Elijah Cummings

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, the Congressional Black Caucus and the Congressional Hispanic Caucus have come together tonight to address issues that confront our children, and when I say our children, I mean all children who unfortunately may not have the funds to get off to a good start before they start school officially in the kindergarten. I will have a lot to say about this subject as we go through this hour, Mr. Speaker, but I want to yield first of all to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott), who has been at the forefront of addressing issues with regard to Head Start and faith-based issues and constitutional issues that confront us and has made it his business and has vigilantly stood guard with regard to making sure that programs that are put forth are ones that do not discriminate against people with our own tax dollars. Mr. Speaker, I yield to my colleague from the great State of Virginia (Mr. Scott).

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks on the subject of this special order.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. once said that all of us have a responsibility to prepare our children for the future. I believe that education is the key to preparing our children for the future. The Teacher Recruitment and Retention Act, H.R. 438, before us today, will aid our children by ensuring that qualified teachers are in place in their classrooms. H.R. 438 increases the total amount of student loans that could be forgiven for elementary and secondary school teachers of math, science, or special education teachers in Title I schools. This bill is a good start to providing needed teachers for America's public schools. However, I believe that the bill before us should be expanded to provide increased loan forgiveness for all teachers who commit to teach in high poverty areas. Mr. Speaker, I agree 100% that math, science, and special education teachers are desperately needed for our public schools, but head start, reading and history teachers are also desperately needed. While I will vote in favor of this bill, I am concerned that the Administration and Republicans in Congress are not fully funding education. Later this week, the House is scheduled to take up the Labor, HHS, and Education appropriations bill that will shortchange many of the key promises made to parents and children in the bipartisan ``No Child Left Behind Act.'' In fact, whether it's Head Start, public education, or college loans, my Republican colleagues talk about accountability while failing to fund these vital programs. In essence, the Republican leadership is bringing new education bills up for a vote before making good on promises made in last year's education bill. It is time to leave the rhetoric behind and live up to our commitment. Our children deserve no less. I now urge Congress and the President to follow through on the promise made to students across America a year ago. We can start by making good on this promise by providing more funds in this year's Labor, HHS, and Education appropriations bill.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to speak against the Labor, Health and Human Services and Education Appropriations bill, H.R. 2660. Mr. Chairman, if this bill is enacted, the consequences to most Americans will be horrendous. This bill is proof positive of the Republican gameplan of promises made in domestic authorizing bills becoming promises broken when it comes time to fund them during the appropriations process. This bill fails all of the American people. That is because in this bill, significant domestic programs--K-12 and higher education, Title I, IDEA, after-school programs, Pell Grant Assistance grants, College Work Study Assistance, Perking and SEOG grants, health care, and healthcare research at the National Institutes of Health (NIH), maternal and child health programs, job training programs, and summer youth programs at the Department of Labor, as well as the LIHEAP program and the Child Care Development Block grants to name a few--are under-funded or level-funded. There is no fixing this bill, it is necessary that we scrap this bill and start over. Many Americans are going to wonder why if this bill is so bad that the Democrats are not going to offer a slew of amendments to make it better. Fellow countrymen, I say to you, this bill is atrocious and beyond repair. But in an effort to make it better, we are offering a comprehensive substitute under the skilled auspices of Mr. Obey that would add an additional $5.5 billion in funding to this bill offset by the recent Bush tax cut. This bill only offers a total $3.3 billion increase over last year's funding--which represents a mere 4 percent increase in education, the lowest increase in the past 10 years. It only provides a 1.6 percent increase for the No Child Left Behind Act--that's only $382 million more for the bill that holds States to the highest education accountability standards in history. Will these spartan funds carry through on the promises of increased achievement for our children in reading and math? It underfunds IDEA, the program that helps the 7 million children and youth with disabilities by $1.2 billion under the President's budget. It underfunds Title I by $6.1 billion below what's authorized in the No Child Left Behind Act--as we know Title I helps 9 million disadvantaged children nationwide. It allocates only $1.0 billion for afterschool programs for our children, when No Child Left Behind calls for almost twice this amount. This bill provides only a 2.5 percent increase to the National Institutes of Health, when we need at least a 3.2 percent increase to keep up with inflation. Needless to say, important programs related to ending health disparities, maternal and child health, immunizations, and community heath centers will suffer. There are also additional cuts to programs in rural health, important components of the Ryan White AIDS Care program, and nursing education and training programs in the face of a worsening nursing shortage. education Let me continue to recount what is so bad about this bill--quickly since debate is always limited on important spending bills under the current House leadership. As we all know, this bill is supposed to fund K-12 and higher education. However, not only does this bill underfund authorized levels in the No Child Left Behind Act and those anticipated in the Higher Education bill, but it underfunds the President's already under-funded budget. Most importantly, this bill cuts the Fund for the Improvement of Education by 63 percent, Troops to Teachers by 31 percent, Innovation State Grants by 12 percent, Teacher Training in Technology by 100 percent, Community Technology Centers by 100 percent, Occupational Employment Information Center by 100 percent, freezes Pell grants, along with similar freezes in Perkins, SEOG grants, and the Work Study Program. job training This bill also fails to provide any substantial funding increases for vocational and adult education programs. These programs are vital to the nearly two-thirds of Americans that do not obtain a 4-year college degree and to the 25 percent that go to work directly after high school. health care Again, this bill only calls for an overall increase for NIH of 2.5 percent, when we should be increasing funding by at least 3.2 percent just to keep up with inflation. Although doubling funding for NIH over 5 years was completed successfully, this bill reflects the smallest percentage increase in more than 15 years. Needless to say, all of the gains we anticipated in the areas of healthcare research, biomedical research, AIDS research, advances at the CDC, bioterrorism advances and ending healthcare disparities stand to be squandered with this sparse funding. It bears repeating that the community health programs, maternal and child health programs, Child Care Development Block grants and the LIHEAP program that are either cut or flat-funded will suffer under this bill, as will the people who rely on these services. Lastly, we must also mention the $170 million of underfunding in this bill to help end the backlog of administrative cases at our Social Security Administration. It is very disheartening to see the largest and one of the most important non-defense domestic funding bills on the floor of this House, the contents of which completely ignores the cries of the people who most need our help. Mr. Chairman, I ask what message are we sending to our children? I think it is that you are not as important as tax cuts to the wealthiest 1 percent of Americans and your future is not bright if you will need a little help. And let's remember that with unemployment over 6 percent and college tuitions sky-rocketing, many more of our young people are going to need help getting a quality public education. I ask what message are we sending to American families and the 41 million who lack healthcare coverage. Is it that your health is not as important as lacing the pockets of the top 200,000 families with $88,000 extra dollars in tax cuts? Democratic substitute With all of the negative implications that come out of this bill on the floor, needless to say, I would like to lend my support to the thoughtful Democratic substitute crafted by Mr. Obey. This bill would restore funding for our nation's important domestic programs by increasing overall funding by at least $5.5 billion over the Republican bill. It would cost us nothing since it will accomplish this critical increase by scaling back the President's tax cut for the richest 1 percent of taxpayers from $88,000 dollars to $60,000. $28,000! I think this is a small sacrifice to make. I think the American people will agree. The question is clear--are we going to give this $5.5 billion dollars to those who need it least or to those who need it the most--to help educate our children and to provide health care and job training assistance to their families during these difficult economic times? This bill makes the wrong choice. Support the Obey substitute. I urge my colleagues to vote against final passage of this bill.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman for yielding. I want to also thank the gentleman for his leadership. It is no doubt, Mr. Speaker, that the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) is by far the most expert in the Congress on Africa and international affairs. His expertise certainly extends to Europe, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, just to name a few places around the world. His expertise is invaluable; and he is a very, very valuable asset to both the Congressional Black Caucus and this Congress. I have often said of the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) that so often people, Mr. Speaker, determine their response to a crisis by whether they will be uncomfortable. The gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) consistently travels around the globe, not concerned about his comfort, but more concerned about the comfort of those he touches. So I want to thank the gentleman for leading our discussion this evening. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to come to the floor this evening to discuss the state of Africa. Africa deserves and America needs a real strategic alliance with the continent of Africa. It is in the national security of the United States for us to have a strategic alliance with this great continent. Just some brief facts: Africa is the second largest continent in the world, behind Asia. There are 54 countries in Africa. The population of the continent exceeds 770 million people. Mr. Speaker, the economic potential and the natural beauty of the continent is extraordinary. Just this past May, Mr. Speaker, several members of the Congressional Black Caucus visited the nation of Nigeria on the West Coast of Africa. These distinguished members included the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne), the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Jefferson), the gentlewoman from Michigan (Ms. Kilpatrick), the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee), the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Corrine Brown), and the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Meek). Although we mainly went there to attend the presidential inauguration of the Nigerian President, Obasanjo, we gained some valuable insights from our visit. The people of Nigeria admire the people of the United States for how our democracy works. They also admire our form of government. As such, they expressed shock regarding the controversies surrounding the 2000 Presidential elections. They also noted their disappointment regarding the gradual decline in civil liberty protections post-9/11. In this regard, many of these citizens and government officials pleaded with us to defend the true meaning of our democracy because, as they put it, the best way to impact the world is through what America stands for, not by using our unilateral force as the world's only superpower. But this feeling is not just present in Nigeria. The many countries of Africa, 54 in all, their governments and the people of Africa are looking to the United States for leadership and a real partnership. They do not just want rhetoric. Contrary to what many people believe, the people of Africa do not want aid or a handout. What they want is opportunity for a level playing field from the United States, Europe, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund as they pursue economic progress. For many countries, the overwhelming financial debt from loans that were in some cases misused by governments in Africa is now stifling the economic progress of these countries. The payments on these debts are also diverting significant funds away from infrastructure improvements, education and other health needs for the people of Africa. Through all of this, though, Mr. Speaker, the people of Africa are