Mr. Speaker, I will associate myself with the following comments: Republican Senator Chuck Grassley of Iowa said, ``This is not a government takeover of health care. This is not socialized or nationalized medicine or anything like that.'' Republican Senator Orrin Hatch of Utah called the bill ``an honest compromise which improves a program that works for America's low-income children.'' Republican Congressman Don Young of Alaska said, ``Issues such as the health and well-being of our Nation's children are nothing to play politics with and nothing to scrimp on.'' Republican Congressman Vito Fossella of New York said the bill ``will put millions of young people on the road to a longer and healthier life.'' And, finally, Republican Congressman Wayne Gilchrest from my home State of Maryland expressed his support for the bill, noting, ``It focuses on the lowest income kids and fixes a lot of problems with the current program.'' Mr. Speaker, I deeply regret that the President and some of our colleagues lack the foresight to recognize the critical importance of passing the CHIP reauthorization. We simply must regroup and pass this vital piece of legislation. Access to quality care is not a privilege; it is a right. We cannot afford to play politics with our children's lives.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong support of the Federal Railroad Safety Improvement Act of 2007, H.R. 2095, authored by Congressman James Oberstar, Chairman of the Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure, and Congresswoman Corrine Brown, Chairwoman of the Subcommittee on Railroads, Pipelines, and Hazardous Materials. This legislation, which I believe adequately balances overdue safety improvements with the need to keep commerce moving, is the first significant rail safety legislation to come before the House since the most recent authorization of federal safety programs expired nearly 10 years ago. I am proud to be a co-sponsor of this measure and I applaud the dedicated leadership that has brought this legislation to the floor today. Particular attention should be given to the measures included in H.R. 2095--and in the manager's amendment also under consideration--that address the unique safety concerns associated with railroad tunnels and bridges. On July 18, 2001, a CSX train traveling through the Howard Street Tunnel in my district in Baltimore derailed, puncturing several tank cars and igniting a flammable liquid that created a massive fire. Following that terrible accident, I joined Chairman Oberstar in requesting the Government Accountability Office (GAO) to undertake a study on railroad tunnel and bridge safety. This study was released on August 30th of this year. In brief, the study found that Class I railroads own and maintain more than 61,000 bridges and more than 800 tunnels--while Class II railroads own and maintain more than 15,000 bridges. These are staggering numbers that clearly demonstrate how important the safety of these pieces of infrastructure is to the operation of our Nation's rail network. The legislation and manager's amendment before us today address concerns raised both in the GAO report and in the National Transportation Safety Board's (NTSB) report on the Howard Street Tunnel fire. Section 609 of the underlying bill, which I offered as an amendment during the Committee markup of this legislation, is intended to ensure that the first responders called to incidents in rail tunnels have all of the information they need to provide an effective response to the situation they encounter. Section 609 responds directly to the NTSB's findings in its investigation of the Howard Street Tunnel fire that Baltimore City first responders did not have adequate information on hazardous discharge procedures in the Tunnel or on ingress and egress pathways into and out of the Tunnel. To ensure that such a situation is never repeated, Section 609 requires railroads to make available to local jurisdictions information on rail tunnel ingress and egress pathways and on the types of cargoes transported through long tunnels or tunnels through which more than 5 passenger trains per day or more than 500 carloads of toxic inhalation materials per year are moved. The manager's amendment before us responds directly to the findings of the recent GAO report by imposing significant new safety requirements on railroads regarding the assessment of bridge weight bearing capacity and bridge inspection procedures. Additionally, it imposes new requirements on the review of bridge inspection data by the Federal Railroad Administration. Through these measures, the manager's amendment seeks to create a comprehensive safety regime for railroad bridges--which is long overdue. The measures in H.R. 2095 on railroad tunnels and bridges are just two of the many safety improvements that this bill would make in the operation of our Nation's railroad network--but are examples of how this bill responds directly to the safety concerns that have been identified since the last reauthorization of the Federal Railroad Administration. I am confident that enactment of H.R. 2095 will significantly improve the safety of rail operations in the United States. I again thank Chairman Oberstar--and Chairwoman Brown--for their work on this measure and I urge its passage.