Elijah Cummings

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his very eloquent statement. I yield to the distinguished gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee).

Mr. CUMMINGS. I want to thank the gentlewoman for her statement. I just want to reiterate that the principles that the gentlewoman stated for the Congressional Black Caucus with regard to war were actually agreed upon by the Congressional Black Caucus back in September. Just approximately 2 weeks ago, the Caucus asked, by way of letter, the President to sit down with us so that we might talk about resolving this Iraq situation without war. The President has not seen fit to meet with us. It is my honor to yield to the distinguished gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters).

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentlewoman for her statement. I just want to reiterate something that the distinguished gentlewoman said. I think every member of the Congressional Black Caucus wants Saddam Hussein to be disarmed. We believe that it can be done through peaceful means. We believe very strongly that we must not just stand on the sidelines and watch our troops go into harm's way and see the Iraqi people come into harm's way. So, we stand up at this last hour. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield to the distinguished gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne). (Mr. PAYNE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks on the subject of this Special Order this evening.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to the Help Efficient, Accessible, Low-Cost, Timely Healthcare (HEALTH) Act. Each year tens of thousands of people die or suffer needless pain and deformity from preventable medical errors. I believe, as I am sure many of my colleagues believe that these Americans, whose families suffer tremendously as a result of these injuries and deaths are entitled to compensation. This compensation should not be decided by Congress but rather by a jury or judge in the prevailing jurisdiction which has made a decision based on the merits and facts of those cases. Mr. Speaker, I think we need to focus on what's at stake here. We are talking about limiting meritorious claims. Claims of those like the little girl in North Carolina who received the improper blood type during her transplant and died shortly thereafter. Claims from innocent victims in my district and districts around the country who have received improper treatment or care and will suffer immeasurably as a result. Mr. Speaker, for every $100 spent on health care in America, only $.66 has been spent on malpractice insurance. As patients are most often victimized by repeat offending doctors, this bill does nothing to reduce negligence by doctors and hospitals, but decreases incentive to improve patient safety. Mr. Speaker, we are not talking about frivolous claims as the Republicans would have us believe. In fact, this bill will not limit any frivolous claims nor will it lower insurance premiums. Instead it is a band-aid approach to a huge problem. The Conyers-Dingell bill would have implemented the type of reform necessary to lower medical liability premiums for doctors through imposing anti-trust regulations on the insurance industry, but unfortunately the American people will not ever hear of this comprehensive plan. Again, the Republican-led House Rules Committee has muzzled the voice of the people. Mr. Speaker, I have heard many members speak of the California plan-- also known as MICRA plan. However, the results of California are mixed at best. It is reported that in fact after passing MICRA, the actual premiums of California doctors are 8 percent higher than in states without caps and health care costs continue to rise. In fact the state of California subsequent to MICRA had to pass insurance reform to stop skyrocketing premiums that helped only fatten the pockets of the insurance companies. That is exactly what H.R. 5 will do, fatten the pockets of the insurance companies, who are trying to compensate for the investment losses made in the stock market. Finally Mr. Speaker, H.R. 5 will also preempt state law--which sets its caps or sets no caps based on the input of its people. I would like to point out that in my own State of Maryland which as a cap on non- economic damages, over three times higher than that in H.R. 5 I might add, that the medical insurance premiums are still higher than those in the adjacent District of Columbia which has no caps. This is the shell game that the insurance companies are playing--and the American people are the losers. It is for these reasons that I will vote against H.R. 5, and I urge my colleagues to vote against H.R. 5.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to pay respect to the life of a great man who passed away--my friend and mentor, the Honorable Milton B. Allen. