Elijah Cummings

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 676, a resolution recognizing and honoring the 40th anniversary of the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, brought to the floor by Eleanor Holmes Norton from the District of Columbia and spearheaded by the venerable House Judiciary Committee ranking member, Representative John Conyers. I thank you both for your unwavering leadership. Mr. Speaker, July 2, 2004 marks the 40th anniversary of President Lyndon B. Johnson's signing into law of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. This landmark legislation ended the disenfranchisement of millions of Americans and struck a final blow to the Jim Crow laws that existed in many parts of our country. As many of us know, the Civil Rights bill ended de jure segregation and discrimination in public accommodations, publicly owned or operated facilities and schools, employment and union membership, and voter registration. Just imagine what this country would be like without the enactment of these laws--a country where some people are treated like second-class citizens solely because of the color of their skin? How atrocious a thought? Where people are denied employment because of their color, national origin, religion or sex? The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and its progeny secured equal rights under the law for all Americans--the importance of passage of this bill cannot be overstated. In the early 1960s, millions of Americans continued to suffer under the oppressive hand of Jim Crow laws. The Freedom Rides of the 1960s, led by religious leaders, civil rights activists, students and many others, empowered African Americans to organize and attempt to vote throughout the Deep South. Many Freedom Riders, such as Chaney, Schwerner and Goodman gave their lives for the cause of equal rights for all. Their names are indelibly inked in our collective consciousness, but there were many equally brave and courageous individuals whose names will not be recorded in the history books. However, none are forgotten. Due to their courage, we celebrate the 40th anniversary of the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. I believe that commemorating passage of the Act reflects our commitment to bring this Nation closer to the ideals and values that each of us holds dear--equality for all. Mr. Speaker, while I have come here to commemorate these great laws, I must also recognize that while the Act brought our Nation closer to fulfilling the promises guaranteed in the Constitution, de facto discrimination continues to pervade many of our institutions. Though we are a country on the brink of embodying a truly democratic Nation, we are also a Nation grappling with ensuring that the goals of the Act are achieved. We only need look to the 2000 Presidential Election in which many African Americans reported being turned away from voting polls. Our election process was marred by the disenfranchisement of thousands in Florida and on a smaller scale in other states polling places. These incidents of disenfranchisement show that though we are close, we are not there yet. Mr. Speaker, as we honor the enactment of this momentous law, it is imperative that we also acknowledge that many of our Nation's communities have not progressed much since 1964 and still suffer the ravages of discrimination. Though the Civil Rights Act of 1964 brought us closer to dismantling the legacy of slavery, many American men, women and children still feel its impact. Many of our schools remain segregated (de facto) and underfunded. In fact, the No Child Left Behind Act, which authorizes funding and establishes accountability for our public schools, will be underfunded by at least $8 billion in the FY 05 budget. Many African Americans remain in the lowest economic brackets, where unemployment often reaches double digits in some communities, including my own. Women still earn $0.76 on the dollar to men for the same work and the same hours. On that note, as my time to speak is short, I leave with two quotes from Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., whose name is synonymous with the peaceful advancement of the civil rights movement. The first is one of my favorites and is taken from writings during his time spent imprisoned for standing up to the ugly face of discrimination and segregation--``injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.'' (Letter from a Birmingham Jail, April 16, 1963). Until we promote economic and educational policies that level the playing field for those that have been left behind--left behind many times in fact--then the injustice of second class citizenship will persist. The last is a quote by Dr. King that is not as often quoted but is equally remarkable in its insight--``[A]ll progress is precarious, and the solution of one problem brings us face to face with another problem.'' (Martin Luther King, Jr., ``Strength to love,'' 1963). I find these words encouraging because they are wrought with optimism for the future. We are progressing steadily in our fight toward equality, and although we have many more problems to overcome and to confront, united, I am confident we will win this fight. We must sustain the legacy of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 by continuing to enact legislation that represents what it stands for--our country's highest ideals of equality and opportunity for all citizens. I call upon my colleagues to join me in honoring the 40th anniversary of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 by voting in favor of passage of this resolution.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Con. Res. 449, which honors the life and accomplishments of Ray Charles, recognizes his contributions to the Nation, and extends condolences to his family on his death earlier this month on June 10, 2004. Born in 1930, in Albany, Georgia, Ray Charles (nee Ray Charles Robinson) entered this world handicapped by racial segregation, poverty, and later blindness at age 6. Yet, these crippling circumstances conversely empowered the young Charles as he rose to be one of the most prominent icons in popular culture. Spanning over three decades of success, Ray Charles inspired all Americans, especially those in the African American community, to persist and aspire despite adversity. Mr. Speaker, Ray Charles revolutionized music through his unique ability to interweave the cultural rhythms of soul music, the harmonies of jazz, and the sentiment of country-western. This exceptional fusion offered the mainstream audience an opportunity to partake in a truly moving musical experience that defied the boundaries of genre specific music. His talent and foresight were justly rewarded with three number one hits, twelve Grammys, a star on the Hollywood Boulevard Walk of Fame, induction into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame, Jazz Hall of Fame, as well as the Rhythm and Blues Hall of Fame. However, the accolades are merely a superficial indicator of the far-reaching implications of Ray Charles' life. Mr. Speaker, Ray Charles was an advocate of civil rights for all, not only through his music but also through his political actions. Mr. Charles joined Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in his fight for civil equality and saw himself ``carrying the cross'' for all African Americans. In 1962 he became the Honorary Chairman for the National Association for Sickle Cell Disease, and in 1975 was this organization's first, ``Man of Distinction''. Additionally, around this time, Ray Charles began to expand his sphere of influence as he supported anti-apartheid movements in South Africa, and participated in meetings with leaders like, Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion to discuss the status of Jews in Israel. These activities show that Ray Charles enriched our lives in ways beyond his memorable songs like ``Georgia On My Mind''--one of my favorites, and many recognized his efforts. In fact, in 1983 the NAACP honored him with an induction into their Hall of Fame noting his outstanding contributions to the African American community. He also participated in the historic, ``We are the World'' recording, which supported funding for the starving children in Africa. In 1986, Mr. Charles was doubly honored, first when he was made the Commander of Fine Arts and Letters by the French Government and second in Washington DC, when he was recognized in the prestigious Kennedy Center Honors ceremony. Mr. Speaker, in April 1987, Ray Charles expounded upon his advocacy work, with a personal endowment of one million dollars to the Robinson Foundation for Hearing Disorders--a move that solidified his genuine philanthropic interests. In the following years these genuine interests were rewarded with honors such as: The National Medal of Arts from former President Clinton, the Lifetime Achievement Award from the Black Achievement Awards committee, as well as the Helen Keller Achievement Award from the American Foundation for the Blind. It is with bittersweet emotions that I stand in front of you today. Bitter as I mourn the loss of an American treasure, and send condolences to his family--sweet as I remember the legacy of a man who changed the lives of Americans forever. I want to thank my esteemed colleague from the state of Georgia, Representative Max Burns, for his leadership in sponsoring this important piece of legislation. Once again, I urge all of my colleagues to support passage of H. Con. Res. 449.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Con. Res. 13, which recognizes the importance of blues music and requests a Presidential proclamation to observe the importance of the blues with appropriate ceremonies, activities, and educational programs. Mr. Speaker, the blues is the most influential native form of music in the United States. The origins of blues music are founded in the unique fusion and harmony between African and European music. In the midst of its early stages as a folk music, the blues served as a treasure to history--documenting landmark events of our Nation's past, particularly slavery, segregation and the Great Depression. The evolving forms of blues music trace the transformation of the United States from a rural to an industrialized country, segregated to unsegregated. With unyielding contributions to the past, the blues will undoubtedly remain a staple of American music culture. Mr. Speaker, I would also like to highlight that the blues was a significant aspect of African American culture in the twentieth century. African American men and women first sang the blues to recount their struggles through song. This pastime developed into an inspiring art form. Timeless artists, such as the great Muddy Waters, John Lee Hooker, Bessie Smith, Ray Charles and a host of others cultivated this pervasive musical genre making the blues a classic art form. Driven by humble beginnings, the blues has created a platform for the traditional and popular music genres of jazz, country, rhythm and blues, rock and roll and classical music. Blues musicians are globally recognized and respected as they share this gift with the world. Mr. Speaker, it is very fitting that we now acknowledge the contributions of blues with the passing of renowned musician, Ray Charles. The accomplishments of Ray Charles made a considerable impact on the Nation's musical imprint--with his unique abilities to create and transform music that touched our souls with such original compositions of his blues-filled rendition of America the Beautiful. Also, it is equally worth noting that in 2003 America celebrated 100 years of blues influence that began with the first blues piece compiled by W.C. Handy. Finally, Mr. Speaker, the blues is celebrated throughout the country with hundreds of festivals and a myriad of new and classic album releases each year. Home to one of these many celebrations, is my Congressional district, Baltimore City, which recently hosted its own 10th annual Baltimore Blues Festival in recognition and celebration of this great musical art form. Mr. Speaker, the blues is a musical art style that deserves historical preservation through many forms, including ceremony, festivities and educational initiatives. I believe it is essential to educate the Nation and the rest of the world, about how heavily rooted contemporary music is in the blues. The blues dovetails with America's struggle to create a society where all people enjoy equal rights. That is why we love the blues and that is why we identify with the blues. I would like to thank my esteemed colleague from the state of Tennessee, Representative Harold Ford, Jr., for his leadership in sponsoring this important piece of legislation. I urge my colleagues to lend their support to its passage.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. I think it is very appropriate that we end on that note, Mr. Speaker, a note about the people we just spent a day saluting and letting them know how much we love them; but now it is not only time to salute them and tell them that we love them but it is also time to make sure that we do for them as they have been promised.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, it is certainly a pleasure to be here tonight along with my colleagues from the Congressional Black Caucus as we begin to look at a very critical issue, and it can be simply titled: Are you better off today than you were 3 or 4 years ago? General Leave

