Elijah Cummings

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentlewoman for her statement. One of the things that you said that I found so very interesting when you were talking about all of these people losing their jobs, 2.7 million since President Bush has come in to office, but one of the things that is so interesting, too, is we are very concerned about health care. A lot of these jobs that folks are losing had health insurance benefits that accompanied them, and so then we got a lot of people who have no insurance.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, tonight the Congressional Black Caucus comes together to address this House because we are very concerned about many Americans who may be watching us at this very moment who do not have a job. As a matter of fact, Mr. Speaker, there are about 8.8 or 8.9 million of them. We come to talk about them because we want them, Mr. Speaker, to know that we care about them, and we care about what happens to their families. Mr. Speaker, the temporary Federal unemployment benefits program that we passed not very long ago will expire on May 31. In just 10 days, Mr. Speaker, thousands of Americans will lose their unemployment benefits, and then approximately 80,000 more will lose their benefits weekly. Since the beginning of President Bush's administration, our economy has lost over 2.5 million jobs. Mr. Speaker, that is a lot of jobs, 2.5 million. We must understand that these are not just numbers or some statistical phenomenon that I am talking about. These are real, everyday Americans who have lost their jobs and who, after next week, will not be able to feed their children, pay their bills, or provide for their most basic needs. Mr. Speaker, I speak with my constituents every day, since my district is close to Washington and I commute to and from Baltimore on a daily basis. The constituents I represent are very, very worried, as are millions of Americans around the country. Last Monday morning, any commuter driving near my Baltimore office would have noticed a long line at around 8 o'clock in the morning curling around the building called the Fifth Regiment Armory. From the appearance of the line, one could have easily thought it was a group of music fans waiting in line to buy tickets to some concert. However, this was not the case at all. These individuals were in line to attend my Seventh District Job Fair that I host in Baltimore every year. They got up early to meet with 50 regional employers who have vacancies despite a rough economy. I might add, Mr. Speaker, that normally we would have 120 employers, but the fact is that many employers said that they have no jobs to give. One of the other things we were trying to get, Mr. Speaker, was employers who offered health insurance benefits. Many of the employers who had participated in the past said that they had to drop those benefits because of the economy, so we ended up with 50 employers. Throughout the day, my job fair brought about 3,000 job seekers to meet with these employers. But compared with recent years, most of the people who attended the job fair this year were there because they had been laid off. In the past, when I would interview people throughout the day in the job fair, I would often find that they were people who had a job who were just merely trying to get a better job, or they were people who had two jobs and they were trying to get a job that paid enough money so they would only have one job, or it was someone who was in a situation where they had no health benefits and they were trying to get a job with health benefits. Ninety percent of the people that I interviewed said something to the effect that they got laid off from a job that they never, ever expected to be laid off from. They went on to say that they anticipated that they would be out of work for a few weeks, and many of them had been out of work for 5, 6, 7 months. Mr. Speaker, I am sure that this scene that I witnessed and this testimony that I heard last week at my job fair is not unique. I would not be surprised if other job fairs had record attendance, as mine did, and that people were saying the same kinds of things. My point, Mr. Speaker, is that when presented with opportunities, Americans want to work. When presented with the opportunity, they want to work. But until the economy turns around and people can find work, Mr. Speaker, unemployment benefits are all these Americans have to make ends meet. So I ask Members to join us in calling upon every Member of this Congress to demand that they join us in passing H.R. 1652, the Unemployment Benefits Extension Act, that I have joined my colleague, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel), in cosponsoring. This bill, H.R. 1652, would extend the Temporary Federal Unemployment Insurance Program by 6 months and would extend the number of additional weeks of Federal unemployment benefits from 13 weeks to 26 weeks. This Congress must take action as soon as possible. The American people have a right to ask whether President Bush and our Republican colleagues in Congress will help the millions of Americans whose benefits will expire on May 31. I might add a footnote, Mr. Speaker, that the new numbers will come out on June 6. At that time, we anticipate that the numbers will be even higher, somewhere in the area of 3 million jobs having been lost since President Bush became President. The fact is that the Republican majority refused to include any extension of benefits in the tax bill that passed the House, and the majority has shown no signs that they will extend unemployment insurance before it expires. I should add, Mr. Speaker, that we are proposing to help American workers who are out of jobs through no fault of their own. They want to work. Extending unemployment benefits is a proven strategy for stimulating our economy. The Republicans seem, Mr. Speaker, to have decided that, instead of helping unemployed workers, they should give the average millionaire nearly $100,000 in tax breaks. Something is simply wrong with that picture. I hope that we who are privileged to serve the people of America in this Congress of the United States of America will change that harsh and unproductive picture by passing H.R. 1652. Lastly, Mr. Speaker, let me be very clear. Ending unemployment compensation does not provide incentive for Americans to find invisible jobs. Instead, extending unemployment compensation increases demand for goods and services and serves to create real jobs for those Americans who are able and willing to work. So, Mr. Speaker, I am troubled when some people begin to compare unemployment compensation to an entitlement. Is it not the government's responsibility to provide these benefits when the economy is weak? Was the unemployment trust fund not established to accomplish this very purpose, to cushion the financial blow to average Americans during times of recession and joblessness? Mr. Speaker, the answer to both questions is a resounding yes. It gives me great honor and great privilege, Mr. Speaker, to recognize my colleague, the gentlewoman from the great State of California (Ms. Lee), who has consistently synchronized her conscience with her conduct. She has consistently made it clear that she stands up for the people who cannot stand up for themselves, stands up for those who may be down and out, and stands up for those who think that they are not being heard. But tonight she stands up for so many people who are unemployed, who simply want to work. Mr. Speaker, I yield to my friend, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee).