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to ask my colleagues to join me in remembering the life of a brilliant man, the Honorable Milton B. Allen--a brilliant lawyer, judge, father, husband, mentor, community activist and leader. A life that ended last week when the Judge Allen, at 85, died of cardiac arrest at his home in Windsor Hills. Milton Allen was a man of humble beginnings, who rose to great heights as a polished lawyer and fair jurist. He attended Douglass High School in Baltimore, Maryland where he played third-string fullback on the football team and haunted the library. He read everything he could find. He later went on to Coppin State College to become a teacher. ``Simple reason,'' he said one day. ``Teaching was about the only thing open to blacks then.'' Mr. Speaker, Milton Allen was a teacher in the freedom schools of our time. As a young man in the Navy, Milton Allen taught other young men of color the skills that would allow them to advance in their military careers--this during a time when no men of color could advance past that of seaman. As a lawyer, he taught thousands of his neighbors how to find a path to justice within the arcane corridors of the law. As Baltimore City's first African American State's Attorney--the first Black prosecutor in any major American city--Milton Allen taught our community that the pursuit of justice could, indeed, be ``color- blind.'' He sued the city to desegregate ``public'' tennis courts and defended people who lost their jobs for attending public meetings where speakers included communist sympathizers, as he believed that free speech should be protected in America. He also sued the state to open ``public'' colleges to blacks. Later in life as a judge on what would later become Baltimore's Circuit Court, Milton Allen helped many of the City's troubled youth by giving through his seasoned advice as a family court judge. Mr. Speaker, I had the opportunity to work for Milton Allen after he had lost his re-election bid for State's Attorney. He had joined the law firm of Mitchell, Allen and Lee, and I served as the firm's law clerk. Mr. Speaker, Milton Allen, although always busy and always blazing a trail for righteousness, always found time to stop to engage even strangers in meaningful conversation. He was always giving helpful advice. In fact, the advice and counsel that I received from Milton Allen went far beyond his contribution to the skills that made me a more capable attorney. Judge Allen taught young lawyers like me that our calling demanded constant devotion to integrity. And Mr. Speaker, Judge Allen exemplified integrity. As Dr. Stephen Carter once observed: Persons of integrity know the difference between what is right and what is wrong. They stand up for what is right-- even when that stand may place them in jeopardy. Persons of integrity persevere and lead--until the rest of the world catches on and catches up. And they are not afraid to proclaim their vision of what is right--so others can follow in their steps. Dr. Carter could have been writing about my friend--and teacher-- Judge Milton B. Allen. Judge Allen devoted his life to planting the seeds of justice within the human spirit. He taught us that, in a free society, the seeds of justice can take hold and grow. Mr. Speaker--most important of all--Milton Allen taught my community that justice grows best in the shared soil of universal respect. The source of justice is the integrity that comes from our respect for each other as human beings. Milton Allen was a teacher and a friend. Our lives will be less for his passing--but we have been truly enriched by his living. Milton Allen paved the way for so many lawyers who never even had the privilege of knowing him. In the words of the theologian, Max Lucado, ``The great revivals and reformations that dot the history of humanity were never the work of just one person. Every movement is the sum of visionaries who have gone before, generations of uncompromised lives and non-negotiated truths. Faithful men and women who have led forceful lives.'' Mr. Allen was this kind of human being. And I will miss him.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I would like to insert into the Record a letter from the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) sent to Mr. Dennis Shea, Executive Director of the President's Commission on the United States Postal Service (Commission). The President's nine-member bipartisan Commission was established to identify the operational, structural, and financial challenges facing the Postal Service; examine potential solutions; and recommend legislative and administrative steps to ensure the long-term viability of postal service in the United States. The Commission will submit its report to the President by July 31, 2003. The letter outlines concerns the CBC and many of its constituents have with issues before the Commission. The CBC believes that: First, before we change the United States Postal Service to accommodate modem technologies (Internet, electronic transfers, electronic bill payments), it is important to bear in mind that millions of Americans do not have the access or ability to use these services, especially those who are economically disadvantaged, and older Americans; Second, considering the possibility of the privatization of the United States Postal Service, it seems clear that small rural and inner city markets will not support private business, thus leading to a reduction in the level of services and the ability of people living in these markets to communicate; and Lastly, drastic change to the structure of the United States Postal Service also has the potential of reducing employment opportunities for veterans (who enjoy preferential employment) and groups under- represented in private industry (women and people of color). Thus, any effort to dismantle the United States Postal Service could serve to negatively impact those populations traditionally marginalized in our country. I urge the Commission to look into the concerns outlined in the CBC's letter. I urge the President to carefully consider the Commission's recommendations in light of these concerns. Congressional Black Caucus, Washington, DC, February 21, 2003. Mr. Dennis Shea, Executive Director, President's Commission on the U.S. Postal