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman again for his leadership. The gentleman has been here for less than 2 years now, but has made a tremendous impact on so many of us. We are very proud of his leadership. As we close, Mr. Speaker, I assume we have about a minute, let me just say this, that the gentleman did make a point that I want to reemphasize. We want to make sure we have a strong military. But young people, if they are listening to what we are saying and they are informed, a lot of times young people will go into the military, they are looking forward, they have a vision of their future, and they want to serve this country, they want to give it their best; but they also look beyond their service. They are saying what benefits will come to me? What benefits will come to my family? So I think probably one of the best recruiting tools for a strong military is for us to keep our commitment. When they see their grandfathers doing what the gentleman just said, waiting in long lines for their relatives and friends, that does not say very much for us. So I think as we are in this war and as we stand up for our soldiers, we must also stand up for our veterans.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his excellent statement. I am going to sum up and just reemphasize some of the things that he has said. I think a Thursday, May 27, article by Jonathan Wiseman of the Washington Post, I just want to quote part of it, and the gentleman may have a comment on it. But the gentleman started off by talking about how real, we have to deal with real facts. And the gentleman said that the fact is that the President does submit a budget, and so we speak from that budget tonight and its devastating effect on so many Americans. I had spoken earlier about the fact that this budget affects so many of our young people. I just want to quote from Mr. Wiseman's article. He says, ``The Women, Infants and Children nutrition program was funded at $4.7 billion for the fiscal year beginning in October, enough to serve the 7.9 million people expected to be eligible.'' But he goes on to say, ``In 2006, the program would be cut by $122 million.'' He says, ``Head Start, the early childhood education program for the poor, will lose $177 million, or 2.5 percent of its budget, in fiscal year 2006. The $78 million funding increase that Bush has touted for homeownership programs in 2005 would be nearly reversed in 2006 with a $53 million cut. The National Institutes of Health spending would be cut 2.1 percent in 2006 to $28 billion after a $764 million increase for 2005.'' That brought the NIH budget to $28.6 billion. ``Finally, a subject that is near and dear to all of us: homeland security. A centerpiece of the Bush reelection campaign,'' says Mr. Wiseman, ``would be affected. Funding would slip in 2006 by $1 billion to $29.6 billion, although that would still be considerably higher than the $26.6 billion devoted to that field in 2004, according to an analysis of the computer printout put out by the House Committee on the Budget Democrats.'' So we have this situation where we are simply talking about balance, and we have often said, members of the Congressional Black Caucus, let us deal with the Nation's problems like we would deal with our most serious family problems. Basically, what we have called for was common sense, understanding that whenever we have a family problem, we pause, we analyze the situation, we are flexible, we come up with solutions that are appropriate for the problem. I seriously question whether or not we are dealing with solutions appropriate to the problem, because everything seems to be out of balance. And so it is tonight, the Congressional Black Caucus comes and simply says that we are looking for balance. Yes, we must address the issue of terrorism. Every single one of us never wants to see planes flying into any building. None of us want to see chemical weapons released out into places where they could do harm. We do not want that. We want to fight terrorism, but at the same time we fully understand that we have got to make sure that we take care of the people here in the United States. And if I have to say it a million times, I will say it over and over again, so often when people hear members of the Congressional Black Caucus or even hear the words ``Congressional Black Caucus'' they assume that we are only talking about and for African American people. And, ladies and gentlemen, I am here to tell you that the people that we speak for are Americans, no matter what their color may be. We want to make sure that every American has the opportunity to be all that God meant for them to be. One of the things that I often say, as I yield to my friend, is that when I get up in the morning, after I pray for myself and my family, I ask God to give us as a Congress, give us the opportunities and the wisdom and the discernment to increase our constituents' opportunities to be blessed so that they can live the best lives that they can. And so that is what this is all about. Not only our constituents, but as we well know, what we do in this body not only affects the constituents in our district, the constituents in our country, but, I would submit, our constituents of the world. It is not just limited to this country. Mr. Speaker, I would now yield to the gentleman.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 7 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks on the subject of this Special Order.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I cannot help but comment on the comments that were just made by my Republican colleagues. As I listened to them very carefully, I was struck by, and I know it is their good intent to make America better, but one of my colleagues talked about how he had lost jobs in his district and how he now is trying to figure out ways to make sure that people who may have lost their jobs will be in a position to get jobs in the future. I think that is a very noble objective. But the one thing we must keep in mind is that there are millions of people who have lost their jobs since January of 2001, and it is nothing like being in a position where you have lost your job. No longer are you able to buy tennis shoes for your children, no longer are you able, in many instances, to put food on the table. And if you were in Baltimore, no longer were you able to afford to take a vacation to Disney World, let alone a faroff distant land. So when I listened to my colleagues, I could not help but ask myself the question, What have we done and what have they done to make sure that this country does not hemorrhage jobs? And then I heard the astounding argument that I did not think I would be hearing again since our President made it not long ago, in that there is something right about outsourcing jobs; that is there is something right about, according to my colleagues on the other side, about being able to make a call in Maryland for a Maryland service and possibly ending up with an operator somewhere in India or in some far distant land because jobs have been outsourced. I would simply come to this floor, Mr. Speaker, and say that it is time for us to change the leadership in this country, because the jobs they talk about having been lost are jobs that did not have to be lost. Over and over again members of the Congressional Black Caucus have come to this floor and talked about so many issues with regard to jobs, with regard to education; and then I hear my colleagues talking about lifelong learning. And I shall comment in a moment on what this administration proposes to do, and that basically is to cut back on the very training that they say that their constituents need after they lose the jobs; but, Mr. Speaker, I would simply say that something is awfully wrong with the picture that they paint. Unfortunately, America has suffered and America's people have suffered tremendously over the course of the last 3\1/2\ years. So we ask the question tonight as a Nation, Are we better off today than we were 4 years ago? This question may sound familiar to you. If you will recall, it is the same question that former President Ronald Reagan posed to the Nation during his 1980 run for the Presidency. Now, I must admit that although I probably would not agree with President Reagan on many things, I definitely agree that Americans must assess whether or not their government is working for them; and if not, they must figure out what to do about that. I would submit that if government is not working, we should have commonsense solutions. In an employee-employer relationship, if the employee is not doing the job, he or she is fired. And I would submit this evening that we need to look at that course for this administration, and it is our plan to lay out our case tonight. Mr. Speaker, we should never forget that this is still the people's government. We are public servants of the American people. It is no accident that the first line of the Constitution reads ``We the people.'' And it is no accident that the people's money funds the operation of our government. Yet, Mr. Speaker, this Congress, led by Republicans in both bodies, has failed to fully provide for the people in every single way that matters. As stewards of the government's purse, my colleagues on the other side of the aisle have run up deficits and debt to the highest levels ever. At the same time, on issues from education to health care to the cost of basic goods and services, the average American is worse off under this administration than they were 4 years ago. And now, Mr. Speaker, the administration is already making plans for further cuts in services to the American people for the next fiscal year. We have often said on this floor that we understand and are definitely committed to our troops, but we also are committed to having a balanced approach to the problems of this country and the problems of the world. There is absolutely no doubt that anyone using common sense would make sure that you protect yourself from outside forces. I would agree with that, and I think most of my colleagues, if not all in the Congressional Black Caucus, would, as would probably all 435 Members of this Congress. But at the same time, Mr. Speaker, we have to balance that and make sure that the people in this country are taken care of too. In other words, what good does it do to go outside of this country and defend this country and go to Iraq and go to Afghanistan seeking out the terrorists while at the same time the very people that we are supposed to be making sure that they have benefited are falling by the wayside. In other words, our children. I have often said our children are the living messages we send to a future we will never see. But as I listened to my colleagues on the other side a few moments ago, it is interesting they never talked about the fact that children are indeed being left behind every day and every moment of the day. While they talk quite a bit about how great the No Child Left Behind legislation is, and I would agree with them to a degree that it is good legislation, and if I recall correctly most Members of this Congress voted for that legislation. It was pretty much a bipartisan effort. But the thing they did not mention is that it has been substantially underfunded. If you go to any school district throughout this country, you will talk to teachers and you talk to people who are on the front line, and they will tell you that this underfunding has caused great grief and has put them and State and local governments in a very bad position. I saw a recent Washington Post article revealed a secret White House budget memorandum which detailed severe cuts in a range of Federal programs that are essential to the lives of millions of Americans. Everything from Head Start, again talking about children, and homeownership programs, to Department of Veterans Affairs, yes, I said the Department of Veterans Affairs. And if I might just put a footnote here, here we are with the President just dedicating America's World War II memorial the other day, yet still the Department of Veterans Affairs is on the chopping block if this administration is reelected in November. It is not about what is said; it is about what is being done. I would