cautiously hopeful about the future. The African Growth and Opportunity Act, AGOA, legislation that was signed into law by President Clinton, embodies the philosophy that the United States, as the world's largest and most technologically advanced economy, can and should do more to contribute to Africa's economic development. It is one of the most significant pieces of legislation on Africa to be enacted into law in many years. Now the continued implementation and expansion of AGOA offers our country an opportunity to consider how this Nation can construct a comprehensive African policy that will facilitate Africa's success in the 21st century. Before I close, Mr. Speaker, I must mention the issues of conflict resolution, hunger and disease in Africa. Quite simply, Mr. Speaker, the violence and civil war that has torn so many countries apart, displaced hundreds of thousands of families, killed countless others, and, in my opinion, is one of the biggest impediments to progress on the continent, must end. The people and governments of Africa need to know that it is difficult to make progress if we do not have an end to war and an end to violence. The United States also has a role and our government and State Department should put forward every effort to help bring an end to the wars and conflicts that trouble so many African countries. The Congressional Black Caucus will also continue our efforts in this regard. I agree with the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne); and I applaud him for all of his efforts over the last several years with regard to Liberia, and wholeheartedly support his opinion and his conclusions that we must have peacekeeping forces from the United States in Liberia. With regard to hunger, the Congressional Black Caucus has been at the forefront of advocating for hunger relief efforts all around the world, and we will continue to press the issue. In a world with plenty of food for everyone, we have a moral obligation to feed those who are hungry. I am so honored that our former colleague, Congresswoman Clayton, has continued her battle against hunger around the world since leaving the Congress at the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization in Rome. Finally, Mr. Speaker, the medical diseases. HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis and countless other diseases that plague millions of Africans must be addressed. The Congress, following years of advocacy by the Congressional Black Caucus, passed what I would characterize as a 5-year, $15 billion down payment toward addressing these diseases in Africa. Now we must actually come up with the actual funding to make this commitment a reality. The world is watching, and we must provide the resources to eradicate these diseases. So, Mr. Speaker, I call on this Congress and this country to renew our commitment to working with the people of the great continent of Africa for our mutual benefit. As I have said, it is in our national security and our strategic interests for the continent of Africa to succeed and prosper in our global community. I also take a moment, Mr. Speaker, to thank all the members of the Congressional Black Caucus who have taken time out tonight to express their feelings about Africa and for their hard work over and over and over again, giving their blood, sweat and tears to lift up the people of Africa.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak against the inadequate Medicare prescription drug bill being considered today, H.R. 2473 and in support of the Rangel/Dingell Substitute. With over 40 million elderly and disabled persons covered under the 38-year-old Medicare entitlement, Congress' chief objective should be to ensure that these Americans have access to quality health care coverage. However, today we consider legislation that will do more harm than good because it is the first step in privatizing the Medicare program and as former Speaker Gingrich predicted, causing it to ``wither on the vine''. Passage of this legislation will cause many of our seniors to wither right along with the Medicare program--which will no longer be seen as the social compact with our seniors that this nation embraces. Medicare is the nation's second largest social welfare program. As an entitlement program, it is imperative to realize that with the implementation of H.R. 2473, fee-for-service Medicare payments would naturally increase. This will result in many seniors facing the horrible prospect of being unable to afford the increasing payments. I think many of my colleagues would agree that this is a very troubling proposition and a totally unnecessary result. Additionally, with the establishment of the Voluntary Prescription Drug Benefit Program, seniors again would lose because of the lack of negotiated prices for the prescription drugs. Also, although federal subsidies would be provided to encourage participation, the bill would increase the annual out-of-pocket threshold for many beneficiaries. Once again a pseudo-solution of adding a prescription drug benefit while increasing the cost for persons who need the benefit but will not be able to afford its costs. Furthermore, the use of health maintenance organizations (HMOs) and other private organizations to obtain prescription drugs would deter many seniors from getting the benefit. As Rep. Charles B. Rangel, Ranking Democrat on the Committee on Ways and Means stated, ``to get prescription drug coverage, seniors would have to go to an HMO by another name. Then, all the choices would belong to the private insurance provider--which drugs are covered, which pharmacies you can choose, who your doctor is, etc.'' Mr. Speaker, this bill is an empty pillbox--it is a paltry solution to the problem of providing adequate prescription drug coverage to our seniors; rather, it is creating an inadequate system--based on a provider concept that does not currently exist and will not likely work in practice. A better alternative to H.R. 2473 is The Medicare RX Drug Benefit an Discount Act (H.R. 1199) offered by my friend Charlie Rangel of New York. This prescription drug plan would guarantee that every Medicare beneficiary, no matter where they live, could have a benefit with a $25 monthly premium, $100 annual deductible, 20 percent co-insurance and $2000 out-of-pocket limit. The bill would also: Lower prescription drug cost for all Americans, regardless of whether they are covered by Medicare; Give all Medicare beneficiaries the option of a reasonably priced guaranteed prescription benefit under Medicare; Ensure that senior citizens and people with disabilities receive coverage for the drug that their doctor prescribes; and Provide additional assistance for low-income beneficiaries such that many seniors would pay nothing for their prescription drugs. Unlike the proposal put forth by the Bush Administration and endorsed and worsened by the House GOP Leadership, H.R. 1199 would not require seniors to join an HMO or similar private plan in order to get a prescription drug benefit. In fact, Medicare beneficiaries would be guaranteed a prescription drug benefit rather than offered a marginal, voluntary plan under H.R. 2473. This plan would ensure that we keep our social compact with our seniors. The Republic plan fails to do that. Since its inception 1965, Medicare has provided important protection for millions of aged and disabled persons. H.R. 2473 would be a detriment to improving and securing this system. I lend my voice in opposition and urge my colleagues to vote against H.R. 4273 and to support H.R. 1199.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Madam Speaker, I rise today to speak against the bill being considered today. With over 41 million Americans uninsured, Congress' chief objective should be to ensure that these people have access to quality health care coverage. However, today we consider legislation that actually would be an even greater detriment to the current health insurance coverage crisis, than doing nothing at all. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that over 4 million individuals who currently have health coverage will be switched to lower benefit Association Health Plans (AHP) if this bill is passed. This means that these individuals could be forced into plans that would exclude benefits such as mammography screening, cervical cancer screening, check-ups for children, bone marrow transplants and diabetic supplies. These are critical needs, not options and this is an unfair result. Another flaw with this bill is that it doesn't actually help small employers. The problem for most small employers is not their lack of desire to provide healthcare coverage, but often the lack of cash flow to afford monthly healthcare coverage. However, this bill does not assist small employers or their employees to afford rising monthly healthcare premiums. CBO found that the small businesses most likely to get more affordable coverage with lower premiums under AHPs would be those with the healthiest groups of employees. What this means is that least healthy, older employees and their employers would have higher premiums. This is just plain cherry-picking, which only puts the rest of non-AHP employees at risk of higher rates of coverage. The CBO also estimates that AHPs would provide coverage for less than one percent (1 percent) of the 41 million uninsured Americans. As such, H.R. 660 fails to significantly expand health coverage for the uninsured and in fact, would reduce coverage for those who are currently insured by forcing them to switch to lower benefit AHP health plans. This will drive up the costs for other insured and will result in the loss of affordable health care coverage for at least 1,000,000 employees. This represents a net loss, not a net gain in helping the 41 million uninsured in this country. Any bill that excludes significant health care benefits, especially for women, children and the elderly; that does not significantly expand health coverage for the uninsured; and that may allow minority communities and the elderly to be redlined and denied affordable health insurance, is ``fig leaf'' legislation which will do little to nothing to meet the needs of those small business employers it alleges to help. Every American, despite his/her employer deserves to have first-class health coverage. This bill does not accomplish this goal--which explains why it is opposed by over 500 groups, including the AFL-CIO, AFSCME, the National Governors' Association, many State Attorneys General and many consumer organizations. I lend my voice to this opposition and urge my colleagues to vote against H.R. 660.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Research has shown that for every dollar we spend for Head Start, we save 4 to $7 later on. Of course we are talking about we help children avoid teenage pregnancy, juvenile delinquency, dropping out of school, which later on cost society quite a bit; but just as significant or more, the child has then missed out on his or her dream to be all that God meant for them to be. That is such a sad thing when they are denied the opportunity of getting to where they could be.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, it is certainly my pleasure this evening to come here to the floor of the House to address on behalf of the Congressional Black Caucus two issues that are of paramount concern. Both of them go to the very essence of life and both of them address two populations within these United States who are so often quite vulnerable. Those issues go to addressing our Head Start program, which is one of the most effective programs in the world with regard to lifting up our children so that they can be all that God meant for them to be; and the other one goes to our seniors, with regard to their need for prescription drugs. Mr. Speaker, it seems to me that these generations, the generations that count on us the most, are being neglected, overlooked and underprotected by this Nation's policymakers. My Republican colleagues seemed to be running trains in opposite directions on the same track this week; and, as a result, the programs that benefit children and the services needed by seniors are inevitably headed on a collision course that benefits no one. First, the House Committee on Education and the Workforce is considering the School Readiness Act of 2003. The supposed intention of this bill is to better prepare Head Start graduates to begin kindergarten, as well as to set high standards for preschool readiness, teacher qualifications and comprehensive services. I say the supposed intention, Mr. Speaker, because this bill is, in truth, a thinly veiled attempt to dismantle one of the best tools used by the Federal Government to combat the negative effects of poverty on child learning. It seems evident to me that my Republican colleagues do not believe that the government's role is to provide social services or provide a safety net for the American people. So my colleagues on the other side of the aisle have begun to attack these social programs that lend a hand up to many in hopes of greatly enriching the few with tax cuts we simply cannot afford. My Republican colleagues are masking the true intentions of this bill, Mr. Speaker, and their deceit must be exposed. But this is no surprise, because it has been done before, again and again. The tax cut that passed this House not too long ago, with its sunset provisions, is a good example of Republican attempts to mask the true purpose of legislation. The administration, Mr. Speaker, is claiming that Head Start children do not perform as well as other children once they get to kindergarten. Just the other day, I was at the Union Baptist Church Head Start Center in Baltimore, which is approximately 3 minutes from my home. I went there, Mr. Speaker, to watch little children graduate from Head Start, to hear many of them read on a second and third grade level, yet still we have those on the other side