Service, Washington, DC. Dear Mr. Shea: On behalf of the Congressional Black Caucus, we respectfully submit the following comments regarding the extremely important issues before the Commission on the United States Postal Service. President Bush established the Commission on the United States Postal Service on the premise that modern telecommunications, the Internet, electronic transfers and electronic bill paying may justify or require changes in the Postal Service. However, millions of Americans, especially those who are economically disadvantaged and older Americans, do not have access to these means of communication. For them, the Postal Service continues to provide the only practical and available means of communication and commerce. Any change to the Postal Service that would affect the continued availability of universal mail service at uniform rates would threaten to further erode their economic security. Some advocates of changes in the Postal Service also advocate privatization of the Postal Service. That movement, too, is based on the false premise that we may be able to dispense with the provision of universal service. For Americans in our rural areas and for many in our inner cities, a profit motive cannot support provision of essential services. This has always been and must remain the responsibility of our government. It is essential that there remain a universal postal system that spreads the cost of maintaining universal service among all those who use it. Any change that would favor the efficiency of private markets over the public interest in communications among all Americans would further isolate Americans who are already disadvantaged by economic circumstance or geographical location. We urge you not to support any policy that might permit that to happen. We also want to caution against any change that would undermine the economic security of postal employees. In the Postal Reorganization Act of 1970, Congress recognized that employees of the former Post Office Department of the federal government were severely underpaid and labored in very unfavorable working conditions. In that Act, Congress improved postal wages and provided for free collective bargaining by unions representing postal employees. That system has worked very well. In the more than thirty years since Congress authorized the last wage increase for postal employees, postal wages have kept pace with inflation, and there has been no major work stoppage of the sort that disrupted postal services in 1970. The Postal Service employs hundreds of thousands of women, African-Americans and other racial minorities. For many of these postal employees, the fact that the Postal Service provides a living wage and adequate fringe benefits, regardless of race or gender, has been critically important. This is in contrast to the private sector of our economy, where there remains an unfortunate disparity between the employment opportunities and compensation available to white males and the opportunities and compensation available to women and racial minorities. Therefore, any effort to dismantle the Postal Service would be a regressive step, contrary to our national effort to provide equal employment opportunities for women and racial minorities. In the same vein, we are mindful of the large number of veterans employed by the Postal Service. Our promises and commitment to these veterans must not be forgotten or diminished. In their military service, and in their postal service, these veterans have served their country. It is necessary and appropriate that we continue to recognize their sacrifices by providing them preferential employment opportunities in government positions, including positions in the Postal Service. Thank you for your careful consideration of our comments. Sincerely, Elijah E. Cummings, Chair, CBC. Danny K. Davis, Ranking Member, Special Committee on Postal Services.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today as Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus to pay tribute to a great man who is retiring as the leader of one of our most cherished leadership organizations. For the past nine years, Hugh B. Price has worked tirelessly to preserve and fortify the legacy of the National Urban League--the nation's oldest and largest community-based movement dedicated to moving African Americans into the social and economic mainstream. As president and chief executive officer of this ninety-two year old organization, Hugh Price's visionary leadership has prepared the Urban League Movement for a second century of leadership and service. Given his successful tenure, it is only fitting that the Congress honor his accomplishments and thank him for his excellent stewardship. It is a fact that Hugh's vision has increased the organizational, programmatic, and policy capacity of the National Urban League. Under his leadership, the League dramatically strengthened its fiscal performance and reached new heights in fundraising through strategic partnerships with corporations, foundations, and governmental agencies. Under Hugh Price's talented leadership, signature Urban League Movement programs moved to the forefront of urban communities. One such program, the Campaign for African American Achievement, became synonymous with standards of academic excellence in urban schools across the country. This program provided positive reinforcement for young people who earn good grades through the National Achievers Society--a nationwide, community-based honors society recognizing children who have earned B averages or better in school. Expanding upon its innovative work