ask the American people to keep their eye on what is being done, not what is being said. And after celebrating Memorial Day and honoring our veterans, I cannot imagine how some people in this town could even propose to cut veterans benefits. On Memorial Day, when I had an opportunity to talk to so many of the veterans in my district, one of their number one complaints was that they are not able to get the kind of medical care now that they need. They cannot even get the medical care for their spouses. And these are men and women who have given so much to their country believing that there would come a time that they would be able to get the type of benefits that they needed. But this administration, while making wonderful, wonderful speeches at the new World War II memorial, at the same time is cutting benefits. It is unconscionable to think that the men and women who served this country would have to endure their elected officials turning their backs on them when they return home and need services. And so it is, Mr. Speaker, that we have a situation where this administration has decreased Federal revenues, raised deficits through poor policy decisions, and is now telling the American people that they must sacrifice their children's educations or veterans benefits to pay for it all. Something is glaringly wrong with this picture when we ask our elderly veterans to take a cut, when we ask our children, now that it is their chance to get an education through Head Start and other programs that will support them and allow them to be all that God meant for them to be, it is simply not right that we would cut those things that would help our children get to where they have to go and cut the things that would help our veterans not only survive but thrive and live meaningful lives. Mr. Speaker, I think the American people must put all of this in context of the budget conference that recently passed this House of Representatives. In order to pay for the President's prized tax cuts and to get the most political gain, this House agreed to a budget resolution that only extended out for 1 year. Traditionally, Congress considers budgets that take into account 10 years' worth of Federal spending. But knowing that a 10-year estimate would reveal their fiscal mismanagement, this administration and the Republicans in Congress chose to pass a 1-year budget that would mask the true cost of the tax cuts, a poorly crafted Medicare bill, and the war in Iraq. Over and over again, members of the Congressional Black Caucus have come to the floor and not asked the American people but begged them to look at what was happening in this Congress and look at what this White House is doing and use a very simple commonsense measuring tool, and that measuring tool would simply be how, if you had a similar circumstance in your home, how would you handle that. In other words, if you had an increase in problems in your home, if you had emergencies in your home, would you then go to your employer and say cut my pay? Well, basically, that is what has happened here. Here we have a war in Afghanistan, here we have a war in Iraq, here we have also a situation where we now have to have something called homeland security; and so our costs are increasing to the tune of $25 billion, the most recent request from the President. But at the same time, the President makes a decision, and my Republican colleagues agree, to cut taxes on the richest of the rich. Something is simply wrong with that picture. There are many people that sit and they say to themselves, it is good that I get my money back, and I can understand that, but one of the things that we have to realize is that most of the middle class get very few funds back on this tax cut. The fact is that we have a situation where in Maryland, for example, those middle-class folks who got a tax cut of maybe $600, $700, they saw the tuition of their students at State colleges go up some 30 percent in some instances. In Baltimore, sewer taxes have gone up, and there are proposed taxes with regard to property. So taxes are going up. They are also seeing that their services are lessened because there is not as much money coming through the State coffers. So the question is: Is this a shell game or what? Is it a shell game that on the Federal level you tell me I am getting a tax cut and at the same time tax cuts are taking place for the richest of the rich? The fact still remains that services are reduced. Mr. Speaker, the American people should truly take a look at their household finances and their general well-being and ask themselves, is my family better off now than we were 4 years ago? I would submit that they would have to answer no. Further, will the Nation be better off 4 years from now if we continue on our current course? I would guess that the average American would answer no to both of these questions. In 2 days the Department of Labor will release its monthly unemployment situation report. For the good of the country, I hope the numbers reflect a positive change in the unemployment situation. But, regardless, we cannot allow ourselves to forget about the unemployed people that those numbers represent. I have often said that so often what we do is we look at statistics, and we get so caught up in numbers that we forget that there are faces and there are families behind those statistics. Although the President and others in this administration are traveling the country touting job growth, we cannot allow ourselves to forget that the economy has yet to create a single net job under this administration, not one, no, not one. So I ask, Mr. Speaker, what should all of the millions of people who have lost jobs, the 150,000 workers who are joining the workforce every month and the college graduates, like the ones I spoke to recently at Shaw University and Carnegie Mellon University, do to find work in an economy that has not created a single job since January, 2001? Real people, Mr. Speaker, are struggling to supply the most basic needs to their families and continue to pound the pavement every day in desperate search of a job. If I were to ask the more than 120,000 unemployed people in my home State of Maryland if they are better off than they were 4 years ago, I believe the overwhelming majority would probably say no. Not only are they without work, but this administration continues to cut the social services that are supporting their very survival. Mr. Speaker, if you look closely, you will find that among the 2006 cuts that the administration is secretly planning to make are job training and small business programs. As I listened to my colleagues a few minutes ago on the other side talk about retraining people for jobs when they lose a job, I wonder if they are communicating with this White House which is, at the same time as they are talking about trying to train people for jobs, here we have a White House that is submitting a budget to literally cut the training from underneath those people who are unfortunate to lose their jobs. It is counterproductive and, frankly, disingenuous to talk about job creation publicly yet cut every program that will create jobs when no one is looking. So, Mr. Speaker, as I conclude, I must say tonight that something is wrong with this picture. Our President continually talks about being a compassionate conservative, but, as many people have said, the only people he seems to show compassion to are conservatives. Everyone else just simply seems to be out of luck and out in the cold. Mr. Speaker, the American people cannot afford 4 more years of this President. For one, our country will be bankrupt and the domestic programs that are the life-line for tens of millions of Americans, not just African Americans but all Americans, will be decimated. This is a risk we simply cannot take. This is a risk we simply cannot afford. That is why, just as we saw yesterday in South Dakota and all across this country, Americans are exercising their civic duty to vote. We saw record numbers of people coming out during the Democratic primaries. Why? Because they are frustrated, and they want a change. They are the ones, as they march to the voting booth, who have already answered the question, am I better off today than I was 3.5 years ago, and they are saying, no. They are saying, yes, I will vote. They ask themselves another question as they walk into the voting booth, and that is, will we be better off if we ask this question 4 years from now than we are today? And I think clearly their answer is no. I believe that after January 20, 2005, there will be new leadership in the House of Representatives, the United States Senate and 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. This new leadership will take charge to put America back on track, will take charge to put America back to work. It will take charge to make sure that our children, whose gifts are already wrapped up in them, have an opportunity to display their gifts and be all that God meant for them to be. They will take charge to make sure that college students have an opportunity to get an education and that the Pell Grants that now have level funded, basically, are expanded so that young people can have their opportunity. In closing, I am always reminded that we just celebrated the 50th anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education. I will never forget a young lady named Kayla from the John P. Sousa School when she came before one of our programs celebrating Brown. She came with some very simple words, but they were very profound. Here was this little girl standing on her tiptoes, very frail but very healthy. She stood up, and she said my name is Kayla. She said I am a student at the John P. Sousa School here in Washington, D.C. She said 50 years ago my school was segregated, and she said today my school is segregated. She said 50 years ago my school was all white, and then she said, 50 years later, my school is 98 percent African American and 2 percent Hispanic. She said I have seen the pictures of my school, the John P. Sousa Middle School, from 50 years ago. She said it was a beautiful place, one of the most beautiful places I have ever seen. She said now it is much different. Her words were so piercing and left almost everybody in the room in tears when she said this. She said, today, when I go to school, I have no library because the adults tell us we cannot afford a librarian, so we have no library. She said I have had an opportunity to look at a few books in the place they call a library, and I noticed that many of them are the same books which existed on the shelves back in 1951. She went on to say that so often she comes to school and it is damp because rain is coming through the roof. She talked about the bathrooms and how she refused to go so often and waited until she got home to relieve herself because the bathrooms were in such bad shape. But then she asked the question which I think we must all confront. She said, as adults, I just ask you to do this. It is now my chance to get an education. It is my chance to have a decent childhood. It is your responsibility to provide me with that so that I can grow up to be who I want to be. So it is not just the Kaylas of the world who suffer. It is our veterans. It is our students. It is all of those people who simply want an opportunity to get across a bridge that will allow them to turn back and help others across the bridge of this great society. Mr. Speaker, we cannot continue to cut the services to them and at the same time cut the taxes for the richest of the rich. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Meek), who has worked so hard on these issues and has been constantly at the forefront of trying to make sure that we do have balance in our country, trying to make sure that we deal with our economy, that we deal with our welfare with regard to this country in a balanced approach, but at the same time one who sits on the Committee on Armed Services and makes sure that our soldiers are supplied with the kinds of equipment that they need, that they are given the kinds of uniforms and the kind of support that they need. I applaud the gentleman for his many, many efforts. Not only has he been at the forefront of our domestic issues and certainly those with regard to war, but he has also been one who has stood up over and over again with regard to peace and that is trying to bring peace to a foreign land called Haiti. The gentleman has spent countless hours in that country meeting with people, trying to make sure that humanitarian assistance is brought to those 8 million people who suffer. Recently, the gentleman has spent a phenomenal amount of time trying to make sure that those flood victims in Haiti get the kinds of supplies that they need. A true leader and a true friend, I yield to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Meek).