Mr. CUMMINGS. The gentlewoman and I have been here so often when our colleagues cite all kinds of passages from the Bible and talk about how we are supposed to do for our brothers and sisters. It makes me wonder sometimes whether we are reading the same document when it comes to folks that are having the problems that they are having. This whole idea of unemployment benefits, even if we did not see it as a moral issue, if we put that aside and say I just want to deal with the economics, the economics would tell us that this is good for America. So I thank the gentlewoman, and I thank other members of the Congressional Black Caucus who have submitted statements. We know that there are many Americans who are depending on us to continue to stand, and we will stand.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentlewoman for joining me and joining our caucus, the Congressional Black Caucus, in addressing these issues. So often I think people would ask the question: Why is it that members of the Congressional Black Caucus and other members of our party would take the time to speak up on these issues? I guess they would wonder, is there any hope? I believe that we have no choice. When we see people who are down and out and going through problems, we have no choice but to speak up for them. The fact is that their tax dollars, the $80 billion that the gentlewoman talked about a few moments ago, the downpayment on the Iraq war, the same people that are unemployed today, those were their tax dollars that were used for the Iraq war. Their tax dollars are the same ones that our President says that he is going to rebuild all of the schools and educational facilities over there in Iraq. They are the same tax dollars. Their same tax dollars are providing universal health care in Iraq. Their same tax dollars that they paid are going to create an election system that will, I am sure, rival the one that we might have in this country. They are merely saying, okay, if we can do all of that with our tax dollars, then why can I not be rescued when I am drowning because I do not have a job, through no fault of my own; and if I could work, I would work, and I would continuously and happily contribute to our economy and pay my taxes? It is very painful when we think about it. So that is why we stand here and stand up for folks, because we know that there are many Americans who are saying, well, that makes sense, and they need a voice. So that is why we are here.

Mr. CUMMINGS. One of the things that I always admired about the United States is how whenever there was tragedy in any part of the country, be it a tornado or be it problems, big fires or whatever, Americans have a sense that we want to rally to that part of our country that has a problem. FEMA is out there whenever we have a disaster, and we want that to happen because we want all Americans to be strong. And here we have a situation where we have many Americans who are suffering. It is one thing to have an idea of how you are going to make ends meet, but when you are sitting there and you are trying to figure out how are you going to pay these bills, I mean, to me that is a situation that is a state of emergency, too, because people still have to feed their children. They still have to buy tennis shoes. They still have to do the things that they do from day to day. So you would think that when this whole unemployment insurance law came into effect, it came into effect basically to try to deal with situations where people were out of work through no fault of their own. As a matter of fact, if you look at the entire structure and the regulations that go with unemployment insurance, that is basically what it goes to, people who are out of work because of no fault of their own. So here we have this emergency situation, people who fit the category, it just so happens that we have an economy that is on the downstroke and not doing very well, and so with that same sense of rescue that FEMA does, I would hope that we would do the same thing. But the fact is that time is running out. That is why we are here tonight, trying to say to this Congress that there are people who are suffering and who are in a state of emergency.