of the aisle who say that Head Start simply does not work. I would say to them that they need to go to the Union Baptist Church in Baltimore, only a 50-minute drive from D.C., and they will see young, beautiful children born into poverty but enriched by caring parents, caring teachers, and administrators at their Head Start center, and they are going to be all that God meant for them to be. But, Mr. Speaker, the comparison of Head Start students with students who are not from poverty situations is a false comparison. Studies have shown that those students who participate in Head Start versus those that are similarly situated but do not participate in Head Start are far better off having been exposed to the Head Start program. But I should be clear: Head Start is not intended to be a solution. It is intended to be a head start. We cannot solve all the problems of society that these kids are exposed to in the Head Start program. I have often seen where children will come to school and because they have not had the advantage of having been in Head Start, a lot of times those students from poor areas are already behind. Then what happens is they will go into a school and the kindergarten teachers tell us that they have to spend a phenomenal amount of time making sure that the other children, the children who are behind, are able to catch up to the other children. So, therefore, all the children are held up. Mr. Speaker, instead of skewing survey results that benefit certain political ideologies, what we should be focusing on is improving what we know works. What we should focus on is strengthening and expanding this vital program for our youth and not seek to undermine and eventually eliminate it as we know it. Mr. Speaker, I now want to discuss Medicare and the proposed prescription drug plan. Mr. Speaker, one's retirement years are often referred to as the golden years. But, today, the high cost of living and our slowing economy are making these golden years very difficult ones to enjoy. For that reason, I urge the House to pass a Medicare prescription drug plan that will alleviate the burdens retired seniors face when they are on a fixed budget. The median household income of 65 and over is a mere $23,118. In my home State of Maryland, 70,000 seniors currently live on incomes that fall below the Federal poverty line of $12,120, yet most of us know that one of the biggest obstacles to enjoying their golden years is the cost of prescription drugs. Eighty percent of American seniors take a prescription drug every day. Of this, approximately 5 million seniors must pay for prescription drugs that cost more than $4,500 a year, while almost 3 million must pay more than $5,800 for their medicines. If we do the math, this comes out to paying anywhere from $375 to $483 per month, on top of the challenges I just mentioned. Mr. Speaker, beyond the numbers are the real stories of real people. When I visit senior citizens throughout my district, the one thing they ask is for us to be honest with them and to pass a meaningful and workable prescription drug plan; and they say, ``Please do it now, Congressman. We can't wait 5 years, because in 5 years we will be dead without our prescriptions.'' One lady told me she must go from pharmacy to pharmacy just to find free samples of the medicine she needs to survive. Another lady told me that she must cut her pills in half in order to save on the cost. And it is not unusual for me to hear stories about how seniors have gone without groceries, electricity, or other necessities just so they can pay for their prescription drugs. These are people that I hope my colleagues will think of as they vote on a Medicare prescription drug plan in the next few weeks. I believe these stories I just shared are not unique to Baltimore. Every Member of this House probably has individuals such as the ones I described in his or her district. Yesterday, the Committee on Ways and Means passed H.R. 2473, the Prescription Drug and Medicare Modernization Act of 2003. That sounds awfully good in name, but it actually undermines the very nature of the health care program that serves more than 40 million elderly and disabled Americans. Although there is a prescription drug coverage provision in this bill, seniors still have to struggle to pay for their medicines. Although the plan would cover 80 percent of drugs that cost between $251 and $2,000, this leaves out millions of people I mentioned earlier whose average cost of drugs is $4,500. This is because the bill passed by the Committee on Ways and Means would provide zero coverage for drugs that cost between $2,000 and $4,900. This is a huge gap where no assistance or coverage is available. I therefore urge my colleagues to, instead, adopt a Medicare prescription drug program that is affordable, available to all seniors and disabled Medicare beneficiaries, offers meaningful benefits, and is available within the traditional Medicare program. We have introduced such a plan, H.R. 1199, the Medicare Prescription Drug Benefit Discount Act of 2003. I applaud my good friend and distinguished colleague from New York Congressman (Mr. Rangel) for sponsoring this bill. I am also a cosponsor, along with most of the members of the Congressional Black Caucus. Another concern I have about the Republican sponsored H.R. 2473 is that it relies heavily on privatization in order to manage cost. The problem with the GOP plan, Mr. Speaker, is that it would force seniors to use private insurance companies for drug coverage rather than relying on Medicare, which by the way seniors have paid for all their lives. They have worked day after day, year after year, given their blood, sweat and tears to support a program which now seems, if the Republicans' efforts are successful, to abandon them. Although supporters of the GOP plan claim that competition would help control cost, the truth is that privatization would open a Pandora's box, because private insurance companies and managed care plans would design the new prescription drug plans. The private companies would also decide what to charge and then decide which drugs seniors would get. And private insurance plans would only have to promise to stay in the program for 1 year. This would result in seniors being compelled to change plans, change doctors, and even change the drugs they take every 12 months. Skeptics who are listening to me right now, Mr. Speaker, may be thinking that this is only speculation. But in April, I spoke with a group of seniors at the Vantage House Continuing Care Retirement Community in Columbia, Maryland, who testified that privatization would be detrimental to the health care needs of our seniors. For example, under a similar program called Medicare-Plus Choice, that was mandated by the Balanced Budget Act of 1997, many seniors have experienced obstacles in receiving quality health care. Medicare-Plus Choice is a Medicare program administered by an HMO. The program was introduced to provide Medicare beneficiaries with access to greater benefits than the traditional Medicare program and, at the same time, to reduce Medicare spending. However, the Alliance of Retired Americans has reported that this goal has failed. For example, over 2.2 million beneficiaries have been involuntarily kicked out of the program since 1999, 327,000 of whom had no other Medicare-Plus Choice program available to them. Nearly 200,000 more beneficiaries are expected to be dropped by their Medicare-Plus Choice plan in 2003. One of the main reasons for the policy cancellation is because providers, such as doctors and hospitals, are increasingly unwilling to accept HMO payments they consider inadequate to cover the cost of care. This is exactly what will happen if the Republican plan is adopted. If we really and truly want to make sure that seniors enjoy their golden years, then this particular bill take us in the wrong direction. Finally, Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to not overlook our concerns. This is not about politics, it is about people, my constituents, who have worked hard all their lives, who have built this country and made it one of the best countries in the world, and now they simply ask that they be treated fairly. I also want to take a moment to thank our leader on the Democratic side, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi). She has been at the forefront of both of these issues, addressing the issue of prescription drugs and addressing the issue of Head Start. Her sensitivity, her constant efforts to bring these issues before the American people is greatly appreciated by our caucus and I am sure greatly appreciated by all Americans. Mr. Speaker, it gives me great honor and great privilege to yield to my colleague, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Watson).

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Watson) talked about block granting and how so many States have deficits, and I understand that California has a large deficit; is that correct?

Mr. CUMMINGS. I thank the gentlewoman. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield to the distinguished gentleman from the great State of Illinois (Mr. Davis) who has also been at the forefront of the fight for Head Start and for prescription drugs for our seniors.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, we look forward to it too, and we really do thank the gentleman from Texas. Mr. Speaker, I want to talk just for a moment about this whole issue of Head Start, and I would like to engage the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee) in a colloquy just very briefly. One of the things we have in my district is a high school called Veneble High School, and this is for special education children, and one of the things that I have noticed is when I go to their graduations, so many of these children have speech defects. So many of them have problems walking. And the interesting thing that I noticed is that when I talked to the principal at one of the graduations, I said how did this happen? And she said if they had had the proper services when they were little, it would have made a world of difference. In other words, if they had had a speech therapist, maybe if a child were given braces to wear on his leg, by the time he got to be 4 or 5, he would have been able to walk properly. So these children then grow up with problems that could have been corrected earlier, and I think one of the advantages of the Head Start program is that it is comprehensive and they look at all aspects of the child's life and try to address them at that early age. Has that been the gentlewoman's experience?

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman. Let me just say this, Mr. Speaker. The Congressional Black Caucus is very concerned about this issue along with the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, and sometimes I think what happens is so often people will hear the words Congressional Black Caucus or hear the towards Congressional Hispanic Caucus and think that we are only addressing issues that affect African American and Hispanic people. That is simply not true. The issues that we address go to the very center of people's lives, and I can think of nothing greater that allows a person to be all that they can be than health issues, making sure they have prescriptions that they need and making sure that our children have the education that they need so that they can get to their destiny. I have often said that our children are the living messages we send to a future we will never see, and the question is what kind of message do we send if we deny a child who was born into poverty? That child did not ask to be born into poverty, but he is born into poverty or she, and so that child has a struggle from the very, very beginning. And I think that if we can help a child at 3 years old and give that child a proper foundation so that they could then go forward in life and have what I call consistent appointments with success, then that child grows up, and that child possibly could be the person who finds a cure to pancreatic cancer or could become the President of the United States. But when they are denied that opportunity at an early age, then so often they go off the road as a straight and narrow path, and the next thing we know, we see them as I see them in my district, so many of them dropping out of school, so many of young ladies having babies as teenagers, and we see the problems that they are confronted with. And Head Start is a program, Mr. Speaker, that has effectively addressed those problems, and again with regard to the prescription drugs, we have to stand up for our seniors.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentlewoman's clarification on those issues. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), someone who has been at the forefront of people issues. When children come on the Earth, we already know that they have gifts; and the question is what will we do as adults to help them develop those gifts. She has certainly been at the forefront of the Head Start program to make sure we maintain Head Start and make it better, as well as a Member who has worked very hard on this issue of prescription drugs.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, the Congressional Black Caucus and the Congressional Hispanic Caucus work very closely on a number of issues. It so happens that we work on the two that we are addressing tonight. There is no greater leader that I have come to know than the head of the Hispanic Caucus, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Rodriguez). Our caucuses have worked hard on many issues. We may not have been able to stop everything, but we certainly were able to throw up a few roadblocks. The fact is that he comes tonight, and I am so glad that our caucuses could join together tonight to address this House. I yield to my friend, the gentleman from Texas, the Chair of the Hispanic Caucus.