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of passage of the National Great Black Americans Commemoration Act of 2003, H.R. 2424 and S. 1233, companion legislation that I introduced along with my friend Senator Mukulski. This bill has received bipartisan support in both committees of jurisdiction in the House, as well as bicameral support where it passed quickly to the floor out of the Senate Judiciary Committee. I urge all of my colleagues to vote in support of this measure and I urge the President to sign this important bill into law when it reaches his desk. With valued input from Drs. Elmer and Joanne Martin, founders of the Great Blacks in Wax Museum. I introduced this bill to help bring long overdue recognition of African Americans who have served our Nation with great distinction, but who names, faces and achievements may not be well- known by the average citizen. Rest assured that this recognition can and will be accomplished and preserved through expansion of the Great Blacks in Wax Museum--a national treasure located in my district in Baltimore, Maryland. In addition to the 200 existing figures at the museum, I am pleased to inform my colleagues that a priority will be placed on exhibits presenting the twenty-two Black Americans who served in Congress during the 19th century. Several of these 22 were born into slavery. All of these Americans proudly served their constituents and their Nation. Other members from the 1990s such as Senator Edward Brooke, Representatives Julian Dixon (D-CA), Oscar Stanton De Priest (R-IL), Louis Stokes (D-OH), Parren J. Mitchell (D-MD), J.C. Watts, Jr. (R-OK) and others will also receive special recognition. Some of the existing distinguished figures depict Collin Powell, Harriet Tubman, Martin Luther King, Jr., Mary McLeod Bethune and former Representatives Mickey Leland of Texas as well as Shirley Chisholm and Adam Clayton Powell of New York. The expanded museum will focus on Black military veterans of various military engagements, including the Buffalo Soldiers and Tuskegee Airmen; on Black judges and prominent attorneys; and the role of Blacks in the discovery and settlement of America. It will also showcase Blacks who served in senior civilian Executive Branch positions, such as Ralph Bunche (FDR administration), E. Frederic Morrow (Eisenhower administration), Robert Weaver (Johnson administration), William Coleman (Ford administration), Patricia Harris (Carter administration), Louis Sullivan (George H.W. Bush administration), and others who have not received appropriate recognition., Lastly, this legislation authorizes assistance in establishing a Justice Learning Center as a component of the expanded Museum complex. The Justice Learning Center will include state-of-the art facilities and resources to educate the public, especially at-risk youth about the role of African Americans in our Nation's judicial system. It will include a special focus on the civil rights movement, on the role of African Americans as lawmakers, attorneys and in the Judiciary. Mr. Speaker, the Great Blacks in Wax Museum was founded in 1983 by Dr. Elmer Martin and Dr. Joanne Martin, who started the museum with their own funds carrying a few figures and exhibit materials around the country in their car. The museum currently occupies part of a city block in East Baltimore, and includes more than 200 wax figures. It is America's first wax museum of Black history. The museum now receives over 200,000 visitors a year; over half of these visitors are school children. I also will mention that several members of Congress and their staff have visited and relayed to me the awesome nature of their visit--how the figures and exhibits both moved and informed. Passage of this bill will ensure that the Museum can continue its mission to preserve a great part of our Nation's history. I would be remiss if I did not relay to you how important and inspiring this Museum is to its East Baltimore community. The Great Blacks in Wax Museum functions as more than just a museum. It is a stalwart in its community. The Martins established the Museum with the primary motivation ``to use education, history and example to help mainly disadvantaged youth overcome feelings of alienation, defeatism and despair.'' It provides a safe-haven for at-risk youth and offers opportunities for young people in the community to take part in employment, intern and volunteer programs. The Museum has enrichment programs for individuals, families, daycare centers, churches, schools and other non-profit organizations. In keeping with its commitment to community involvement, the Museum's many programs serve as a means for taking learning and cultural enrichment beyond the school walls. The Justice Learning Center will extend the outreach efforts of the Museum to homeless shelters, halfway houses, adult day care, domestic violence centers, youth residential facilities and other places to reach disadvantaged and/or at-risk youth and families. Mr. Speaker, passage of this bill will be seen as a testament to the Martins' persistence and vision. Passage will also mean that the National Great Blacks in Wax Museum--a national treasure will receive needed Federal support to ensure that generations yet unborn will be told the story of these great Americans. The Museum will ensure that history never forgets this legacy. Finally, I want to thank Representative Sensenbrenner and his staffers Joseph Gibson and Katy Crooks, Representative Conyers and his staffer Lillian German, as well as Representatives Pombo and Rahall and their staffers, Frank Vitello, Richard Healy and David Watkins for all of their hard work in moving this legislation through their respective Committees. I would especially like to thank my staff, Kimberly Ross in seeing this legislation through to its successful end.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, today, I rise in support of our troops. I rise in support of all of our men and women serving in our armed forces, and especially the 300,000 brave men and women that have been serving in Iraq and Afghanistan. To our young countrymen and women serving their country in Afghanistan and Iraq, I salute you and I offer you the following: As our Nation once again honors those who have served, I pray that this Memorial Day finds you healthy and well. Some of you may know that, although, I supported our action against al Qaeda in Afghanistan, I voted against President Bush's demand for advance congressional authorization to use military force against Iraq. In the absence of a clearly demonstrated imminent danger to this Nation, I concluded, giving the President a ``blank check'' for war would be an abdication of my constitutional duty as a Member of the Congress. Further, I believed it would put our young men and women into a conflict that would yield enduring unfavorable outcomes. Once Saddam Hussein was toppled, for what and with whom would we be fighting? Where is the proof of WMDs or the presence of al Qaeda in Iraq? These were just a few of the many questions I and many Members of Congress wanted to ask. But in the administration's rush to war and its subsequent insolence, these and many questions remain unanswered. Today, my reasoning for that conviction remains unchanged. There is not today--nor has there ever been any dispositive proof that Iraq is an imminent danger to our country. Like the majority of the international community, I believe ``imminent danger'' is the proper litmus test for waging a preemptive war. The current administration does not and ignored warnings from many countries who were friends in our fight against terrorism. I ask the Commander-in-Chief, who suffers and will continue to suffer as a result of this affront to the international rules of engagement? The answer is that we all do, but it is our troops who bear the blunt of this suffering. There has been a tragic loss of life--both among our American troops and among Iraq's civilian population. I knew the human losses would be too great and I did not want our families--or the Iraqi people--to experience the overwhelming grief and remorse that accompanies waging war unnecessarily. The moral authority of the United States has been undermined-- establishing a devastating international precedent that we may well see echoed within other troubled regions. I believe that the Middle East region has been destabilized, harming the international cooperation that we desperately need to defend this Nation against terrorism. We must now contemplate the prospect of American troops remaining in Iraq for an indefinite period of time, at great cost to the lives and treasure of our Nation, while its government regroups a country that has been involuntarily bowed. Tragically, none of these cautions about war prevailed, and hundreds of thousands of young Americans now struggle to survive in harm's way. With so many questions about the wisdom and consequences of this war left unanswered, what can America say to you--the young men and women who have been called upon to risk your lives? What can we say to your wives and husbands--or to your parents and children--that could possibly justify your sacrifice? The current administration that waged this war must search for his own answers to these soul-wrenching questions--and I must speak to you in my own way. Young people, I hope that these words reach you in Iraq. You have a right to expect encouragement and support at this difficult and dangerous time. I encourage you and commend you for your bravery. I know you are dealing with circumstances beyond our comprehension. Nevertheless, you stand at the brink of eternity--and you deserve an honest appraisal. You are doing your duty, just as we in the Congress must do everything within our power to protect you. So, I will continue to call for clear and convincing evidence that war was necessary and I will continue to support the Federal funding that has helped to make you the best trained and equipped military force in the world. You deserve nothing less. Human life is too precious to allow anything less. I am among those whom the administration has not convinced about the wisdom of war in Iraq. Yet, I want you to know that I support you wholeheartedly. You are there to protect and defend and you are serving and have served valiantly. You are honorable young Americans. When the President committed your lives to battle, you went to war with your Nation's prayers and unconditional support. I pledge that we will not allow this Nation's response to your service degenerate into the shameful neglect that followed U.S. efforts in Vietnam. We will not blame the failures of our generation upon yours. Indeed, you have my undying respect. Neither President Bush nor I have ever been required to risk our own lives in battle. We have not been forced to move forward against the mechanized hell of modern warfare. We have not endured the screams of tormented friends who have fallen at our side. War leaders of old did not direct war from the safety of their homes. There was great wisdom in the ancient custom that required a leader who ordered others into battle to, himself, fight on the front lines. The danger is not real when it's second-hand. You are honorable young Americans--you are our young women and men who now stand at the brink of eternity. Over 700 of your brethren and of the Allied Forces have perished. Over 4,500 of you have been injured or maimed. At least 10 claim Maryland as their home State and I have attached their names in memoriam and in recognition of their brave service to our country. May those who lead America today regain wisdom and bring the rest of you home safely. May our actions from this day forward live up to the example of your sacrifice. And may God bless you and keep you in His hands. In Memoriam and in recognition of brave service to our Country-- Operation Iraqi Freedom: Jakia Sheree Cannon, Brandon Lee Davis, Jason Christopher Ford, Cornell Winston Gilmore I, Jason David Mileo, George Arthur Mitchell, Jr., Adam Garber Mooney, Bryan Nicholas Spry, Jeffery Calvin Walker, Kendall Damon Waters-Bey.