Mr. CUMMINGS. As I close, Mr. Speaker, I would just say that I visited a school the other day, and I was thinking about the little children who were standing up and putting their little hands to their hearts. I would say probably a third of these children had parents who were unemployed. As I watched them put their little hands up to their little hearts, these little first graders, and say, ``I pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America,'' and go on and say, ``one Nation under God, indivisible,'' that every time we get to the ``one Nation'' piece, it makes me on the one hand feel very proud that this is one Nation, but on the other hand I feel sad that one Nation applies in certain instances; but when it comes to the weak in that Nation, suddenly we go our separate ways. So we have a lot of people hurting, and the question is: What will we do to help them?

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks on the subject of my special order.

Mr. CUMMINGS. One of the recent reports that came out showed that when you increase those unemployment benefits, for every dollar you are bringing in $1.73 to stimulate the economy because that money is circulating. I found that very interesting, because I was just talking to people in my neighborhood. When I visit the barber or visit the local grocery stores or small grocery stores in my neighborhood and talk to the shoe repair people, I kind of try to get a feel for how business is. And you would think that a lot of times people do not realize how when people are not working it effects almost everybody. There is such a chain. It is like a chain with a lot of links. If a person is not working, that means he may not be getting a haircut. That means the barber will not go and do certain things. One of the things that was interesting, most of the people I have talked to over the last 3 or 4 months told me business was down. One of the things they say is that they can almost predict how much business they will have based upon the season of the year. It may be small restaurants or whatever, but they said that they have been seeing their charts are going down, down, down with regards to income, which means that they are having to lay off a lot of people.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce a resolution urging the Citizen's Stamp Advisory Committee and the United States Postal Service to issue a commemorative stamp to honor Hattie McDaniel. I urge my colleagues to support this resolution. Ms. McDaniel was the first African American to receive an Academy Award in 1939 for Best Supporting Actress for her performance as Mammy in ``Gone With The Wind.'' Hattie McDaniel was born June 10, 1895 in Wichita, Kansas. Hattie McDaniel was a pioneer in the entertainment industry and helped open doors for other black entertainers. She was the first black performer to star in her own radio program, ``Beulah,'' which later became a television series. Ms. McDaniel had other significant roles including playing Queenie in ``Show Boat,'' Aunt Tempy in ``Song of the South,'' and appearing in ``The Little Colonel'' with Shirley Temple. Hattie McDaniel died of breast cancer on October 2, 1952. She was the first African American to be buried in Los Angeles's Rosedale Memorial Park Cemetery. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased that the Citizen Stamp Advisory Commission is currently considering a proposal to issue a Hattie McDaniel stamp, which is an outstanding tribute to an accomplished actress and American.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I now yield to the distinguished gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott).

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my hour to the distinguished gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters), former chairwoman of the Congressional Black Caucus.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his wonderful statement, and I yield now to the distinguished gentleman from the great State of Illinois (Mr. Davis).

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman. And may I inquire, please, as to how much time I have left.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman, and it certainly gives me great pleasure, Mr. Speaker, to yield to my colleague from South Carolina, who has just dedicated his life to tearing down barriers that are separating people from opportunity and has given so much over the years and not even worrying about his own convenience. And he is, of course, a former chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus and vice chairman of our Democratic Caucus from the great State of South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn).