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, five years ago today, President George W. Bush signed into law the ``Joint Resolution to Authorize the Use of United States Armed Forces Against Iraq,'' H.J. Res. 114. In the House, the bill passed on October 10, 2002, by a vote of 296- 133. I was one of 126 Democrats who voted against this grossly misguided bill, concluding that further diplomacy was needed over a U.S. military strike. And today--I remain unyielding in my stance that diplomacy, rather than military action is the answer to creating political reconciliation in Iraq. We must implement a diplomatic strategy that is framed upon the doorway of the U.N. and hinges on the Arab League, the Organization of the Islamic Conference, U.S. allies and the will of the Iraqi people. Mr. Speaker, as the Iraq Study Group concluded, a diplomatic strategy of gaining multilateral and bilateral support throughout the international community, especially with Iraq's neighboring states will help marginalize extremists and terrorists, promote U.S. values and interests, and improve America's global image. Unfortunately, to date, the President's new strategy is not a new strategy at all and continues the same failed plan that was utilized prior to the surge. His failed plan has resulted in over 3,800 U.S. soldiers being killed and over 27,000 American soldiers being wounded. Additionally, at least 150,000 of our service members have been victims of concussions, many of whom will suffer from life long injuries that have no medical or technological resolutions--including blindness, deafness, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder and Traumatic Brain Injury. In the great State of Maryland alone, we continue to mourn the deaths of 70 service members and our prayers go out to over 392 brave men and women in uniform who suffer from wounds gained on the battlefield of Iraq. Mr. Speaker, as we look back over the last five years we can only point to meager accomplishments while the overwhelming factor that shatters the forefront of our memory is the onslaught of bloodshed, further internal and external displacement of the Iraqi people, further corruption of the Iraqi government and further strained relations in the Middle East due in large part to the President's stubborn course of military operations in Iraq. In fact, corruption within the Iraqi government is as bad as ever and has become what has been described by Stuart Bowen, the U.S. State Department's Special Inspector for Reconstruction in Iraq as a `second insurgency' threatening to undermine U.S. and Iraqi efforts to build a stable democracy. As concluded by the Iraqi Commission for Public Integrity, corruption cases have increased by a staggering 70 percent in the last year, despite the Administration's efforts to quell these concerns by layering them in bureaucratic red tape and retroactively labeling unwarranted information as being classified. As such, I congratulate my colleagues on passing H. Res. 734, which is a step in the right direction. Specifically, this legislation sends a strong message to the Administration that anti-democratic practices will not be tolerated. It also sends a message to the Iraqi Government that the U.S. Government will not sit idly by as Americans continue to sacrifice their lives at the expense of sustaining a mismanaged Iraqi Government. Considering the ongoing corruption in Iraq, it is clear that our military can not do what should be the job of ambassadors, foreign dignitaries and heads of state. As we look to the future, I hope that the Administration will shift from these failed policies in Iraq to a new policy that is fundamentally diplomatic and weighs heavily on the assistance of the international community. We owe this to our brave soldiers, their families and friends, the American people, and to the people of Iraq.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Madam Speaker, according to today's Baltimore Sun, there have been 240 homicides in my hometown of Baltimore City, 22 more deaths than this time last year. Unfortunately, many of these victims and their families will not have closure because of the inability of law enforcement to bring their killers to justice. This is due in large part to the fear that witnesses have in coming forward. Witness intimidation is a serious threat to our justice system. According to the National Institute of Justice, 51 percent of prosecutors in large jurisdictions find witness intimidation to be a major problem. In Baltimore City, it is estimated that witness intimidation occurs in 90 percent of the cases that are prosecuted. Madam Speaker, protecting witnesses is a core government function. It is standard in the Federal system, and State and local prosecutors should have the same tools. However, there is a great disparity between funding and witness services, if any, that are provided by local authorities and those of the Federal Witness Security Program within the United States Marshals Service that operates on a $40 million budget to assist 17,500 witnesses and their family members with gaining new lives, new identities, and new jobs. The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel recently reported on the problems associated with inadequate witness protection programs. Maurice Pulley was shot to death in front of his home, the apparent victim of retaliation for agreeing to cooperate with authorities. Just three days prior to his death, Mr. Pulley had agreed to testify as a witnesses against Calvin Glover for shooting him on June 30; however, law enforcement