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the Waxman- Tierney amendment. The biggest threat facing the regulatory system today is political interference with the scientific process. The interference threatens the integrity of the science-based agencies and hampers their ability to apply the best possible information and expertise to regulatory problems. There is a rising concern in the scientific community and among former agency administrators about the unprecedented political interference with science occurring today. In one egregious example, HHS released a heavily edited version of the National Health Care Disparities Report, a major report requested by Congress. This document hardly mentioned the word ``disparities,'' did not state that the disparities were a problem, and even said that racial and ethnic groups had health advantages compared to the general population. Members of Congress then obtained a June 2003 copy of this same report that was prepared by HHS scientists. The scientists had actually found that racial and ethnic disparities in health care are ``national problems'' that are ``pervasive in our health care system'' and carry a significant ``personal and societal price.'' These important conclusions had been censored from the final version by the political appointees at HHS. I, along with other Members of the Congress, wrote HHS Secretary Thompson to protest the manipulation of science on health care disparities and to request copies of all drafts and comments on the disparities report. HHS initially defended its report saying that it was just trying to show that the glass was half full. Deleting scientists' conclusions about racial and ethnic disparities is not public relations; it is the manipulation of science for political ends. A month later HHS Secretary Thompson admitted that there was a mistake made and released the scientists' version of the report, but we still do not know what went wrong and never received any further explanation for this false information. An independent, bipartisan Commission on the Politicization of Science is urgently needed to protect the public health from incidents like this. The Waxman-Tierney amendment will establish an independent, bipartisan commission to investigate the politicization of science in the regulatory process and make recommendations to restore scientific integrity.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise to voice my support for H. Con. Res. 420, a bill that designates May 16-22, 2004 as National Transportation Week. Sponsored by the U.S. Department of Transportation, and more than 30 other transportation industry organizations, National Transportation Week is an opportunity to highlight the functions and accomplishments of the transportation industry. There are nearly 4 million miles of roads in the United States. That's enough to circle the globe 16 times, travel round trip to the moon 8 times, or take 800 round trips between New York and Los Angeles. Since 1982 our population has grown almost 19 percent, the number of registered motor vehicles has increased 36 percent, and vehicle miles traveled has ballooned 72 percent. In spite of this growth, we have failed to keep pace with the increasing demands on highways and transit systems. Over the last 20 years we have added less than five percent to road capacity and even less to public transit. Transportation is about people, and about providing them with the opportunity to lead safer, healthier, and more fulfilling lives. Moreover, our country's economic strength, our ability to improve productivity, and our capacity to create jobs are all dependent--to a great extent--on the health and vitality of our transportation system and its infrastructure. In 2003 the value of imported goods and goods designated for export that were carried on our Nation's transportation system amounted to nearly $2 trillion--that's $1,259 billion in imports and $724 billion in exports. According to the Census Bureau and the U.S. Department of Transportation forecasts, by the year 2020: Annual vehicle miles traveled in the U.S. will increase 51 percent--from 2.8 trillion in 2000 to 4.2 trillion in 2020; the driving age population in the United States will increase 21 percent by 2020; and truck freight volumes will nearly double from 9 billion tons in 2000, to almost 17 billion tons in 2020. I am stating these statistics because I am very concerned about the inadequate funding of our Nation's transportation system and this Committee's transportation bill. Without increased investment we will suffer both socially and economically. For every $1 billion invested in Federal highway and transit spending, 47,500 jobs are created or sustained. Our Nation's deteriorating infrastructure and congestion, along with safety and economic problems warrant our strong and immediate response. Hopefully, during National Transportation Week, by acknowledging how heavily we rely on our national transportation system and the essential role in plays in our social and economic health, we will agree on a funding figure that adequately supports our need to keep America moving.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman for yielding to me, and I want to thank the gentleman for his constant vigilance. I have often said that the gentleman from New Jersey is one who understands the dreams of so many around the world and he makes their dreams his dreams, and we know that he represents his district extremely well in New Jersey; but we also know that he spends a significant amount of time trying to address problems all over the world, sometimes taking up the time that he would normally spend with his family and vacation time, going to Africa, trying to resolve differences between various peoples, trying to make sure that children and others are fed, trying to make sure that peace is brought to that land. So we take a moment, I take my moment here, to salute him and to thank him for his leadership. I think that when history is written and the history of Africa is written, it would have to have the gentleman from New Jersey's (Mr. Payne) name written there in a lot of places because he certainly has touched so many people and so many people who will probably never say thank you, so many people who will not even know that he has touched their lives. But as I have said about him so often, sometimes we are unapplauded, unappreciated, unseen, and unnoticed. And I just want him to know on behalf of all those that he has touched that I take this moment to salute him. Mr. Speaker, I want to rise this evening with my fellow members on the Congressional Black Caucus to shed a light on the horrific humanitarian crisis that the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) has been talking about which is taking place in Sudan. Mr. Speaker, although most people are probably unable to locate this country on the map, everyone should care about the ethnic cleansing that has dislocated over 1 million Sudanese, killed thousands of Africans, and is literally starving men, women, and children to death. Essentially, the Arab Muslim government in Sudan is condoning and even promoting the murder and displacement of the native Black African Sudanese. As I speak, the Sudanese Government is supporting armed militias that are raiding villages, raping women, and literally killing everyone in sight. The basis of the blood shed in Darfur, a region of Sudan, is one that has been repeated time and time again throughout history. Clearly, at the root of this ethnic cleansing lies the stubborn existence of intolerance and prejudice. When will we, as a global community, learn that we promote bigotry at our own peril? Mr. Speaker, the conflict in Sudan is further complicated by the fact that those who survive the attacks of these militiamen are fleeing over the border into the country of Chad. Women, children, and fathers are being forced to leave their homes and to move to refugee camps where there are no doctors, no permanent shelter, and no food. It is a travesty of humanity, Mr. Speaker, that children in these camps are dying of preventable diseases or, worse yet, diseases like diarrhea and malnutrition that can easily be cured with a little food and a little water. Mr. Speaker, it is important for the American people to understand that what is taking place in this often-neglected corner of the world is moving closer and closer towards being described as a genocide. It is quite ironic that this year marked the 10th anniversary of the tragic genocide that took place in Rwanda. The world stood idly by as the Rwandan Tutsis and Hutus massacred one another openly in the streets. The world stood idle as the Germans attempted to exterminate the Jews in the Holocaust. And the world stood idle as Europeans enslaved Africans and ravaged their society. In hindsight, we look at these atrocities and wonder how would silence prevail in the presence of human suffering. Mr. Speaker, I beg the world community to please let this not be one of those situations that we reflect upon years from now and say we should have done more, we could have done more. Let us all work together to stop the suffering now. If not, we will be raising a world of children who will grow insensitive and immune to human tragedy. They will view murder as an everyday occurrence and joyously welcome death as an end to suffering. Mr. Speaker, just last week the Congressional Black Caucus had a very substantive and productive meeting with Secretary of State Colin Powell. During our meeting, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) asked the Secretary about the United States's efforts to end the crisis in Darfur. Secretary Powell assured the entire caucus that the State Department was working to bring peace to the region and was actively engaged in resolving the crisis. But, Mr. Speaker, so long as people continue to die and children lack the hydration in their bodies to shed tears, whatever we are doing is simply not enough; and we must work faster. It is incumbent upon the United States as a global leader to lead a massive humanitarian intervention similar to the intervention in Congo in 1994 and Somalia in 1992. And for those watching in the world community, I call on the Government of Sudan to immediately stop the bloodshed, stop supporting the janjaweed militias, and enforce the cease-fire in Darfur that was reached last month. Mr. Speaker, all too often it is easy for us to distance ourselves from the plight of people thousands of miles away. But just as the pictures of the abused Iraqi prisoners struck a chord of disgust and anguish in all of us, we should all be outraged and horrified by what is taking place in Darfur. Just picture, Mr. Speaker, thousands of Sudanese fleeing to Chad, a country with only 271 doctors to serve 9 million people. Imagine the grief and sorrow they must feel daily at the memory of their children, grandmothers, and husbands that were killed by the janjaweed militias or left behind in villages that they will never see again. Mr. Speaker, if you could, feel their hunger pain and hear the cries of the parents who look for food for their children in vain. Although we may not have seen physical pictures of what is taking place in Darfur, as humans we should be able to relate to the pain of the Sudanese refugees nonetheless. Let us all work together to transfer our empathy into action and end this crisis now. Our humanity depends on it. As I close, I would also like to encourage our newspaper editors, television producers, and friends in the media to shine a bright light on this horrific situation. Put it on your front pages. Lead with it on your news shows. Talk about it on your talk radio shows. We need everybody to join in this effort.