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman for his statement. The gentleman talked about his grandfather. I could not help but think about my father and many of the Congressional Black Caucus members who will come here tonight are descendants of former sharecroppers and, of course, slaves, but I will never forget as I was just about to introduce the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn) when my father, who was denied an education living in Manning, South Carolina, only got to first grade because he was made to plow the fields and plant the cotton. I will never forget on the day that I was sworn in standing where the gentleman is standing right there, my father came down and met me out here in the hallway after the swearing in, and the only time I had ever seen my father cry, tears were rolling down his face. I said, Dad, what is wrong? He said, now I see what I could have been if I had been given the opportunity to have an education. So that is just a perfect segue to our colleague, the former chairman, but first I will yield to the gentleman.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the distinguished gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Clay), who too has worked hard in the area of making sure that these living messages that we send to a future we will never see are well educated and who are treated fairly and allowed to be all that God meant for them to be.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise this evening to begin the Congressional Black Caucus Special Order to commemorate the 49th anniversary of the United States Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision. Mr. Speaker, the Brown v. Board of Education decision is one of the greatest decisions of the United States Supreme Court. That decision eliminated the ``separate but equal'' doctrine in our public school systems and ended what was one of the most abhorrent policies ever put in place in the United States. ``Today, education is perhaps the most important function of State and local governments. It is required in the performance of our most basic public responsibilities, even service in the Armed Forces. It is the very foundation of good citizenship. Today, it is a principal instrument in awakening a child to cultural values, in preparing him for later professional training, and in helping him to adjust normally to his environment. In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity when the State has undertaken to provide it is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms.'' Mr. Speaker, these are the words that former Chief Justice Earl Warren delivered in his opinion of the Brown v. Board of Education case on May 17, 1954. These words still ring true today. This Saturday will mark the 49th anniversary of the Brown v. Board of Education decision, and sadly, Mr. Speaker, 49 years later, the promise of Brown v. Board of Education still has not been realized. The State of our public education system is extremely fragile. Not only are we living in a society where our public schools are unequal, but we are living in a society, 49 years after the death of Jim Crow, where our students are still learning in separate environments. In the 2000/2001 school year, at least half of the black students in the State of Maryland attended intensely segregated minority schools. A report released by the Harvard Civil Rights Project last year found that the city of Baltimore has the most segregated school system in the entire Nation; the most segregated school system in the entire Nation, Mr. Speaker. I have the privilege of representing an economically diverse district, and I also have the privilege of visiting many of those public schools in my district. It always troubles me when I visit these schools and I am able to witness firsthand the disparities that exist. In affluent areas of my district, the students have a computer on every desk, while in the less affluent areas of my district, children seldom get to use a computer. Let me be clear. I am in no way saying that the children in affluent areas do not deserve the highest-quality educational resources that can be afforded them. But what I am saying, Mr. Speaker, is that all children deserve these same educational tools, regardless of the color of their skin or the size of their parents' paycheck. Not only do the schools in my district have an unequal distribution of resources, but they also have an unequal distribution of funding. In the 2000 school year, Maryland districts with the highest child poverty rates had $911.95 fewer State and local dollars to spend per student compared with the lowest poverty districts. Therefore, a public school teacher with 25 students in a low-income district had to find a way to prepare her students to succeed academically with almost $22,800 less than a public school teacher of the same subject in a more affluent neighborhood. Mr. Speaker, when are we going to stop punishing our children for being born into a socioeconomic environment that is out of their control? When is our character as a Nation going to mature to the point where we recognize that our future is decided by the investments we make in all of our children and generations yet unborn? Mr. Speaker, when presented with these disparities, some raise the question of whether or not an increase in school funding for schools with majority African American students or schools with majority low- income students would really make a difference. Are these children capable of achieving, some may ask? I submit to my colleagues that the question is not whether or not our kids can achieve, because not only can they achieve, but they are achieving despite the inequities. For example, Mount Royal Elementary School in Baltimore, with a 99 percent African American population, the fifth graders outperformed all students in the State of Maryland on the State math assessment test for 2 years in a row. Although the previous example illustrates that our children can achieve despite unequal funding and resources, we should not force our children to survive on crumbs from the table. It is robbery to deny our children the tools needed to learn. It is an offense of the highest degree, for not only are we stealing their future, but we are stealing ours as well. Mr. Speaker, this discussion of separate and unequal is not only about buildings and dollars; it is also about having challenging curriculums, quality teachers, and