Mr. CUMMINGS. One of the things that came out during the Congressional Black Caucus hearing yesterday was a parent from Baltimore, a woman name Portia Deshields, and she said the Head Start program had opened her eyes to so much. First of all, she was a Head Start child, and she placed her child in Head Start. The child just developed by leaps and bounds, had some problems, but Head Start was able to refer them to an appropriate therapist, was able to bring about this type of psychological counseling that the child needed, and then the child was able to graduate from Head Start. But the thing that was so interesting about what she said was by seeing what Head Start had done for her child and by being involved in Head Start, and as I understand it Head Start, the way the legislation is now, that is the present law, parents must be involved. It is a very, very important thing. She sat on the council for her Head Start organization; and the next thing she said she was so moved by what was going on with her child in Head Start and was so moved by the way she could affect her own Head Start program, she decided to go back to school, and in a few years she will be graduating from college. So her child was lifted up. And she and her family were lifted up.

Mr. CUMMINGS. I think just about every State has a deficit, and I think one of the things that we have been most concerned about is if this money then goes to the States, this Head Start money goes to the States, we are afraid what might happen to that money on its way to our children.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks on my special order.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, today, I rise to applaud Congressman Bennie G. Thompson (D-MS) for introducing H. Con. Res. 220, a resolution to honor Medgar Evers and his wife Myrlie Evers-Williams for their accomplishments in fighting for equality in civil rights for African-Americans. While many history books rightfully acknowledge the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X and Rosa Parks as central leaders of the Civil Rights Movement, Evers was also an initial pioneer in the fight for racial justice. Born July 2, 1925 near Decatur, Mississippi, Evers received a Bachelor of Arts degree from Alcorn Agricultural and Mechanical College. In response to the 1954 landmark Supreme Court case, Brown, which declared segregation in educational institutions unconstitutional, Evers applied for admission to the formerly segregated University of Mississippi Law School. Despite the ruling, and despite being qualified, he was denied admission. Upon this denial, Evers began working for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) as the Mississippi Field Secretary in order to effect change. This position included registering people to vote in Mississippi, organizing students at nearby colleges, coordinating and leading protest marches, and challenging bus segregation. Despite his professional successes with the NAACP, Evers was never able to pursue an advanced degree before his death. Like many other civil rights activists of the time, brutality was often brought upon Evers. In fact, he was arrested, beaten, and jailed for his unswerving efforts to combat prejudice and discrimination. Tragically, on June 12, 1963, Evers was violently shot and killed in front of his home. Since his death, his widow, Myrlie Evers-Williams continues to speak out against discrimination and injustice. In 1995, Myrlie Evers-Williams was elected as the first woman chair of the NAACP. So, Mr. Speaker it is only fitting that we gather to remember Medgar Evers for his contribution as a remarkable civil rights leader and for making the ultimate sacrifice in fighting for civil rights--his life. This resolution speaks volumes about the state of civil rights in this nation forty years after Evers' assassination. I support this resolution wholeheartedly and urge all of my colleagues to support H. Con. Res. 220.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to congratulate, Elroy Christopher and Clayton Guyton, who stood up to drug dealers and opened a community center in their Baltimore neighborhood to save it from the ravages of crime and addiction. Mr. Christopher and Mr. Guyton are among an elite group of individuals from across the country selected this year to receive a Robert Wood Johnson Community Health Leadership Program (CHLP) award of $120,000. Elroy and Clayton met while doing volunteer grassroots work to change the environment of crime and drug abuse in Baltimore. In 1999, they combined forces to open the Rose Street Community Center in an abandoned row house and ``take back'' the predominantly African- American neighborhood from drug dealers who sold their wares openly on the street corner. Their goal was to create a ``civil life'' on the street where children could play safely and all residents could live without fear. Despite regular threats, Elroy and Clayton continue to work with residents to help them get addiction treatment and job training. They run a tutoring program for youths in cooperation with nearby Johns Hopkins Hospital, they help organize computer workshops and Bible study classes, and sponsor community events such as cookouts and tree plantings. They also created a program for court-ordered community service participants in which minor offenders clean up the streets in lieu of jail time. In the past two years, they have helped 100 men re-enter the community after being in prison. ``Before these two men began their work, Rose Street was a drug haven with open-air drug markets, intimidation of law-abiding citizens, and violence and murder,'' said their nominator, Polly Walker, Associate Director, Center for a Livable Future. ``Theirs is a single-minded commitment to help others escape the cycle of poverty, drug and alcohol addiction, and crime.'' Mr. Speaker, I proudly ask you to join me in commending Elroy Christopher and Clayton Guyton for their accomplishments in founding the Rose Street Community Center and for their efforts put forth in achieving a 2003 Robert Wood Johnson Community Health Leadership Program (CHLP) award.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise to announce the introduction of the National Great Black Americans Commendation Act of 2003, legislation that will help to bring long overdue recognition to African Americans who have served our Nation with distinction but whose names, faces and records of achievements may not be well known by the public. This recognition primarily will be accomplished through an expansion of national designation of a national treasure, the Great Blacks in Wax Museum, located in my district in Baltimore, Maryland. The legislation also authorizes assistance in establishing a Justice Learning Center as a component of the expanded museum complex. The Justice Learning Center will include state-of-the-art facilities and resources to educate the public, and especially youth, about the role of African Americans in our Nation's justice system. It will include a special focus on the civil rights movement, on the role of African Americans as lawmakers and as attorneys, and on the role of blacks in the judiciary. I am introducing this legislation with the bipartisan support and cosponsor of 47 of our colleagues. This legislation will help to present the faces and stories of black Americans who have reached some of the highest levels of national service but who are generally unknown. A priority will be exhibits presenting black Americans who served in Congress during the 1800s, some born in slavery and others born free. These Americans proudly served their constituencies and this great Nation. I am pleased to inform my colleagues that the museum will showcase the 22 outstanding blacks who served in the United States Senate and House of Representatives in the 1800s, and those from the 1900s such as Senator Edward Brooke and Representatives Julian Dixon, Oscar Stanton DePriest, Lewis Stokes, and many others. The legislation will also help to showcase black Americans who served in senior civilian executive branch positions, such as Ralph Bunche, Frederic Morrow, Robert Weaver, William Coleman, Patricia Harris, Lewis Sullivan, and many others who did not receive the appropriate recognition in the past. The expanded museum will focus on black military veterans, including the Buffalo Soldiers and the Tuskegee Airmen, black judges, lawmen and prominent attorneys, and the role of blacks in discovery and settlement. The Great Blacks in Wax Museum, America's first wax museum of black history, was founded in the early 1980s. The museum occupies part of a city block in east Baltimore and currently includes approximately 200 exhibits. Existing figures depict great black Americans such as Colin Powell, Harriet Tubman, Dr. Martin Luther King, Mary McLeod Bethune, and former Representatives Mickey Leland of Texas, Kweisi Mfume of Maryland, Shirley Chisolm and Adam Clayton Powell of New York. The State of Maryland and the city of Baltimore have contributed over $5 million toward this expansion project, which will occupy an entire city block in the empowerment zone area. The museum is conducting extensive outreach to major corporations and other private donors. This legislation authorizes a Federal share not to exceed 25 percent or $15 million, whichever is less, of the expansion project. Mr. Speaker, I urge all Members to support and cosponsor this important legislation, which will help to educate our Nation and the world about the critical contributions of African Americans in defending freedom and guaranteeing equal rights under the law, in protecting our Nation's interests in times of military conflict, in exploration and settlement of our Nation, and in providing leadership at the Federal level through service in Congress and the executive branch. This museum will ensure that history never forgets the contributions of these great Americans. The Great Blacks in Wax Museum: A Brief History The Great Blacks In Wax Museum, America's first wax museum of African American history, was founded in 1983 by Drs. Elmer and Joanne Martin, two Baltimore educators. However, the Martins' story begins in 1980 when with money they were saving for a down payment on a house, they purchased four wax figures. These they carted to schools, churches, shopping malls, and festivals throughout the mid-Atlantic area. Their goal was to test public reaction to the idea of a black history wax museum. So positive was the response that in 1983, with personal loans, they opened the Museum in a small storefront in downtown Baltimore. The success of the Museum, especially among students on field trips, made it imperative that the Martins find larger space. In 1985, the Martins closed the museum and organized an all-out fundraising effort to secure new and expanded space and to purchase more wax figures. Their efforts allowed them to purchase an abandoned fire station on East North Avenue. After extensive renovations, the Martins re-opened the museum in October of 1988. When the Museum moved to its East Baltimore location, away from the lucrative Inner Harbor tourist market and decidedly off the beaten track, the naysayers declared that few people would venture into a deteriorating community to see a little wax museum. Yet in 1989, the first full year of operation in its new location, 44,000 visitors ventured into the neighborhood to see America's first black history wax museum. The visitorship held at annual average of 44,000 for the next three years and then increased in 1992 to 52,000, 61,000 in 1993, and 81,000 in 1994. In 2002, more than 300,000 people from across the nation visited the unique cultural institution. A September 1994 article in the Afro American newspaper declared the Great Blacks In Wax Museum a ``National Treasure.'' In fact, the Museum serves the entire nation. International visitors have come from France, Africa, Israel, Japan, and many other continents and nations. The Great Blacks In Wax Museum story has been heralded by news media around the world, including CNN, The Wall Street Journal, The Washington Post, The New York Times, The Chicago Sun Times, the Dallas Morning News, Kulturwelt, USA/Africa, The Los Angeles Times, USA Today, Crisis, and Essence Magazine. Approximately 200 wax figures and scenes, a 19th century slave ship re-creation, a special permanent exhibition on the role of youth in the making and shaping of history, a Maryland room highlighting