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Con. Res. 414, a resolution celebrating the 50th anniversary of the Brown. v. Board of Education Supreme Court decision, brought to the floor by my very good friend; a pioneer for civil rights in this House and the ranking member of the House Judiciary Committee, Representative John Conyers. Mr. Conyers, I thank you for your continued leadership on issues that affect the center of people's lives. May 17, 2004 marks the 50th anniversary of the U.S. Supreme Court decision that unanimously held that racial segregation of public schools violated the 14th amendment. The legacy of the Brown decision lives on throughout the Nation, and I, as well as million of Americans throughout the country, are the direct beneficiaries of this monumental court decision. In the early 1950's, racial segregation in public schools was the norm across America. But in 1954, the United States Supreme Court affirmed that separate facilities are indeed inherently unequal. The court determined that the segregation in public schools based solely upon race deprives minority children of equal opportunity. As such, the Court concluded that in the field of public education, the doctrine of ``separate but equal'' has no place. Mr. Speaker, as we celebrate the 50th anniversary of this historic groundbreaking case it is incumbent upon us to reflect and assess where we stand today. As students of history know, we study the past in order to learn about the present and build a better future. However, for many Americans Brown's promises to seem unfulfilled. America's schools remain imperiled by segregation. Poor children living in disadvantaged urban communities of color overwhelmingly attend re- segregated schools, as more affluent white families have departed for the suburbs. Methods of school funding virtually assure that wealthy district will offer superior educational opportunities. In addition, the one compelling pledge that this administration has made to raise standards in our schools, the No Child Left Behind Act, remains under funded to the tune of $9 billion. Mr. Speaker, we must not allow this nation to return to a time before Brown. The lesson of Brown is that segregation clearly does not work. I encourage my colleagues to use this opportunity to renew their commitment to eradicating all vestiges of segregation by voicing their support for H. Con. Res. 414. Furthermore, I call upon my colleagues and the administration to fully fund the No Child Left Behind Act. Unless we ensure that every child in this nation receives an equitable and quality education, this Nation's children will be suffocated once again by the legacy that segregation has left behind in our schools.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his leadership and service. I want to very briefly discuss some points. This afternoon there was a vote on a resolution to condemn those folks, military and otherwise, who did these despicable acts to prisoners in Iraq. As soon as I got back to my office, Mr. Speaker, I was asked by several papers and news outlets why is it that you voted against the resolution, joining some 50 other Members in doing so. I guess the thing that I would have to say is timing. Here we are, we had a resolution which basically said, and let me quote it, it says, ``Resolved, That the House of Representatives (1) deplores and condemns abuse of persons in the United States custody in Iraq regardless of the circumstances.'' And then it goes on to talk about a handful. It says ``declares the alleged crimes of a handful of individuals should not detract from the commendable sacrifices of over 300,000 members of the United States Armed Forces who have served,'' and it goes on. I think in and of itself the word ``handful'' is very, very upsetting to me. We do not have a clue at this juncture as to how extensive this abuse is. We have a situation where we know that there are officers, military officers, who are in the various pictures. We know about the report that was written by the military, a very extensive report that Secretary Rumsfeld just recently said he had not read; but the fact is that this is a situation that certainly calls for us not early on limiting this to a ``handful'' of military personnel, or a ``handful'' of individuals, but it is one where we should be simply asking the question what happened here in Iraq at the Abu Ghraib prison. Do we have similar circumstances in Afghanistan? Do we have similar circumstances at Guantanamo Bay? I think when all is said and done, the resolution that we passed today that I voted against will be inaccurate in declaring that there were only a handful of individuals. One of the other concerns that I had about this document was that it talked about the military investigating this matter as if the Congress consisted of a bunch of potted plants sitting in a window doing nothing. This is a Congress that voted with regard to the Iraq War. This is a Congress that has stood up over and over again talking about its love for our military. This is a great Congress. But the fact is that when we stand to the side and say to our military to go and investigate themselves and then send us a report from time to time, I think it sends a horrible message not only to the military, and I will explain that in a moment, but it also sends a horrible message to the Muslim community and to the world. Why do I say that? It would appear that there has already been substantial finger pointing within the military itself. The people who are caught in the picture, some of them have said that they have got orders from higher-ups. The person who was in charge of all the prisoners there said that she did not even have much of any authority on this particular cell block. So then there is finger pointing in the military in and of itself. There are also allegations that civilians were involved in all of this. So the question becomes not whether the military can effectively do a good job of investigating itself, the question becomes is how will the investigation appear to the world when we have already gotten finger pointing within the military itself? Just the other night, I was at the Howard County Muslim Council at a dinner in my district. And as I listened and I talked to members of the Muslim community, some of them with tears in their eyes talked about how offensive these pictures were and how offensive the allegations were to the Muslim people, not only because of who they are, not only because of their culture, but also because of their religion. And one of the things that they talked about was whether they could now trust the United States to do a fair job in providing a transparent and thorough investigation of these types of acts. And one of the things that they asked me to do is just ask the question why not a tribunal? Why not a worldwide investigative agency look into this so that when the message is sent back to the world, the world will be satisfied that we have done all that we could to investigate every single human being, be they military or civilian, that had anything to do with these kinds of despicable acts no matter where they may fall in the line of command? So what they want is an investigation which is thorough and one that is transparent and one where they can feel comfortable that all of those involved will be brought to justice and that they will be punished accordingly. So that is so very important that we do that. The other thing that concerned me here was that we talk about investigating a handful of people and we talk about wanting to make sure that these investigations take place, but as I said a little bit earlier, what is the Congress's role in all of this? We have a duty. We have a duty to look into these matters. We have a duty as a Senate and the House to look carefully at every aspect of all of this because one of the things that we do that no other organization on this level does in this country is we set policy not only for this country, but quite often policy that affects the world. And if we are not gathering information ourselves to make sure that we have a complete understanding of how these kinds of acts could take place and whether there were people asleep at the switch or whether there were folks who simply did not care or whether there were people who just failed to read reports, and then to claim that they had no knowledge of the information, or whether those who had an obligation to let the Congress know and the President know of these atrocities and did not, we need to have that information so that we can set policy to make sure that it never happens again and so that we can send a powerful message, a very powerful message, to the world that we have done all that we could do. The other audience that we send a message to is our military. Early on in this process, we would read reports where the President and others and military brass said we will reprimand certain folks that may have been in the chain of command. And as soon as I heard that, I said it is too early. It is too early to be reprimanding anybody because I do not see how they can reprimand when they do not know the full extent of the alleged offense. It does not make sense. So when our friends in the Muslim community and when our friends in the world hear that, the question is, is this a slap on the wrist to reprimand someone for being a part of a process that caused other people to go through indignities and to be offended to such a great extent? I just think that that sends a wrong message