real assessments that provide teachers with usable feedback in a timely manner. This discussion of separate and unequal is about not only ending discrimination by law, but about ending discrimination by practice in our country. When we leave our Nation's Capitol this evening and walk on to the Washington streets, we will be walking into a tale of two cities, and this is probably true in many of the major cities in America. One part of our city is going to bed this evening filled with all of the material things in life. In the other, children will go to bed hungry. One city will live long and prosper due to the most advanced medical technology in the history of humanity. The other city, Mr. Speaker, will sicken and die before its time. One city is enjoying the fruits of educational opportunity. The other city seeks to educate its children with overcrowded classrooms and outdated books. That reality is why we must seize this moment to remember the struggle that culminated in Brown v. Topeka Board of Education. That is why we must use this position of trust given to us by the people of the United States of America to reaffirm the vision and values that remain the foundation of that decision. An America that is separate is inherently unequal, and we must never accept that as a way of life. That is why, Mr. Speaker, the Congressional Black Caucus has made H.R. 236, the ``Student Bill of Rights,'' the centerpiece of our education legislative agenda. The legislation of the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah) would move beyond theory and make equity in our K through 12 system a reality. It would require States to have a plan of action to eliminate the unequal funding of our public schools. Mr. Speaker, I urge the United States House of Representatives and the United States Senate to pass this legislation. We must get on with the business of helping our public schools and securing our children's future. We do not have a day to spare. Mr. Speaker, it gives me great honor to yield to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Millender-McDonald), who has fought continuously over many, many years in the State legislature and here in this House for children.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to urge all of my colleagues to vote against H.R. 1261, the Workforce Investment and Adult Education Act (WIA). WIA authorizes and funds employment, training, literacy, and vocational rehabilitation programs for adults and dislocated workers, as well as activities for disadvantaged and low-income youth. I have numerous concerns with the legislation before this House. However, I want to briefly discuss just two of the reasons that make this bill flawed. H.R. 1261 would jeopardize the quality of training provided to workers. This bill fails to help the thousands of Americans who are looking for work or in need of additional job training. H.R. 1261 takes away dedicated funding for vulnerable workers by consolidating funding for Employment Services and service to adults and dislocated workers into block grants. Mr. Speaker, given that unemployment numbers for the month of April rose to 6 percent, a four-month high, it does not make sense that this vital program would lose funding. But most troubling is the fact that H.R. 1261 would permit faith- based organizations that receive WIA funds to hire or fire employees based on religion. This reverses the federal government's stance of fighting against federally-funded discrimination by exempting religious organizations from anti-discrimination requirements. It also reverses the policy that until now has been supported on a bipartisan basis-- because it is the only right and sensible policy. It is the only true American policy. I ask my colleagues to reject this bill. Provisions in H.R. 1261 would undermine programs designed to aid dislocated workers and public policy aimed at protecting workers from discrimination. American workers need and deserve better.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to ask all of my colleagues to support this resolution that honors the more than 20 million Federal, State, and local government employees for their outstanding contributions to our country. H. Res. 213 salutes policemen, firefighters, postal workers, public school teachers and administrators, and those who work at government agencies for their steadfast dedication. Likewise, the resolution honors our men and women in the armed service who have died in service to our great Nation. With the attraction of higher salaries and competitive benefit packages, it is not surprising that Federal, State, and local governments are finding it difficult to keep a talented workforce. It is imperative that efforts to recruit recent college graduates and promote training opportunities for current employees are fostered. Public service work can sometimes be difficult; but regardless of the circumstances, these hardworking individuals are committed to doing excellent work and to making a major difference. The theme for the 2003 Public Service Recognition Week celebration is ``Celebrating government workers nationwide.'' Ironically, this week, instead of celebrating government workers nationwide, the Committee on Government Reform is scheduled to push through a Department of Defense proposal later today that creates a new personnel system and could have far-reaching implications to Federal employees not only with DOD, but at other agencies. The proposal and others like it must be carefully weighed with consultation by all affected parties, including organizations that represent employees. Again, I encourage all Members of the House to support H. Res. 213. It has been said that service to others is the rent you pay for the room you occupy on Earth. Mr. Speaker, I thank the millions of Americans who have chosen public service careers. Their service makes life better, and their service brings life to life.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the Pitts amendment which detracts from this consensus bill. This bill endorses the successful ABC Ugandan model of abstinence, be faithful, and condom. This system works, and it should be the only prevention program that receives funding. The Pitts amendments would devote 33 percent of precious prevention resources to disproportionately fund an abstinence-until-marriage model that has not proven to be effective. Mr. Chairman, we do not have time to play Russian Roulette with millions of lives while testing politically charged prevention methods. In fact, a 2001 report issued by the National Institutes of Health concluded that beyond mutual lifelong monogamy among uninfected couples, condom use is the only method for reducing the risk of HIV infection and STDs available to sexually active individuals. I urge my colleagues to oppose this amendment.