the contributions of outstanding Marylanders to African-American history, gift shop, a mini auditorium for lectures and films are some of the major cultural features of one of America's most dynamic and unique cultural and educational institutions. Planned Exhibits of the National Great Blacks in Wax Museum and Justice Learning Center The following provides additional information about the planned exhibits of the National Great Blacks in Wax Museum and Justice Learning Center. African Americans in Politics, Law and Government historical perspective At the end of the Revolutionary War, more than one-third of the three million people living in the U.S. were not free. Among this group were 600,000 slaves, 300,000 indentured servants, 50,000 convicts, and of course, Native Americans. Of the more than two million free Americans, only 120,000 could meet the requirements set up by individual states at that time for a person to be allowed to vote. These requirements centered around such factors as sex, age, residence, moral character, property, religion, slave versus free status, and race. By the end of the 1800's, most states had also added property and tax paying requirements to the list and many individuals who had been eligible to vote lost their privilege. As more and more Blacks gained their freedom (either by purchasing it themselves or by being emancipated upon the death of their masters), states began to change their constitutions so as to exclude Blacks. Moreover, Blacks were denied the right to vote in every state (except Maine) that entered the union between 1800 and 1861. The Civil War brought about a drastic change in the pattern of taking away the vote from Blacks because suddenly four million slaves were transformed into citizens possessing the right to vote. Within three years, the 15th amendment to the U.S. Constitution had given the right to vote to all male citizens regardless of race. Women, however, would not gain voting rights until decades later with the passage of the 19th amendment. Following the Civil War, Blacks in the South voted in large numbers and elected many Blacks to office. Indeed, between 1870 and 1901, 22 African Americans (two Senators and 20 Representatives) were elected to the U.S. Congress. However, two factors were about to have a dramatic effect on Black voting rights: (1) the fear among many white people that Blacks would now gain political power, and (2) the effort of many government officials to impose punitive measures on the South, which succeeded in undermining the 15th Amendment and depriving Blacks of the vote. Southern state after state began to enact laws that stripped away the right to vote of Blacks outright or that introduced such restrictions as the poll tax and the literacy test. And what these restrictions failed to accomplish were more than made up for by the Ku Klux Klan and other hate groups. By 1910, every Southern state had such controls. By 1902 not a single Black sat in either a state or federal legislature. Moreover, every state university and public facility that had once been desegregated was now segregated again. Hope was reborn in the early part of the 1900's as leaders like W.E.B. Dubois began to exert pressure on the government to reinstate voting rights for Blacks. The effort of this more aggressive Black electorate and the success of Franklin Roosevelt in convincing Black voters that as President he would be committed to principles of equality would transform a traditionally Republican Black voter into a staunch supporter of the Democratic Party, a tendency which continues up to the present. During the later decades African American participation in the political process has been influenced by the forces operating at the time. During the 1930's it was the migration of Blacks from the South to the North and from the country to the city. The 1960's created a sharp rise in the political consciousness of Blacks due in part to the enthusiasm generated by the Civil Rights Movement. Throughout the past several decades, African Americans have been selected for political offices in ever- increasing numbers. Many of them have made their imprint on history. In a 3,000 square foot gallery within the future National Great Blacks in Wax Museum and Justice Center consisting of the latest in interactive, multimedia technology, visitors will learn about: The Civil Rights Struggle--Early Rights Movements; Civil Rights at the End of the Civil War; Civil Rights in the 20th Century; Civil Rights Activists. The Legal Battleground--The Legal Status of African Americans: 1790-1883; African Americans and the Criminal Justice System; African Americans in the Federal Courts; African American on the U.S. Supreme Court; Major Federal Legislation; Major U.S. Supreme Court Decisions; Pioneering Jurists, Attorneys, Judges. The Political Race--The role of African Americans in Politics from the Colonial Era to Today; African American Elected Officials and Political Appointees; Legalized Oppression; Women and Politics. Black Americans in Congress: 19th Century The following great Black Americans will be featured in future exhibits in the National Great Blacks in Wax Museum and Justice Learning Center: Blance Kelso Bruce--U.S. Senator (R-MS), 1872-1881. Blance Kelso Bruce was born in slavery near Farmville, Prince Edward County, Virginia on March 1, 1841. Having been tutored by his owner's son, Bruce escaped slavery at the beginning of the Civil War, taught school in Hannibal, Missouri, and later attended Oberlin College, in Ohio. After the war, he became a planter and local government official in Mississippi. Elected as a Republican, he was the first Black American to serve a full term in the United States Senate. Following his Senate service, Bruce was appointed Register of the Treasury and Recorder of Deeds for the District of Columbia. Richard Harvey Cain--Member of Congress (R-SC), 1873-1875; 1877-1879. Richard Harvey Cain was born to free parents in Greenbrier County, Virginia, on April 12, 1825. Prior to his election to Congress, Cain was a minister and served as a delegate to the Constitutional Convention of South Carolina, and as a member of the State Senate. He was the first Black clergyman to serve in the U.S. House of Representatives. Following his Congressional service, he was appointed bishop of the African Methodist Episcopal Church in Washington, DC. Henry Plummer Cheatham--Member of Congress (R-NC), 1880- 1893. Henry Plummer Cheatham was born in slavery near Henderson, North Carolina on December 27, 1857. After graduating from Shaw University in Raleigh, he served as principal of the Plymouth Normal School and register of deeds for Vance County. He was the only Black member of the 52nd Congress (1891-1893). In addition to his Congressional service, Cheatham served as a delegate to two Republican National Conventions. Robert Carlos DeLarge--Member of Congress (R-SC), 1871- 1873. Robert Carlos DeLarge was born in slavery in Aiken, South Carolina on March 15, 1842. Prior to his Congressional service, he engaged in agricultural pursuits and served as a delegate to the State Constitutional Convention, as a member of the State House of Representatives, and as State Land Commissioner. DeLarge was an early organizer for the South Carolina Republican Party. He chaired the Platform Committee of the 1867 Republican State Convention. Robert Brown Elliott--Member of Congress R-SC, 1871-1874. Robert Brown Elliott was born in Liverpool, England on August 11, 1842. He graduated from Eton College in England, studied law, and practiced law in Columbia, South Carolina. He served as a member of the State Constitutional Convention, of the State House of Representatives, and as Assistant Adjutant General of South Carolina. Following service in Congress, he served in the South Carolina House of Representatives, where he was elected Speaker, and subsequently was elected Attorney General of South Carolina. Jeremiah Haralson--Member of Congress R-AL, 1875-1877. Jeremiah Haralson was born in slavery on a plantation in Georgia on April 1, 1846. He was taken to Alabama as a slave of John Haralson, and remained in bondage until 1865. Haralson engaged in agricultural pursuits, became a minister, and served in the Alabama State House of Representatives and Senate before his election to Congress. As a Member of Congress, he supported general amnesty for former Confederates. John Adams Hyman--Member of Congress R-NC, 1875-1877. John Adams Hyman was born slave near Warrenton, North Carolina on July 23, 1840. He was sold and sent to Alabama, and then returned to North Carolina in 1865. Hyman became the first Black Member of Congress elected from North Carolina. In addition to his Congressional service, Hyman served as a delegate to the State Equal Rights Convention, the State Constitutional Convention, the 1867 Republican State Convention, and as a member of the State Senate. John Mercer Langston--Member of Congress R-VA, 1890-1891. Johnson Mercer Langston was born in Louisa, Virginia on December 14, 1829, He graduated from Oberlin College, studied law and practiced as an attorney in Ohio. Langston was instrumental in recruiting Black troops during the Civil War. After the war, he moved to Washington, DC and served as Dean of the Law Department and as Acting President of Howard University. In addition to his Congressional service, he served as a delegate to the Republican National Convention. His descendant and namesake was the renowned poet Langston Hughes. Jefferson Franklin Long--Member of Congress R-GA, 1870- 1871. Jefferson Franklin Long was born in slavery near Knoxville, Georgia on March 3, 1836. He developed the trade of a merchant tailor in Macon, Georgia. Long was a statewide organizer for the Republican Party, and served on the state Republican Central Committee. Following his Congressional service, he was a delegate to the Republican National Convention in 1880. John Roy Lynch--Member of Congress R-MS, 1873-1877, 1882- 1883. John Roy Lynch was born in slavery near Vidalia, Louisiana on September 10, 1847. He was later taken to a plantation in Natchez, Mississippi. Following emancipation, he served as a justice of the peace and a member of the Mississippi House of Representatives, where he was elected Speaker. In addition to his Congressional service, Lynch was a delegate to five Republican National Conventions, chairman of the Republican State Executive Committee, a member of the Republican National Committee for the State of Mississippi, temporary Chairman of a Republican National Convention, Auditor of the Treasury for the Navy Department, and an officer in the Spanish-American War. Thomas Ezekiel Miller--Member of Congress R-SC, 1890-1891. Thomas Ezekiel Miller was born to free parents in Ferrebeeville, South Carolina on June 17, 1849. He served as School Commissioner of Beaufort County, a member of the State House of Representatives, and of the State Senate. Following his Congressional service, Miller served as a member of the State Constitutional Convention in 1895, and as president of the State College in Orangeburg, South Carolina. George Washington Murray--Member of Congress R-SC, 1893- 1895, 1896-1897. George Washington Murray was born in slavery near Rembert, South Carolina on September 22, 1853. In addition to his Congressional service, he was a schoolteacher, inspector of customs at the port of Charleston, South Carolina, a realtor, writer and lecturer, and a delegate to several Republican National Conventions. Charles Edmund Nash--Member of Congress (R-LA), 1875-1877. Charles Edmund Nash was born in Opelousas, Louisiana on May 23, 1844. A bricklayer by trade, Congressman Nash also served as Inspector of Customs and Postmaster. James Edward O'Hara--Member of Congress (R-NC), 1883-1887. James Edward O'Hara, the son of an Irish merchant and a West Indian woman, was born in New York City on February 26, 1844. He studied law in North Carolina and served as clerk for the Constitutional Convention of North Carolina in 1868. In addition to his Congressional service, he served in the North Carolina House of Representatives, as chairman of the board of commissioners for Halifax County, and a member of the State Constitutional Convention in 1875. Joseph Hayne Rainey--Member of Congress (R-SC), 1870-1879. Joseph Hayne Rainey was born in slavery in Georgetown, South Carolina on June 21, 1832. A barber by trade, he escaped to the West Indies and remained there until the close of the Civil