to the military when they hear that there is going to be a slap on the wrist early on before a true investigation by the military or by the Congress or by an international tribunal-type organization is done. It sends a terrible message. And the message that it sends is that, although millions of people have been offended by these acts, that they do not measure up to the kind of investigation and the type of justice that they should be subjected to. And that is a major problem because we do not want anyone believing, whether they are in the military or whether they are civilian, that this kind of conduct is all right. Finally, the other audience is the American people and our soldiers. The American people have stood up over and over again, as has the Congressional Black Caucus, for our troops. They believe in our troops, for they are our sons, our daughters, our mothers, our fathers, our aunts, our friends. They are the ones who live in our neighborhoods. They are the ones who coach the Little League baseball team. They are the police officers when they, as National Guard, would go away on weekends and now they are serving for more than a year, but they are our neighbors; so we all care about them. We also are in prayer for them for we realize that they are in harm's way. It pains us tremendously when we go to Walter Reed Hospital and see our young men and young women with amputations of the leg and of the arms. It pains us tremendously when we see pictures on the front page of The Washington Post and The New York Times of caskets, rows and rows of caskets, of our young people coming back in these steel caskets. It hurts and it pains us. But the fact still remains that, as the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Meek) said a few moments ago, if we send a message to the world, and that message is that they get a slap on the wrist when the world has seen these kinds of pictures, the question becomes what happens when our military folk or when our civilians are captured? Does it become a tit for tat: If you did it to me, I will do it to you? One of the things we in the Congressional Black Caucus has said over and over again is that we stand up for the moral authority of this country. Not the military authority, the moral authority. And the question certainly becomes have we violated that moral authority when we do not address these problems? Finally, let me say this: that no one will stand behind one of these podiums and even begin to suggest that we have a lot of our military that could fall in the category of the folks who did these kinds of despicable acts. No, we will never do that because we do not believe it. I believe in my heart that 99.9 percent of our military would never engage in this kind of activity and would find it despicable just as the Congressional Black Caucus finds it despicable. But the fact is that we must get to the bottom of this so we also protect their reputations, so that we pull out those who would do these kinds of things so that the others can say, okay, fine, now we have now rid ourselves of those who have no respect for human dignity, who have no respect for the beliefs of others, who have no respect for the culture of others, who have no respect for human life. And I end on that point in that there have been even allegations that there have been deaths, and again, when we give a slap on the wrist, we never get to the question of did people die at the hands of our military? Are those deaths being hidden? And that is why I could not, for the life of me, understand why we would restrict this to a handful of folks, a handful, and I think that does a disservice to our military, I think it does a disservice to our country, I think it does a disservice to the world.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman will yield further, I just think the gentleman is absolutely right. We have to stand up for what is right. I heard the gentleman say a little bit earlier that you do have to leave the politics at the door. When I saw the picture, and the gentleman showed it today a little bit earlier, I know he showed it at a news conference and it has been on the front page of so many papers, where a lady soldier has what appears to be something similar to a dog chain, dog leash, around the neck of a naked Iraqi prisoner, and he is on the ground naked, and it looks as if she is trying to pull him around. I tell you, when I think about any person, sometimes I think that we need to pause and try to put ourselves in the position of people who may be suffering through something, and I think if we imagine our son or imagine our father or imagine our daughter being dragged around on a leash like a dog, I think it would cause you to say, wait a minute, hold it. I want to get to the very bottom of this. There have been diaries, at least one diary I know of, that has been featured in the Baltimore Sun, in my newspaper, as to how a gentleman in the military described and talked about how deep this thing went. In other words, it was not a little handful of people. They are talking about commands coming from people beyond the prison cells. In other words, loosen them up, they were told, or put them in a position so they will confess to certain things and provide certain information. I just think that we in the United States, as I said before, we have done well because of moral authority. Just the words ``moral authority'' are so powerful. I would hate to think that countries all around the world would begin to say, Wait a minute, hold it. You are telling us about moral authority? You are telling us about how to treat inmates? You are telling us about how to address issues in a humane fashion? And then they just would throw out the pictures and say, well, it is a problem. We are not going to do that. If that is the way you do it, you cannot suggest to us what to do when we see what you are doing. That is what we have to be concerned about. That is part of the reason why it is not just a political issue. It is not a political issue. It is a humane issue, how human beings should be treated.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman will yield further, I do believe, to pick up on the very last statement that the gentleman made, so often it is easy to pass a resolution clearing one's conscience; but I do believe also that, as a reporter asked me, she said, why did you want to vote against this resolution? Now you got to spend all this time with me explaining it. What I said to her was that perhaps my explaining it and explaining why I wanted an extensive congressional investigation, why I wanted an investigation to go beyond the military investigating itself, why I wanted to send a strong message to the world, the Muslim world, American world, all over the world, about how serious we consider this matter to be, perhaps that might very well save some lives, not just today, but for many years to come. Just yesterday, Secretary Powell came before the Congressional Black Caucus for an hour and 15 minutes, and I shall never forget the expression on his face when he said he had read the report, and when he said that he found the acts to be terrible and horrific. But he also said something else. He said, ``I promise you we will get to the bottom of this.'' That was yesterday, and here we are today saying a handful of individuals committed some acts that were so despicable. The thing that is so amazing is that I do not even see how we could even have words like that in the resolution, because it does in fact say to all those people that may have been involved, say there are similar acts in Afghanistan, Guantanamo Bay, other cell blocks in Iraq, well, it looks like we got off pretty easy this time. It looks like we will be okay. We got a little reprimand going on, and we will be fine. So I want to thank the gentleman for his vigilance, for standing up for people that do not even know, perhaps, that we are standing up for them. They may not even know that those statements that we make today may very well save lives tomorrow. Someone asked the question, they said to the Congressional Black Caucus, why is it that you stand up over and over and over again? Why is it that you stand up and so often you do not win? You may not win this battle. But our response has been one of clarity, and it simply says that we may not win, but we will set the trend. We may not win, but we will stand up for what we believe in and know that somebody is listening. We may not always win, but we do know that by being silent it is far worse, because it appears that we go along with things as they are, and silence basically is giving consent. So I want to thank the gentleman for yielding and want to thank him for his leadership.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise to introduce the Reading Failure Prevention Act of 2004. This bill would authorize the Secretary of Education to make grants to States to establish statewide screening programs for children who are 5 to 7 years of age, in an effort to prevent reading failure. Reading failure is epidemic. Declining test scores in reading have been noted in many states. Nationally, 38 percent of 4th graders score below the basic reading level and 28 percent of 8th graders score below the basic reading level in our public schools. The Reading Failure Prevention Act of 2004 proposes that the grants be used to screen incoming students for traits that indicate dyslexia or other reading failure risks. It would also provide adequate professional development for personnel who administer the screening programs. Dyslexia, often referred to as a language based learning disability, is the most common form of learning disability. Approximately 15-20 percent of the population has a learning disability and, according to the National Institutes of Health, 60 percent to 80 percent of those with learning disabilities have problems with reading and language skills. Predictions for the coming decades indicate that the number of children with learning disabilities will increase for associated social, economic, and educational reasons. In spite of the fact that reading success in early grades is an essential basis for success in later grades, current methods of identifying children as learning disabled rely on a ``wait and fail'' model, where children must demonstrate severe academic problems before remediation is rendered. The Reading Failure Prevention Act of 2004 allows for the early screening of children so that remediation can begin immediately. Because reading disorders, such as dyslexia, often affect oral language functioning, individuals with these disorders are at a disadvantage as they enter their adolescent years when language becomes more central to peer relationships. Being at odds with the mainstream environment causes these children to experience great stress, creating social and emotional adjustment problems. Usually, they become vulnerable to feelings of low self-esteem and suffer from frustration and anxiety. If these students are not met with proper intervention, they can begin to experience academic failure. However, when learning disorders, such as dyslexia, are caught early by trained professionals, learning strategies and proper treatment can help them to succeed academically and to develop a positive self-image. I believe that this legislation will be a very important step in ensuring that our nation's children are adequately prepared for lifelong reading success. I urge my colleagues to join me in this effort by co-sponsoring the Reading Failure Prevention Act of 2004.