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Maryland Senator Clarence W. Blount, a man whose life exemplified the greatness that lives within all of us. I am saddened to inform this body that in the afternoon of April 12, 2003, State Senator Clarence Blount passed away from complications related to a stroke at the age of 81. He is survived by his wife Gordine, and his two sons, Michael and Mark, and many more friends and family in Maryland who mourn the loss of this great statesman. Mr. Speaker, W.E.B. DuBois once wrote that ``the roots of the tree, rather than its leaves, are the source of its life.'' Today I honor a man who devoted his life to that principle. When Clarence Blount died, he was best known as the former majority leader of the Maryland Senate where he served the people of Maryland for over 31 years, after stepping aside last year to let in some ``new blood,'' and as a champion of public education. However, I recall this wonderful human being as my teacher, my mentor and friend. Clarence Blount, by his own self-description, was an ordinary man called to an extraordinary mission of uplifting the lives of others. He remained steadfast in pursuit of that calling. In the process, he became extraordinary himself. When Clarence Blount was born to Lottie and Charles Johnson Blount, Sr., in South Creek, North Carolina on April 20, 1921, I doubt whether anyone outside of his own family could have anticipated just how far his determination and talent would carry him in life. His father worked on a tobacco farm. His mother would die when he was just 5 years old. The Blount family was so poor they could not afford to buy their children shoes. It was only after the family moved to Baltimore that Clarence Blount was able to begin school at the age of 10. At that time he was unable to read or count on his fingers, but through determination and with the help of dedicated teachers, he graduated from Frederick Douglass High School at the age of 21. He became one of the greatest champions of American public education ever known. One month after Clarence Blount entered Morgan State University, he was drafted into the then-segregated United States Army to fight in World War II. He served with distinction in Italy as a member of the all-black Buffalo Division of the 92nd Infantry. The courage and dedication to duty that he demonstrated while removing mines from a river passage earned him a battlefield commission. After fighting for his country against both the enemy and the barriers of Jim Crow, Mr. Blount returned to Morgan State in 1946 and graduated in 1950. He became a teacher, earned a master's degree in education from Johns Hopkins University, and eventually advanced to become the principal of Baltimore's Dunbar High School. Mr. Speaker, the education of children became Clarence Blount's passion and mission in life. He used his own prior hardships and life experiences as a passport to help other people improve their lives. As a teacher, principal, and later chairman of the Social Services Department of the Community College of Baltimore, Clarence Blount opened the doors to educational opportunities for thousands of young people in our community. That same calling and that same determination, to address the inadequate funding of our public schools, led Mr. Blount into public life. He sought and won election to the Maryland Senate in 1971. He became the first African American to chair a Senate committee in 1987, and he became Maryland's first African American majority leader in 1983, a post that he held until his retirement last year. It was during that period of public service that Clarence Blount directly influenced the course of my life. When I was a young legislator serving my second year in the Maryland House of Delegates, Senator Blount, then chair of the Maryland Legislative Black Caucus, encouraged me to run for and win that position. He had seen something in me that I had not seen in myself. Our personal relationship became even closer when we traveled together to Israel in the 1980s. He became like a second father to me. He later encouraged me to run for the second highest position in the State of Maryland House of Delegates, Speaker pro tempore. He was the first person to encourage me to run for Congress in 1996. I recount these personal influences because Clarence Blount's impact upon my life was not unique. He touched everybody he could. He never ceased being a teacher who found his greatest reward in the accomplishments of his students. About a year and a half ago, Clarence Blount and I were both asked to speak at a neighborhood housing event in the Ashburton section of Baltimore. I thanked him for being such a magnificent and significant part of my life, for seeing qualities in me that I had not realized in myself. I also thanked him for fighting for our neighborhoods in Baltimore and for giving our communities a voice in Annapolis. So, Mr. Speaker, I stand today to salute a great American who came up through difficult times, an ordinary man called to an extraordinary mission.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I would like to again thank the gentlewoman and thank the caucus. It has been said over and over again that the Congressional Black Caucus is the conscience of the Congress. But I have often said that we are the conscience of the country and of the world. And what we are doing tonight is pleading with the President and those who control the purse strings of this country to reach out and lift up a small country that is merely trying to survive. I have often said that the most powerful thing that we can do is help children become all that God meant for them to be. And we heard speeches from this floor over and over again coming from the Bible about what we should be doing for our brothers and our sisters throughout the world. And this is just a small part of our efforts to say to the world, we will not allow, we will not stand by and allow people, our neighbors, in fact, to simply perish and live in the way that they are living. And I do appreciate the gentlewoman's leadership on this issue, consistently standing up, and again I am very appreciative of the Congressional Black Caucus for standing up.