was not able to offer him assistance because the witness program in the county was essentially terminated due to budget cuts. The sheriff even admitted to occasionally relying on private funding to relocate witnesses. Madam Speaker, the same week, the Denver Post told a story of Javad Marshall-Fields and his fiancee, who were gunned down just days before he was scheduled to testify against Robert Ray. In 2004, Robert Ray shot and killed one person and wounded two others, including Javad Marshall-Fields. A program to protect State witnesses has been in existence in Colorado for over 12 years; however, the budget was recently cut from $100,000 to $50,000. Unfortunately, it now allows for a little more than a bus ticket or security deposit for a new apartment. To make matters worse, it appears that no one told Javad that this program even existed, even though prosecutors filed a motion to keep his address and those of five other witnesses secret due to their fear of retribution. Why was Javad not notified of the program? His mom was told that it was because he did not ask. Madam Speaker, as I always say, there is nothing worse than a person not knowing what they don't know. This is why I recently teamed up with Baltimore City's State's Attorney Patricia Jessamy to film a public service announcement encouraging people in the communities to come forward if they have witnessed a crime, or if they have already come forward and feel they may need protection. Additionally, I have introduced H.R. 933, the Witness Security and Protection Act of 2007, that authorizes $270 million over the next 3 years to enable State and local prosecutors who demonstrate a need for funds to protect witnesses in cases involving gangs or other violence to establish short-term witness protection programs. This legislation will assist in correcting the inequity that exists between the Federal and State level. I call upon my colleagues to support its enactment. Improving protection for State and local witnesses will move us one step closer to alleviating the fears and threats to prospective witnesses and help safeguard our communities from violence. It is time that we show our commitment to our constituents and the justice system, because without witnesses, there can be no justice.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Madam Speaker, on October 15, 2007, due to obligations in the district, I missed the following recorded votes: Roll No. 961, on H. Res. 738, expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding the Government of Syria's continued interference in the internal affairs of Lebanon; had I been present, I would have voted ``aye''; Roll No. 962, on H.R. 2089, to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 701 Loyola Avenue in New Orleans, Louisiana, as the ``Louisiana Armed Service Veterans Post Office; had I been present, I would have voted ``aye''; and Roll No. 963, on H.R. 20, the Melanie Blocker-Stokes Postpartum Depression Research Care Act; had I been present, I would have voted ``aye.''

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks on H. Res. 549.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. House Resolution 549, introduced by Congressman Gus Bilirakis, recognizes the contributions made to our Nation's security by the Coast Guard's Waterway Watch program. As chairman of the Subcommittee on Coast Guard and Maritime Transportation, I strongly support the Waterway Watch program, and I support the resolution offered by the gentleman from Florida. Put simply, America's Waterway Watch program enlists the 70 million Americans who work, play or live around our Nation's waterfronts, rivers, lakes, and coastal regions to become part of our Nation's first line of defense by observing and reporting suspicious activities. Founded by the Coast Guard in 2004, the Waterway Watch is similar to earlier Coast Watch programs instituted during World War II. At the time, the Coast Watch program was comprised of a group of volunteers who scanned our coasts for U-boats threatening U.S. shipping. Today, America's Waterway Watch calls on volunteers to aid in the war on terrorism on our home front. People are advised to take note of suspicious activities and, if it can be done safely, they are encouraged to take photographs or videotape of the occurrence. Observers are then asked to immediately report incidents they have witnessed by calling 911 or the America's Waterway Watch 24-hour national toll-free telephone number, 1-877-24-WATCH. Reported information is then sent to the National Response Center located at Coast Guard headquarters to be evaluated and dispersed to local Coast Guard responders. I emphasize that this watch program is meant to be a simple deterrent to potential terrorist activity by asking those who frequent our waterways, ports, and waterfront areas to report events and people that seem out of place. It is not a surveillance program and is not meant to spread paranoia. Mr. Speaker, as chairman of the Coast Guard and Maritime Transportation Subcommittee, I also commend the Coast Guard Auxiliary, which is at the forefront of the Waterway Watch program. The auxiliary is the uniformed civilian component of the Coast Guard. It is primarily responsible for implementing programs that serve the recreational boating community. In fact, the auxiliary helps to promote America's Waterway Watch through their well-established recreational boating safety programs. I