War. He served as delegate to the State Constitutional Convention in 1868, a member of the State Senate, and Internal Revenue Agent of South Carolina. Rainey was the first Black American to be elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, and in 1874 became the first Black Member to preside over a session of the House. Alonzo Jacob Ransier--Member of Congress (R-SC), 1873-1875. Alonzo Jacob Ransier was born to free parents in Charleston, South Carolina on January 3, 1834. In addition to his Congressional service, he served as a member of the State House of Representatives, as a member of the State Constitutional Conventions in 1868 and 1869, as Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina, as Chairman of the Republican State Central Committee, as delegate to the Republican National Convention in 1872, and as Internal Revenue Collector. James Thomas Rapier--Member of Congress (R-AL), 1873-1875. James Thomas Rapier was born to free parents in Florence, Alabama on November 13, 1837. A cotton planter, he was appointed a notary public, was a member of the first Republican Convention held in Alabama, and member of the State Constitutional Convention at Montgomery in 1867. In addition to his Congressional service, Rapier served as Assessor of Internal Revenue, Alabama Commissioner to the Vienna Exposition in 1873, and U.S. Commissioner to the World's Fair in Paris. Hiram Rhodes Revels--U.S. Senator (R-MS), 1870-1871. Hiram Rhodes Revels was born to free parents in Fayetteville, North Carolina on September 27, 1827. A barber and ordained minister, he assisted in recruiting two regiments of Black troops at the outbreak of the Civil War. Revels served as chaplain of a Black regiment in Vicksburg, Mississippi, organized Black churches in the State, and was a member of the State Senate. He was Secretary of State Ad Interim of Mississippi, and president of Alcorn University in Rodney, Mississippi. Hiram Revels was the first Black American elected to the United States Senate. Robert Smalls--Member of Congress (R-SC), 1875-1879, 1882- 1883, 1884-1887. Robert Smalls was born in slavery in Beaufort, South Carolina on April 5, 1839. He became an expert pilot of boats along the coasts of South Carolina and Georgia and learned the Gullah dialect of Sea Islanders. In addition to his Congressional service, Smalls was a member of the State Constitutional Convention 1868, served in the State House of Representatives and in the State Senate, and was twice a delegate to Republican National Conventions. Representative Smalls is currently featured in the Great Blacks in Wax Museum. Benjamin Sterling Turner--Member of Congress (R-AL), 1871- 1873. Benjamin Sterling Turner was born near Weldon, North Carolina on March 17, 1825. Raised as a slave, he moved to Alabama and was elected Tax Collector of Dallas County and Selma City Councilman. He was the first Black Member of Congress from Alabama. Following his Congressional service, Turner was a delegate to the Republican National Convention in 1880. Josiah Thomas Walls--Member of Congress (R-FL), 1871-1873, 1873-1875, 1875-1876. Josiah Thomas Walls was born in Winchester, Virginia on December 30, 1842. He moved to Florida and was a delegate to the State Constitutional Convention in 1868, and served in the State Senate prior to his election to Congress. George Henry White--Member of Congress (R-NC), 1897-1901. George Henry White was born in Rosindale, North Carolina on December 18, 1852. He was the last former slave to serve in Congress. In addition to his Congressional service. White was Principal of the State Normal School of North Carolina, a member of the State House of Representatives and the State Senate, a solicitor and prosecutor, and was twice a delegate to Republican National Conventions. Discovery and Settlement: Black American Pioneers Current Exhibits--The following exhibits are currently on display in the Great Blacks in Wax Museum collection: Matthew A. Henson (1866-1955) was an international explorer and the first person to reach the North Pole as a member of Commodore Robert E. Peary's 1909 expedition. He later chronicled his experiences in the book A Negro Explorer at the North Pole (1912). President William Howard Taft appointed Henson to the position of Clerk in the U.S. Customs House in New York City, a position Henson held until 1936, when he retired. In 2000, the National Geographic Society posthumously awarded Henson the coveted Hubbard Medal for Distinction in Exploration and Discovery. James Weldon Johnson (1871-1938), renowned writer, poet and statesman, and NAACP executive director, observed: ``Your West is giving the Negro a better deal than any other section of the country. There is more opportunity for my race, and less prejudice against it in this section of the country than anywhere else in the United States.'' Bill Pickett (1870-1932), born to former slaves in Texas, was one of the greatest cowboys that ever lived. Known to tackle a steer and other beasts without a lariat, he is credited with originating the rodeo sport known as ``steer wrestling.'' Pickett was the first Black cowboy to appear in Western movies, and the first Black inductee into the National Cowboy and Rodeo Hall of Fame. Future Exhibits--The following exhibits are planned for the National Great Blacks in Wax Museum and Justice Learning Center: Henry Adams (1843-?), born into slavery, led the ``Black Exodus,'' a migration of 40,000 African Americans to the Free State of Kansas. ``Exodusters'' settled all-Black towns and were able to achieve a significant measure of economic and political freedom. All-Black Towns. All-Black towns were established in Western states and territories during the late 1800s. In California, these include Kentucky Ridge (Placerville), Negro Bar (part of Folsom), Negro Slide (in Pumas County), Negro Tent (located between Comptonville and Goodyear), and Negro Hill (near Sacramento). In Oklahoma, they include Bernon, Boley, Brooksville, Clearview, Grayson, Langston, Lima, Redbird, Rentiesville, Summit, Taft, Tatums, and Tullahassee. James Pierson Beckwourth (1798-1866), who escaped from slavery, played a major role in the exploration and settlement of Western states. Beckwourth fought in the California Revolution in 1846, and became chief scout for General John C. Fremont. The town of Beckwourth, California was named after him, as was Beckwourth Trail, an overland route he charted from Sparks, Nevada across the Sierra Nevada to Lake Oroville, California. He was the only Black frontiersman to record his life story. George Bonga (1802-1880) was a renowned fur trader and trapper born in Minnesota. The grandson of Jean Bonga, the first Black settler in the Northwoods (1782), he could speak English, French and Ojibwa. In 1820, he served as interpreter for Minnesota Governor Lewis Cass at a council held in Fond du Lac territory. In 1837, Bonga successfully apprehended Che-Ga Wa Skung, a Chippewa Indian wanted for murder. The subsequent trial at Fort Snelling became the first trial for a criminal offense held in Minnesota. Clara Brown (1800-1885), born into slavery, traveled to Denver, Colorado as a cook on a wagon train. Brown was the first Black woman to cross the plains during the Gold Rush. She settled in Central City, Colorado, established its first laundry, accumulated wealth, and brought freed slaves to Colorado. She was made an honorary member of the Society of Colorado Pioneers. Buffalo Soldiers--In the late 1800s, the all-Black 9th and 10th U.S. Army Cavalry Regiments and 38th Infantry served in New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado, Utah, Nevada, Kansas, Oklahoma, Wyoming, Montana, Texas, and the Dakotas. They built forts and roads, strung telegraph lines, protected railroad crews, escorted stages and trains, protected settlers and cattle drives, and fought outlaws. Indians called them ``Buffalo Soldiers,'' and the soldiers wore the title proudly. Jean Baptiste Pointe DuSable (1745-1818) established the first permanent settlement of Chicago, Illinois in 1790. He owned a highly profitable trading post which became the main point of supply for traders and trappers heading West. His granddaughter born in 1796 was the first child born in Chicago. Estevanico (1503-1539), an African enslaved by the Spanish, led an expedition from Mexico into the territory of the American Southwest in 1538 and is credited with the discovery of the area that became the states of Arizona and New Mexico. Mary Fields (1832-1914), born a slave, became a renowned figure on the American Western frontier known as pistol- packing ``Stagecoach Mary.'' In 1895, she was hired as a U.S. Mail coach driver for the Cascade County region of central Montana, becoming the first Black woman to drive a U.S. Mail route. She and her mule Moses never missed a day, and thus she earned her nickname ``Stagecoach'' for her unfailing reliability. Henry O. Flipper (1856-1940) was the first Black graduate of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, and the first Black Army commissioned officer. A Buffalo Soldier, Flipper was stationed at Fort Sill, Oklahoma and Forts Concho, Elliott, Quitman and Davis, Texas. He was a signal officer and quartermaster, installed telegraph lines, and supervised road building. Flipper directed construction of a drainage system at Fort Sill that prevented the spread of malaria. ``Flipper's Ditch'' is a National Historic Landmark. Thomas ``O.T.'' Jackson (1846-1906), a barber from Watsonville, California, was a tenor in several internationally prominent Black minstrel groups in the late 1800s. He headlined numerous engagements, including performances before King Edward VII of England. His improvisational musical technique influenced various music styles in the West in the 20th century, as well as the development of Jazz and other African American music forms. William A. Leidesdorff (1810-1848), the son of a Danish sailor and a Black woman from St. Croix, Virgin Islands, came to Yerba Buena (San Francisco) in 1841. Within three years he owned waterfront property and the largest house in San Francisco. Leidesdorff built San Francisco's first hotel, helped establish it first public school, launched the state's first steamship, and staged its first horse race. He also acquired a 35,000-acre parcel of land encompassing modern Folsom, California. Leidesdorff died just after his neighbor and trading partner John Sutter discovered gold. Nat Love (1854-1921), better known as ``Deadwood Dick,'' was born into slavery in Tennessee and moved to Dodge City, Kansas. He became a rugged cowpuncher, champion rodeo rider and roper, and cattle driver. In 1907, Love wrote a highly romanticized autobiography portraying a life filled with Indian fights, famous outlaws, and amazing feats. In so doing, he sought to become accepted as the prototype of the dime novel ``Deadwood Dick'' series. Bridget (``Biddy'') Mason (1818-1891), born a slave in Mississippi, trekked with her owner's family to San Bernardino County, California. Once in California, Mason petitioned the courts for freedom, which was granted in 1856. Business and real estate transactions enabled her to accumulate a substantial fortune, and she gave generously to charities, providing food and shelter for the poor of all races. In 1872, she founded and financed the first African American church in Los Angeles. George Monroe delivered mail in the mid-1800s by Pony Express between Merced and Mariposa, California. He became a stage driver, and was chosen to drive President Ulysses Grant to Yosemite, where an area called Monroe Meadows is named after him. Mary Ellen Pleasant (1814-1904), known as the ``Mother of Civil Rights'' in California, spent most of her life in San Francisco where she provided shelter for fugitive slaves. In 1866, she petitioned the California courts by suing to overturn the Mission and Northbeach Railway Company's policy segregating the races, and she later won a judgment of $600. Bass Reeves (1824-1910), born to slave parents in Texas, became the first Black commissioned U.S. Deputy Marshal west of the Mississippi River. Reeves lawfully killed 14 notorious outlaws in the performance of his duty over 32 years. He was honored with the ``Great Westerner'' award by the National Cowboy and Rodeo Hall of Fame. William Robinson delivered mail by Pony Express from Stockton, California to gold miners. Jeremiah B. Sanderson (1846-?) opened the first Black schools in Oakland, Sacramento, San Francisco