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, if the gentlewoman would yield for one second further, we see the President talk about the urgent situation in Iraq and how he wanted to do all that he did. As the gentlewoman probably well knows, we just allocated some $80 billion. Here we have a small country simply trying to survive, having drinking water and sanitation. It makes us wonder sometimes. As one author said, it makes me want to holler and throw up both my hands.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding to me. I also thank her for consistently standing up. I thank the Congressional Black Caucus, a group of 39 men and women, as I have often said, who are ordinary people called to an extraordinary mission. In the process of doing the extraordinary, they have become extraordinary and have made it clear, Mr. Speaker, to God that the lives they live are not their own. Consistent with that, we come here tonight to speak on behalf of Haiti. I thank the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee) for her leadership in initiating and organizing the Congressional Black Caucus's Special Order tonight urging the international community to let Haiti live. Mr. Speaker, for several years now the Members of the Congressional Black Caucus have come to the floor of this great House to speak out on behalf of the 8.3 million people of Haiti, to draw attention to the unnecessary and horrible circumstances that they are forced to endure every day. Mr. Speaker, the people of Haiti are suffering and dying. They are suffering and dying because of the seemingly sheer indifference to their plight. In just the last week, the United Nations reported that only 46 percent of Haiti's population has access to clean drinking water, and 56 percent of the Haitian population suffers from malnutrition in 2003. Fifty-six percent of 8.3 million people is 4,648,000 human beings, nearly as many people as the populations of Idaho, Mississippi, and the District of Columbia combined. Mr. Speaker, denying the most basic human needs, such as food and water, is almost the equivalent of a death sentence by a judge or a jury. Unfortunately, for several years now the United States Government has made this situation worse. Our government, Mr. Speaker, has unfairly and unnecessarily linked humanitarian assistance to Haiti with trying to change and to pressure the current government in Haiti to make concessions to the opposition party as it relates to domestic politics. How can we allow over 4 million people in that country to live in utter poverty while we play politics? Is not the argument about the suffering of the people the same argument that many of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle made as it relates to Iraq? It is imperative that we release the humanitarian assistance for the people of Haiti so they may simply just live another day. Mr. Speaker, last week the United Nations also made a plea that I will second tonight and I know all the Members of the Congressional Black Caucus would second, too. The plea is that the international community immediately make funds available to help stem this humanitarian crisis in Haiti. Mr. Speaker, the United States of America is the richest country in the world and must answer that plea. We must help our neighbor, and we must help our neighbor now. How will future generations judge our country when the history of our relationship with Haiti is written? We know the suffering. Members have heard a little bit about it already tonight. Think about the children, both here in America and in Haiti. What are we telling them by our actions? The life expectancy in Haiti is 49 years. The unemployment rate is 60 percent. The infant mortality rate is 74 deaths for every 1,000 live births. Ninety percent of the HIV/AIDS infections in the Caribbean are in Haiti. There are over 200,000 children orphaned by HIV/AIDS. I could go on and on and on. The fact is, Mr. Speaker, we have to do better. We must release those humanitarian assistance loans, and we must begin a new relationship with the country and the people of Haiti. The Congressional Black Caucus will not rest until we do. We will continue to advocate for justice at home and abroad.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Chairman, the Individuals With Disabilities Education Act, IDEA, is the Nation's main statute ensuring children with disabilities receive the special education they need for success. Today, Congress had the opportunity to make a difference in the lives of millions of children with the reauthorization of IDEA. However, H.R. 1350 squanders this opportunity and that is why I urge all of my colleagues to vote against this legislation. Congress had the opportunity to support mandatory full funding for the IDEA. Two amendments that would have made IDEA a mandatory program and would have guaranteed that the Federal Government contribute 40 percent of the cost as promised in the original 1975 law were not allowed to be offered. Congress authorized the Federal Government to pay up to 40 percent of each State's excess cost of educating children with disabilities. As we have learned with the No Child Left Behind Act, promises to fund education through authorizations are often not kept. It is time we renew our commitment to all of our Nation's children and pay our share of the cost of IDEA. States across the Nation are dealing with an economic crisis, facing large State budget deficits and making deep cuts to services. IDEA's unfunded mandate is $10 billion--this is money our States and school districts could be spending to alleviate State budget crises, reduce class sizes, build and modernize schools and further technology advances in education. This is an unfortunate trade off that our States should not have to make. Fully funding IDEA is not just about special education. It is about keeping the promise of funding the mandate the Federal Government has put on the States and relieving the school funding crisis that States across the Nation are facing. Congress needs to focus on real increases in IDEA funding and on aiding our States and local communities in times of tight budgets. Congress must follow through on the promise made to our special needs students years ago. H.R. 1350 in its current form does not fulfill that promise. Please oppose H.R. 1350.