also commend the Nationwide Insurance Company, which has supported the Waterway Watch program by giving the Coast Guard Auxiliary Association a $96,000 grant to support the auxiliary's role in the Coast Guard's maritime homeland security missions. The grant funded the purchase of Waterway Watch stickers that boaters can display on their boats. It also funded the printing of brochures, wallet cards, and posters that provide pertinent information on the watch program, including detailing how citizens can become involved in the program and listing the numbers that can be called to report suspicious activities. The Coast Guard's active duty, Reserve and auxiliary forces have united with the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agency, U.S. Customs and Border Protection, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and local law enforcement agencies to detect and deter threatening activities at waterfront facilities. However, there are some 95,000 miles of shoreline, 300,000 square miles of waterways, 6,000 bridges, 360 ports of call, and 12,000 marinas in the United States; and the Coast Guard and other first responders simply cannot watch all of these facilities all the time. America's Waterway Watch program ensures that ordinary citizens can help our Nation's uniformed agencies protect our homeland simply by remaining vigilant in their own communities. Mr. Speaker, in closing, I again express my support for America's Waterway Watch program, which helps keep citizens involved in watching our Nation's shores and waterways, and recognizes the importance of the service they are providing. I urge my colleagues to adopt H. Res. 549 and again commend Congressman Bilirakis for his work on this measure. I also congratulate and thank my colleague, the ranking member of our Coast Guard and Maritime Transportation Subcommittee (Mr. LaTourette), for his cooperation in this bipartisan effort. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CUMMINGS. We will reserve, Mr. Speaker. We have no other speakers.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 549) recognizing the importance of America's Waterway Watch program, and for other purposes.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve.

Mr. CUMMINGS. We are prepared to do so.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, we urge Members to vote for this very meaningful resolution, and we wholeheartedly support it. I want to thank the sponsor for his thoughtful piece of legislation. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Thank you very much, Chairman Waxman, for yielding. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 734, a resolution expressing our dismay at the withholding of information relating to Iraqi corruption, which I have cosponsored. By all accounts, Iraq was a corrupt state at the time of the U.S. invasion. Unfortunately, it remains so today. The nonpartisan group, Transparency International, finds that the Iraqi Government is the world's third most corrupt country more than 4 years after Saddam Hussein was ousted. In an October 4 hearing of the Oversight and Government Reform Committee, we listened to the heart-wrenching testimony of Judge al- Radhi, the former Commissioner of the Iraqi Commission on Public Integrity. During his tenure, the judge uncovered up to $18 billion in funds that were lost as a result of corruption. Rather than receive the accolades for his efforts, however, Judge Radhi faced severe retaliation instead. He told us of the horrible atrocities that he and his family and that of his staff suffered at the hands of those who aimed to stifle his investigations. In total, 31 people from his office and 12 of their family members were killed. Many endured unspeakable torture, their bodies hung from meat hooks. Judge Radhi's own home was struck by rockets. Harassment eventually reached the point that he was forced to flee his own country. This is not the sort of environment that leads to the free and democratic Iraqi society that President Bush is so fond of invoking. We cannot achieve a victory in Iraq as long as we allow corruption to continue unchecked. Unfortunately, officials of the U.S. Department of State do not appear to agree. Following our hearing, the Department retroactively classified reports and portions of reports that detailed problems with Iraqi corruption. These actions represent a blatant attempt to manipulate the classification process to stave off bad publicity. Mr. Speaker, this is a very sad reality indeed. I find it ironic that our own government is engaging in obstructive practices in an attempt to cover up the truth about corruption in Iraq. I urge all of my colleagues to join us in sending a very strong message to the administration that these practices will not be tolerated by voting in favor of H. Res. 734.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Madam Speaker, on October 10, 2007, due to a personal obligation, I missed the following recorded votes: Roll No. 959, on the Motion to Recommit on H.R. 3056--Tax Collection Responsibility Act-- Motion to Recommit; had I been present, I would have voted ``nay''; and Roll No. 960, on H.R. 3056--Tax Collection Responsibility Act; had I been present, I would have voted ``aye''.