and Stockton, California. Cathay Williams (1842-1924), born a slave, is believed to be the only woman to serve as a Buffalo Soldier. In 1866 she joined the 38th Infantry, one of four all-Black military units, pretending to be a man (William Cathay). She served at Forts Riley and Hacker in Kansas, and Forts Bayard, Union and Cummings in New Mexico, until military medical personnel discovered that she was a woman. Her commander reported her to be a ``good soldier.'' ``York,'' a slave, was a member of the 1804-1806 Lewis and Clark Expedition and served as William Clark's lifelong servant and companion. Great Blacks in the Executive Branch The following great Black Americans are planned for future exhibits in the National Great Blacks in Wax Museum and Justice Center: Clifford L. Alexander, Jr., a native of New York City, was Foreign Affairs Officer in the National Security Council during President John F. Kennedy's administration and Secretary of the Army during President Jimmy Carter's administration. He was the first Black to lead a Branch of the United States Armed Services. Mary Frances Berry, a native of Nashville, Tennessee, was Assistant Secretary for Education, U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, during the Carter administration, and Chair, U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, during President William J. Clinton's administration. Mary McLeod Bethune, a native of Mayesville, South Carolina, was a member of the Advisory Committee on National Youth Administration during President Franklin D. Roosevelt's administration; member of Roosevelt's ``Black Cabinet.'' She is currently featured in the Great Blacks in Wax Museum. Ralph Bunche, a Detroit native, was Senior Social Science Analyst, Office of Secret Service, during the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration. He also served as Undersecretary in the United Nations Secretariat, and Undersecretary for Special Political Affairs during the Eisenhower administration. The recipient of the 1950 Nobel Peace Prize, Bunche's record of service and honors received is extensive. William Coleman, Jr., a Philadelphia, Pennsylvania native, was Secretary of Transportation during President Gerald R. Ford's administration. He was the second Black cabinet member ever appointed. John P. Davis, together with Ralph Bunche, founded the National Negro Congress during the 1930s. Davis was a member of Franklin D. Roosevelt's ``Black Cabinet.'' Drew S. Days III, a native of Atlanta, Georgia, was Solicitor General of the United States and Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights during the Carter administration. Patricia Roberts Harris, Secretary of Housing and Urban Development and Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare in the Carter administration, was born in Mattoon, Illinois. She was the first Black female cabinet member ever appointed, and the first Black person appointed to two cabinet positions. William H. Hastie, a Knoxville, Tennessee native, served as Attorney, Office of the Solicitor, U.S. Department of the Interior, in the Franklin D. Roosevelt, and was a member of Roosevelt's ``Black Cabinet.'' Dr. Benjamin L. Hooks is a native of Memphis, Tennessee. In 1972 President Nixon named Hooks, a lawyer and Baptist minister, to the Federal Communications Commission, making him its first Black member. From 1977 to 1993 he was executive director of the NAACP. Dr. Hooks is currently featured in the Great Blacks in Wax Museum. Kay Coles James, of Virginia, served as head of the National Commission on Children during the Reagan and Bush I administrations, and as Associate Director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy under the first Bush administration. She currently serves as director of the Office of Personnel Management under President George W. Bush. Eugene Kinckle Jones, a native of Richmond, Virginia, was a member of Franklin D. Roosevelt's ``Black Cabinet.'' Gwendolyn S. King, a native of East Orange, New Jersey, was Commissioner of Social Security in the George H.W. Bush administration. Thurgood Marshall, a native of Baltimore, Maryland, was Solicitor General of the United States in President Lyndon Johnson's administration. He subsequently served as Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court. Frederick D. McClure, a native of Fort Worth, Texas, was Assistant to the President for Legislative Affairs, the White House, during the George H.W. Bush administration, and Special Assistant to President Ronald Reagan for Legislative Affairs. Wade H. McCree, Jr., a native of Des Moines, Iowa, was Solicitor General of the United States in the Carter administration. E. Frederic Morrow was Speechwriter and Administrative Officer for Special Projects, the White House, during the Dwight D. Eisenhower administration. Morrow was the first Black person to serve in an executive position on a president's staff at the White House. He chronicles his experiences in the book, ``Black Man in the White House'' (1963). Azie Taylor Morton, a native of Dale, Texas, was a member of the Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity in the Kennedy administration. Morton also served as National Director of the U.S. Savings Bonds Division and Treasurer of the United States, U.S. Department of the Treasury, in the Carter administration. Constance Berry Newman, was Director, Office of Personnel Management, in the George H.W. Bush administration and Under Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution in the George H.W. Bush and Clinton administrations. Newman has also served as Assistant Secretary of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, Director of VISTA, and Commissioner and Vice-Chair of the Consumer Product Safety Commission. She is currently Assistant Administrator for Africa, U.S. Agency for International Development, in the George W. Bush administration. Condoleezza Rice, a native of Birmingham, Alabama, served as Senior Director for Soviet and East European Affairs, National Security Council, and Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, in the George H.W. Bush administration. She currently serves as National Security Advisor in the George W. Bush administration. Samuel R. Pierce, Jr., a native of Glen Cove, New York, was Secretary of Housing and Urban Development under the Reagan administration. Colin L. Powell (1937-), a native of New York City, served as National Security Advisor under the Reagan administration and Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, under the George H.W. Bush administration. He currently serves as Secretary of State in the George W. Bush administration. Secretary Powell is currently featured in the Great Blacks in Wax Museum. Louis F. Sullivan, M.D., an Atlanta, Georgia native, was Secretary of Health and Human Services under the George H.W. Bush administration. Terence A. Todman, a native of St. Thomas, U.S. Virgin Islands, was Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs under the Carter administration. Robert Weaver, a Washington, DC native, was a member of Franklin D. Roosevelt's ``Black Cabinet''; Special Assistant for Negro Affairs, Office of the Administrator of the U.S. Housing Authority, in the Kennedy administration; and Secretary of Housing and Urban Development under the Johnson administration. Weaver was the first Black cabinet member ever appointed. Clifford R. Wharton, Jr. was Deputy Secretary of State in the Clinton administration. Walter White, a native of Atlanta, Georgia, was member of Franklin D. Roosevelt's ``Black Cabinet.'' J. Ernest Wilkins, Sr., a native of Chicago, Illinois, was Assistant Secretary of Labor for International Affairs under the Eisenhower administration. Andrew Young (1932-), a native of New Orleans, Louisiana, was appointed U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations by President Jimmy Carter. He previously served three terms in Congress as a representative from Georgia.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters) for her passion on this issue and so many other issues. Just the other day, the gentlewoman stood in the meeting of the Congressional Black Caucus and poured her heart out with regard to her concerns for our children. I think everybody in the room could feel that passion. One of the things that I think hit us real hard was we all realize, and I know the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters), who has been standing up for these kinds of issues over and over again, time after time, we all realize that our children are the living messages we send to a future we will never see. So tonight the Congressional Black Caucus joins together, and I want to thank all members of the caucus. We come to stand up for our children. As the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) said, they are not just children that may be found in South Baltimore or West Baltimore, but they are the children that will be found in Appalachia and poor regions throughout our country; and when I say poor, I mean economically poor. Since 1964, Head Start has given nearly 19 million American children the educational, nutritional health, and related services that are essential to early childhood development. The ongoing Family and Child Experiences Survey has consistently documented the success of this national partnership for America's future. If Head Start did not exist, we would have to invent it. This year the survey again reported that teachers in Head Start centers are effectively preparing our children for school. I note this fact because some critics would have us believe otherwise. Throughout this country, Head Start is a bridge to the future being constructed by local communities with help from their national government; and that is what we should be all about, communities coming to the aid of their children, those children that come from their womb and whose blood is running through those children's veins, trying to lift them up so they can be all that God meant for them to be. That is what the national Family and Child Experiences Survey tells us. I can validate the survey's conclusion because Head Start funding is making an important and positive difference in the lives of more than 10,000 Maryland children this year. Many of these children live in my hometown of Baltimore. Some attend a wonderful Head Start program at Union Baptist Church just down the street from my home. Every time I pass that Head Start center, I feel a warmth and I see a beacon of light in a very, very depressed area. When I visit these children and their teachers and parents in Head Start programs throughout the Baltimore area, I am reminded of the fact that they are looking at our children and seeing all of the wonderful things that are within. And these teachers are just like a sculptor who looks into a piece of wood and sees a wonderful, wonderful piece of art and understands that he has to use his tools to carve and bring out that piece of art. It is the same thing with our wonderful and very dedicated Head Start teachers. I am deeply gratified that this year more than $76 million in Head Start funding will give Maryland children a head start in life. It is a moral and practical investment in our future. Nationally, we know that every dollar we spend on Head Start saves taxpayers between $4 and $7 down the road. For all the good that Head Start is doing, however, we must not lose sight of the fact that Head Start could be doing so much more if the program were adequately funded. This is what the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters) has been talking about over and over again. Today Head Start only serves approximately 60 percent of the children who are eligible. Funding was raised to almost $6.7 billion for fiscal year 2003; and for fiscal year 2004, the administration has proposed another small increase to just under $6.8 billion. These small increases in funding that we have achieved in recent years represent positive and important steps forward. Nevertheless, as we consider reauthorization this year, we should step up to the plate and finally give Head Start the funding that would allow every eligible child to participate. We should guarantee a head start in life to every American child who needs our help. The Nation's teachers, through their National Education Association, stand full square behind this vision. I realize that extending a head start to every deserving child would be very expensive. But I say to