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Madam Speaker, it certainly is my honor and my pleasure to join with the Congressional Black Caucus in this special order. Before I get started, I could not help but hear the comments of my colleagues from the other side. I just find it so interesting that the chairman said just a moment ago, we should not get caught up in who shot John. But over the last hour or so, that is exactly what has been done. The fact still remains that John Kerry went to war, that John Kerry earned medals, that John Kerry gave his blood, sweat and tears for this country, and it is interesting that while John Kerry and others fought in Vietnam where, sadly, 58,000 young men and women died and he fought alongside of them for what this country is supposed to be all about and upholding our Constitution, and the fact is that when he came back and he provided his observations, by the way, exercising his first amendment rights of freedom of speech, now some many years later he is being criticized for what he said. Madam Speaker, I think that in this country we have to be very careful that if on the one hand we are going to salute the flag, shed tears at baseball games when the Star Spangled Banner is played, stand up over and over again for our men and women who are in harm's way, I think one of the greatest things that we can do to honor them is not be about the business of tearing up anyone for doing exactly what those men and women in Iraq and in Vietnam and in Korea and in other wars have done. What they are there about is uplifting our Constitution. John Kerry had the right to come back and express his observations. I, too, like the last speaker on the other side, am getting tired of this back and forth of who did this and who did that. But the fact still remains that when all of the dust clears and when we look at what in fact did happen, there was a man named John Kerry that got on a plane and went to a foreign land called Vietnam, that he obeyed the orders of his Commander in Chief, that he stood up in a war over and over and over again. I am not even going to get into what the President may have been doing or not been doing. But I do know that another thing we should not do, and I think it is as denigrating to our soldiers when we go after one of them who has already served and when he comes back and expresses his views, is to say to him that there is something wrong with you. We must be about the business of upholding this wonderful document called the Constitution of the United States of America. And so, Madam Speaker, before I begin, I just want to take a moment to salute our troops. I salute the young men and women who I see at Walter Reed Army Hospital with amputated legs and arms and hands. I salute our young men and women, and the Congressional Black Caucus, we salute the young men and women who are standing up for us over and over and over again and obeying the commands of their Commander in Chief. I salute the families of those who have lost men and women, husbands, wives, friends, relatives, fathers, daughters, aunts, uncles in this war in Iraq. So let it not be said that while members of the Congressional Black Caucus before this war started stood up and said to the President, please, do not go to war, now that we are there, we salute our troops and we pray for them. Madam Speaker, tonight we come as the Congressional Black Caucus to the well of this House to talk about some very interesting situations in our country that are domestic as opposed to foreign. There are many people in our country who are watching us tonight who at the end of the week will have no paycheck. When their daughter or son comes and says, mommy, can I go to the movie with my friends, they will not have the money to give to them. The reason for that, Madam Speaker, is because they have no jobs. So we rise as the Congressional Black Caucus this evening to discuss the state of our Nation's economy. As you well know, Madam Speaker, we are now approaching graduation season. I am sure that you and many other Members of this great Congress will be fanning out across the country delivering commencement addresses at local colleges and universities. In fact, next Saturday I will be traveling to North Carolina to speak to the 2004 graduating class of Shaw University. Madam Speaker, I have to be honest with you, I really have been wrestling with exactly what I am going to tell these optimistic, intelligent young people about their prospects of finding a job once they have earned their degrees. At this very moment, Madam Speaker, there are over 8 million people without a job in America. The members of the Congress Black Caucus and I have come to the House floor time and time again to remind this Congress and the president of this fact. Over 8 million people, some of whom are probably watching this special order right now on C-SPAN, some of them unable to watch it because they cannot afford cable, but those people woke up this morning without a job. There are people in small-town America, in rural America, in urban America, in black America and in white America that have not yet realized the recovery of the economy because they are still without a job. The truth is, Madam Speaker, our Nation's unemployment situation is not just reserved to the service industry or the manufacturing industry. All segments of our economy have been affected, and, as a result, all segments of our population are feeling the awful sting of joblessness. So, Madam Speaker, what do I tell these young people at Shaw University? Should I tell them to hold on to their degree until President Bush's trickle-down economic policies take hold? Should I tell them that this President has yet to create one net job, but if they just hold on for one, two, maybe three years longer, that will change? What do I tell them, Madam Speaker? Madam Speaker, it is indeed time for change in this country. It is up to us, the stewards of government, to turn this cycle of fiscal and economic mismanagement around. Next Friday, the Department of Labor will release its monthly report on this Nation's unemployment situation. Unlike last month, I hope this month's report will reveal a decrease in the African American unemployment rate, which is consistently almost double that of the national rate. So that we will be clear on what those numbers are, African American unemployment in this country is 10.2 percent. The national rate is 5.7 percent. It is interesting that just a few weeks ago the New York Times published an article where it said that in New York, 50 percent of African American males are unemployed. They did not say the unemployment rate is 50 percent. The reason why they did not use the words ``unemployment rate'' is because those are people they can measure. They concluded there were 50 percent of the African American males who did not have a job. Madam Speaker, while Wall Street is celebrating a rebounding economy, people on Main Street, America, are agonizing over how to simply pay their bills. In March, more people exhausted their Federal unemployment benefits than in any other month in the last 30 years. These educated, hard- working Americans are now unable to find a job and unable to receive the Federal help that was allowing them to feed and clothe their families in the interim. As I travel throughout my district, the number one request that I get from my constituents is, Mr. Cummings, can you help me find a job? There are almost 120,000 people in my home State of Maryland that were unemployed in March. To be honest, I have trouble explaining to them why it is that, despite their skills, despite their education and their desire, they are unable to find gainful employment in this great land of opportunity. When I think of my constituents who just want to provide for their families, I cannot help but be bothered when I hear the President and my colleagues on the other side of the aisle blame all of the country's economic woes on September 11, corporate scandals and the drumbeat to the Iraq war. I realize that my colleagues are probably facing the same questions from their constituents regarding unemployment as the folks in Baltimore and Howard County are asking me. But let me remind my Republican colleagues that every President and every administration has had to overcome significant challenges. How about World War II, the Cuban missile crisis, the Vietnam War, the Watergate scandal, the Iran hostage situation, the Cold War and the first Persian Gulf War? I could continue on, but my point is that every President has faced these types of challenges, and still, and still, managed to create jobs, except one since the Great Depression, and that is George W. Bush and this Republican House and Senate. So, Madam Speaker, we either need to change the policies or change the leadership of this country. I would submit that we should do both. With that, Madam Speaker, I yield to the distinguished gentlewoman from the great State of California (Ms. Lee).

Mr. CUMMINGS. Madam Speaker, if the gentlewoman will yield just for a moment, as I listened to the gentlewoman I could not help but think about the fact that so often when people hear the words ``Congressional Black Caucus'' they automatically assume that this is a caucus that just speaks for African American people. When the gentlewoman talked about the rally and all of the people who had been laid off up there in Ohio, I could not help but think, and the gentlewoman can tell us, were we talking about a rainbow of different colors? It is not just, I am sure it was not just African Americans.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Madam Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield to the gentlewoman from the State of Ohio (Mrs. Jones).

Mr. CUMMINGS. Madam Speaker, I want to thank the gentlewoman for her statement. Sometimes people ask the question, why is it that members of the Congressional Black Caucus continue to stand up on these issues. Somebody asked, they said, well, you may stand up on these issues, but you may not win. And one of the things that former Congressman Gray of Pennsylvania said, and I will never forget it, it is embedded in the DNA of every cell of my brain. He said, ``You may not win every battle, but you set the trend.'' If we do not speak up on these issues, the fact is it seems like a train is going down the track and it seems like we are just kind of going along with it, but what we do week after week and day after day is stand up and say, we have a greater vision for America and we want to do everything in our power to bring that vision into reality. So I really appreciate what the gentlewoman has said.