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Madam Speaker, today in the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, my colleagues and I questioned the CEO of Blackwater and lead figures in the Department of State regarding private security contracting in Iraq and Afghanistan. During the course of this hearing, I was absolutely alarmed and shocked by the stark reality that private contractors such as Blackwater have possibly created a shadow military of mercenary troops that are not accountable to the United States Government or to anyone else. With 180,000 Americans, Iraqis and nationals from other countries who operate under an array of Federal contracts provide everything from security and intelligence gathering to infrastructure building and transporting supplies to a country nearly the size of California. Even more alarming is the fact that Blackwater and similar private contractors make up the largest security force in Iraq. There are currently over 20,000 more contractors than the total U.S. military forces. With these numbers, one may suspect the contractors are being utilized, in part, to mask the true extent of our involvement in Iraq. I am also concerned with the fact that many contractors such as those working for Blackwater are simply held to a different standard, where circumventing criminal law, rules of engagement and even the Geneva Conventions have become far too commonplace. There have been 195 escalation of force incidents from Blackwater alone since 2005, including several previously unreported killings of Iraqi civilians. In 80 percent of these instances, Blackwater fired first. This ``shoot now and ask questions later'' attitude has resulted in further distrust amongst Iraqis for American military forces and the Iraqi Interior Ministry demanding that Blackwater cease its operations in Iraq, all during a time when winning the cooperation of Iraqi civilians and government is critical for our success for our mission. Due to these and other incidents, Blackwater has undermined our strategic mission in Iraq and possibly stifled our already sensitive relationship with Iraq's neighboring states, those same countries where garnering multilateral and bilateral support is critical to solidifying political reconciliation in Iraq. The President has consistently stated that he wants to win the hearts and the minds of Iraqis. However, the ongoing use of Blackwater contractors that are consistently beyond legal reach is not the way to achieve that goal. Blackwater is clearly the realization of former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld's vision of a ``hollow military,'' where everything that can be privatized and outsourced will be. Blackwater appears to be held above the law, as the State Department continues to make little effort to hold it accountable, while continuing to award contracts amounting to over $1 billion since 2000, $300 million of which were awarded as no-bid contracts. Clearly it is time for a new direction beyond the failed policy in Iraq, which has been further deteriorated by the administration's use of inept privatized security contractors. That new direction begins with outlining a clear statement on appropriate and detailed contingency plans for a reasonable redeployment of troops from Iraq, including consideration of force protection for military and civilian personnel and a need to continue to protect our vital national security interests as mandated in Representatives Abercrombie, Tanner and Turner's bill, H.R. 3087. As such, the passage of H.R. 3087 is a clear step in the right direction, that our men and women in uniform not sacrifice another 3,800 lives without a clear strategy for redeploying our troops. We recognize that, since the planning of the redeployment of our troops from Iraq is a complex status, we must plan accordingly as to not repeat the mistakes made in the original planning for the Iraq invasion and post-war occupation.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I was motivated to address the issue of witness intimidation after the death of Angela and Cornell Dawson and their five children, ages 9 to 14. The entire family was killed, or should I say incinerated, in October 2002 when their home was firebombed in retaliation for Mrs. Dawson's repeated complaints to the police about recurring drug trafficking in her east Baltimore neighborhood. Since this time, witness intimidation has become a plague on our justice system. According to the National Institute of Justice, 51 percent of prosecutors in large jurisdictions find witness intimidation to be a major problem. Additionally, prosecutors in large jurisdictions suspect that witness intimidation occurs in up to 75 to 100 percent of the violent crimes committed in gang-dominated neighborhoods. In my hometown of Baltimore, it is estimated that witness intimidation occurs in 90 percent of the cases that are prosecuted. To make matters worse, the murder rate in the city is also at a record-breaking high. Today's Baltimore Sun reported that since January 1, there have been 229 homicides in Baltimore. At this pace, it is conceivable that the city will regretfully reach 300 homicides by the end of the year. While this figure is significantly lower than the record high of 353 homicides in 1993, the current situation is simply unacceptable. We need for our citizens to come forward by reporting crimes to law enforcement and testifying in court when appropriate. However, these simple acts have become a serious threat to one's life. It is time to combat what is commonly referred to as a ``conspiracy of silence,'' and this is why I