Members that when I visit the jails in Baltimore and I see our children in shackles and handcuffs and I look at their reading levels and the average reading level is less than a fifth-grade reading level, that tells me something. So we must ask the question is it better to pay later when our children are locked up and not achieving the things that they should be achieving, or is it better to invest in them when they are growing up in their formative years? The estimated cost would be an additional $29 billion over the next 5 years. Think about all this Nation would receive in return for additional investment in our future. We would be living in a country that made a meaningful commitment to truly leaving no child behind. We would be saving money in the long run because of reduced costs for special education, social services, teen pregnancy, juvenile crime, and other problems down the road, a true head start for every American child. This is a vision that all Americans can support. We have been working hard during my years of service in the House to make Head Start even better. We have set strong national standards for Head Start that complement the power of Head Start's local Federal partnerships. We have maintained our traditional emphasis on substantial parent involvement. We are succeeding. That is why we should resist Republican efforts to transfer management of Head Start to the States. The bill proposed by my Republican colleagues with the supposed purpose of enhancing the schools' readiness of low-income and disadvantaged students is grossly misleading. The supposed demonstration project being proposed will block grant funding of Head Start to certain States. I maintain this will not enhance the school readiness of students, but is instead a thinly veiled attempt to weaken and dismantle this very powerful and significant Federal program. When I think of the Republican proposal, a certain quote by Reverend Joseph Lowery comes to mind. Reverend Lowery once asked, ``Will America lose her soul for political chicanery? Would you give a balanced budget on the backs of the poor? Would you have welfare reform for the poor while the rich corporations continue to enjoy tax exemptions and subsidies? America, what would you give in exchange for your soul? Would you reduce school lunches for poor children in exchange for your soul?'' Well, Mr. Speaker, I would ask one more question in addition to those posed by my friend, Reverend Lowery. Tonight I ask America if she would dismantle one of a few Federal programs that gives poor children a hand-up in exchange for her soul. Facing crippling budgetary crises, the States should be concentrating on their traditional K-12 education role. Let us help the States succeed in K-12 education first before we consider turning early childhood education, nutrition, and all of the other services Head Start provides over to State governments. Local leadership has always been the foundation of Head Start's success. Local leadership, high standards, and increased Federal support can assure every American child a head start in life. Our children are indeed our living message that we send to a future we will never see, and it is our duty in this Congress to assure that the living messages this generation sends to America's future are filled with competence, confidence, and hope. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for her leadership.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise to support H.R. 2030, the Patsy Takemoto Mink Post Office Building offered by Representative Ed Case. Congresswoman Patsy Mink was a trailblazer who fought for the passage of the Women's Educational Equity Act--landmark legislation. This groundbreaking legislation, Title IX, promoted educational equity and opened the playing fields for millions of girls and women. Patsy Mink stood up and spoke up for girls and women. She was a member of the Government Reform Committee and I am please that I had the opportunity to work with her. She will be missed but her legacy will continue not only in the naming of this post office but in the legislative policies she supported. I join my colleagues in honoring Patsy Mink for her service and for being a true role model for women and all Americans.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise this evening to discuss the state of Health Care in America. Mr. Speaker, we have a health care crisis in America and in particular, we have a crisis in the African-American community with regard to disparities in treatment and access to care. Mr. Speaker, the Congressional Black Caucus has made Universal Health Care the centerpiece of our agenda. The Congressional Black Caucus believes that everyone in America should have some basic level of health care coverage. Mr. Speaker, today, as in the past, being Black in America is a medically dangerous condition. Being Black and poor can be deadly. That is a national tragedy that the Congressional Black Caucus is determined to end. In 1998, President Clinton committed this Nation to eliminating racially based health disparities by the year 2010. As a result of this initiative, in the report entitled ``Unequal Treatment: Confronting Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care'' issued March 2002, the IOM research team concludes that: Americans of color tend to receive lower-quality health care than do Caucasians and that African-Americans receive inferior medical care--compared to the majority population-- even when the patients' incomes and insurance plans are the same. These disparities contribute to higher death rates from heart disease, cancer, diabetes, HIV/AIDS and other life-endangering conditions. The Report found that African-American Medicare patients were almost 4 times less likely than their Caucasian counterparts to receive needed coronary bypass surgery. Black seniors were nearly 2 times less likely to receive treatment for prostate cancer. Older Black Americans were 3.6 times more likely to have lower limbs amputated as a result of diabetes. Mr. Speaker, access to health care is becoming a critical issue for Black and Hispanic-Americans. Overall, more than 40 percent of nonelderly African-Americans (12.5 million) and more than 50 percent of nonelderly Hispanic-Americans (18.5 million) had no health insurance in 2001-2002. Minority children face obstacles in getting the health care they need. In 2001, there were 9.2 million uninsured children, the majority of them were minorities: 36 percent were Hispanic and 18 percent were Black. Four-and-a-half million Black children now receive their health coverage through Medicaid or SCHIP (the Federal health program for children), and 4.7 million Hispanic children get healthcare through Medicaid or SCHIP. That is why Medicaid, which provides health care coverage to low- income Americans, is critical to minorities. The most recent data show that 9.8 million Blacks and 6.4 million Hispanics need Medicaid to get access to health care. Mr. Speaker, despite these disparities the Bush budget continues to shortchange healthcare. To pay for the tax cuts for the wealthiest 5 percent, the Republican leadership under-funds numerous health programs including the Ryan White program, eliminates the Community Access Program, cuts the Veterans Health programs and the SCHIP program. Despite these disparities the Republicans cut funding for Medicaid coverage for children, low-income seniors, people in nursing homes, and the disabled. And the Bush administration wants to block grant Medicaid--cut the funding by $3.2 billion over 10 years and give the money to the States to let the States spend it on other competing priorities. This will basically dismantle Medicaid's guarantee of access to healthcare for low-income individuals. Mr. Speaker, this sort of policymaking does not make sense in the ``land of plenty.'' I can only quote my good friend Jocelyn Elders who stated, ``We, in our society believe that every criminal has a right to a lawyer. But yet we are one of only two countries, the United States and South Africa, who does not believe that every sick person should have a right to a doctor.'' Mr. Speaker, every American is entitled to access to quality healthcare. That's why I cosponsored Congressman John Conyers' bill to provide health insurance to every resident of the United States. Our bill, the United States National Health Insurance Act, H.R. 676, would provide all individuals residing within the United States with insurance covering primary care, and preventative health services, prescription drug coverage, emergency care, and mental health services. In essence, it would expand Medicare to cover all Americans. Mr. Speaker, I realize that this is going to be a long hard fight. But I am convinced that the time for a ``single-payer'' system has come. If we can spend hundreds of billions of dollars in an effort to protect the American people from foreign attack, we can raise and spend the money that it will take to protect the American people from dying before their time from accident or disease on our soil. If we can give universal health coverage to those on foreign soil, we can also do it for our own citizens. It's time to make health care a civil right for all Americans, my friends. That is the hard lesson that Americans of color learned from our experience with this Nation's health care system. And that is the same hard lesson that many, many other Americans are learning today. We speak truth to power, when we declare that discrimination and racial disparities continue to plague our system of health care. Increasing the number of qualified minority physicians and other health care professionals--and assuring that they are adequately compensated for their work--are core prerequisites to transforming that equation. That is the truth--but it is not the whole truth. It also is true that: Most poor children in America are not Black; Most sick children in America are not Black; And most Americans who cannot afford health insurance are not Black. Mr. Speaker, these American children are our children, whatever may be the color of their skin. We must never allow the virus of racial division to infect our vision of what it means to be human beings. Lastly Mr. Speaker, I implore my Republican colleagues to correct the injustice in the recently passed tax bill that denies millions of poor families, those making between $10,000 and $26,000 the Child Tax credit of $400 they so desperately need. We should not shift the tax burdens from the wealthy to the working poor. These families need our help--we should give it to them. Restore fairness to the tax bill--tax cuts to the wealthy should not out millions of families. Lastly, I thank my friend Danny Davis for leading this floor effort.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. One of the things that I notice in talking to our mayor and talking to city officials, we have discovered that crime seems to go up when unemployment is high; and I guess it is kind of a logical correlation. You would hope it would not be, but it is. People when they are pushed against the wall, I think, are sometimes forced to do things they might not normally do because the basic instinct of people is to survive. Sadly, we have seen that in our city where people lose their jobs. I guess this is another factor that comes to play there, a lot of people do not realize how significant a job is. A job helps you to do for your family. If someone has got a child or got a family, they want to be able to take care of their family when the little girl comes home and says, Mommy, we are going on a class trip, something as simple as that, and mommy has to say I cannot afford that $5 or that $7 for that class trip. All of that kind of stuff is painful. I have not even gotten into things like food and shelter, things that are basic needs. But that has to wear on folks. And that is the toll that we, I guess, a lot of people do not think about it. We think about the economic side, but we do not think about the wear and tear on people. Again, one of the things about having a job is that it gives people a sense of worth because they feel as if they are contributing. So we do not know how all of those factors come together to really be quite harmful not only to the individuals, but certainly if you got mommy and daddy in a bad mood trying to figure out how they will make ends meet, I am sure that does not make for a happy and consistently healthy household.