am asking my colleagues to cosponsor and to support the passage of H.R. 933, the Witness Security Protection Act of 2007, should it come to the House floor for a vote. Upon enactment, this legislation authorizes $90 million per year over the next 3 years to enable State and local prosecutors to provide witness protection on their own or to pay the cost of enrolling their witnesses in the Short-Term State Witness Protection Program to be created within the United States Marshals Service. In closing, I will highlight a recent case that exemplifies the need for this type of program. On his way to lunch in March 2006, Carl Stanley Lackl, Jr., walked through a Baltimore City alley and witnessed Patrick Byers shoot Larry Haynes. Not only did Carl Lackl call the police, he stayed with the dying victim, comforting and reassuring him as paramedics arrived. Mr. Lackl was prepared to testify as a key witness in Byers' trial. Unfortunately, Carl Lackl will not get the opportunity to carry out his civic duty. He was killed 8 days before the trial, gunned down in front of his home. Police have accused Byers of sending a text message to an associate giving Lackl's name and address and offering $1,000 to have him killed. According to police, Lackl was at home at about 8:45 when he received a call about a Cadillac that he was selling. As he stood next to the Cadillac, a dark-colored car drove up, and a 15-year- old inside shot him three times, in the arm, chest and leg. Carl Lackl was pronounced dead soon after arriving at a nearby hospital. Mr. Lackl deserved better. By all accounts, he was a hard worker and a devoted father. My prayers go out to his mother, his daughter, and his entire family. We can and should do better. Mr. Speaker, witness intimidation is a growing national problem jeopardizing the criminal justice system's ability to protect the public. This issue must be addressed because without witnesses there can be no justice. Therefore, I ask my colleagues to support H.R. 933, the Witness Security and Protection Act of 2007.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise tonight to express my appreciation to Speaker Pelosi, Chairman Dingell and our entire Congress which has passed a bipartisan, bicameral agreement to reauthorize the Children's Health Insurance Program for an additional 5 years. While I would have preferred a bill with more funding to cover additional children, I am pleased that the $35 billion increase agreed to by House and Senate negotiators will bring health coverage to approximately 10 million children in need, preserving coverage for the 6.6 million who are currently enrolled in a program, while reaching many others who are eligible but not enrolled. I am especially pleased that the agreement ensures quality dental coverage for all children enrolled in CHIP. This provision became a major initiative for me following the tragic death of a 12-year-old Maryland boy named Deamonte Driver. Mr. Speaker, Deamonte died February of this year when an untreated tooth infection spread to his brain. Eighty dollars worth of dental care might have saved his life, but Deamonte was poor and homeless. He did not have access to a dentist. Deamonte Driver's case was rare and extreme, but he was by no means alone in his suffering. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, dental decay is the second most common chronic childhood disease in this country. And it is preventable. Few public health challenges of this magnitude are so easy to address. We are faced with this problem because we have systematically failed to provide children with the care they need. Approximately 9 million children are uninsured in this country, but more than twice that amount, 20 million, are without dental insurance. That is why I am so glad that we will not only ensure the health coverage of 10 million children, but ensure that they have access to dental care as well. Those of us in the Maryland delegation stood up in support of this vitally important initiative; and in a Congress-wide push, we were joined by 60 of our colleagues. On this issue, Democrats and Republicans from both Chambers have put aside differences to draft critically important legislation that will help American children. Unfortunately, we have received nothing but push-back from the administration. In an arrogant attempt to interfere with the business of Congress, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services sent a letter to States on August 17 that has the potential of drastically limiting some States' ability to implement CHIP. H.R. 976 clarifies States' ability to implement the law, and it also addresses the President's concern that CHIP would not go to cover the Nation's poorest children. On this point, let me be clear: this legislation provides health insurance coverage to poor children, children who were already eligible for the benefit but were not enrolled. President Bush is playing politics with our children's health by threatening to veto the bipartisan CHIP reauthorization and deny 10 million low-income kids the health care they need and deserve. The President has instead expressed support for his own CHIP proposal, which will result in 84,000 low-income children losing their health care coverage, according to the Congressional Budget Office. Again, Mr. Speaker, I am pleased that my colleagues sent a strong message to the President by voting in favor of the bicameral CHIP reauthorization.