in the education arena, Mr. Price guided the National Urban League into a partnership with Scholastic, Inc., to create Read and Rise--a parent guide for helping children become proficient readers--and a companion public service campaign to spread the word about this free resource throughout the African American community. Finally, Hugh Price's talented leadership positioned the Urban League Movement as a leading agenda setter of many policy issues affecting Americans. From education policy to affirmative action and racial profiling, Hugh B. Price inserted the National Urban League into the policy fray with fact-based arguments that often added new and thoughtful insight into strident policy debates. His role as a master policy architect was also evidenced by his dedicated efforts to reconstitute the Washington office of the National Urban League into the Institute for Opportunity and Equality--a policy and research think tank that is quickly emerging as a leading information resource concerning issues important to African Americans. Finally, Mr. Speaker, I am proud as Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus to stand before you today to laud the many accomplishments of Hugh B. Price, thank him for his service, and wish him a heartfelt farewell as he transitions from his successful tenure as President and Chief Executive Officer of the National Urban League.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I would like to revise and extend my remarks to include a letter I referenced during my special order statement yesterday on the issue of the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, announced during his State of the Union address this past January. This is the letter that I and other members of the CBC, AIDS activist groups and the faith-based community wrote to President Bush on December 18, 2002 asking him to announce a presidential initiative to address this vexing problem. Congress of the United States, Washington, DC, December 18, 2002. President George W. Bush, 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, DC. Dear President Bush: As members of the Congressional Black Caucus, we are writing to draw your attention to the growing spread of HIV/AIDS throughout the developing world. It would be impossible to overstate the devastation caused to date by the global AIDS pandemic, or the urgency of the need for a greater response from the United States and the global community. With 42 million people currently living with HIV/ AIDS--29.4 million of them in Sub-Saharan Africa--14 million children already orphaned by the disease, and 70 million more people expected to die by 2020, we must do more now. We must respond on an appropriate scale to address the greatest plague in recorded history. The United States, as the world's wealthiest nation, must take greater action by contributing its fair share, and in doing so we can help galvanize the global response that we so desperately need. As you prepare to travel to Africa in January, and as you prepare your budget for fiscal year 2004, you have a remarkable opportunity to demonstrate United States leadership against AIDS at a moment when the world will be watching. We urge you to launch a major new U.S. initiative to fight AIDS, as well as tuberculosis and malaria. TB is the leading killer of people with HIV, claiming 2 million lives each year despite the existence of an effective and inexpensive cure, while malaria kills nearly one million people each year, most of them young children in Africa. An expanded U.S. Initiative to fight AIDS must: Provide at least $2.5 billion for implementation of global AIDS programs in 2004, as well as additional funds to combat TB and malaria. At least 50 percent of this should go to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB and Malaria. Prioritize treatment, as well as prevention and care, for those affected--including an expanded mother-to-child transmission initiative that would detect and treat entire families, and including funding and personnel as needed to implement the WHO call to treat three million people with HIV by 2005. Promote developing countries access to sustainable supplies of affordable medicines for AIDS and other diseases such as opportunistic infections in accordance with the Doha Ministerial Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health and oppose any attempts to limit the scope of the Declaration. Expand programs for children orphaned by AIDS. Seek debt cancellation for impoverished countries, so they can invest in poverty reduction and AIDS programs. Most importantly, a U.S. initiative should consist of new monies and policies that complement existing U.S.-supported programs and are additional to the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA). The MCA, however, also must help meet the Millennium Development Goal of halting and reversing the spread of these diseases. We cannot win the war against AIDS without greater financial resources and a clear plan of action for the United States. Programs around the world are ready to scale up prevention, treatment, and care to save lies now, and to develop the systems needed to save tens of millions more in the future. Each day we delay in mounting a comprehensive-- and compassionate--response to the global AIDS and TB pandemics, the cost in human, social, and economic terms grows. You will have our strong support and the support of the American people for a bold new initiative to save families and communities affected by the AIDS crisis, to extend the parent-child relationship, and to secure the future of young people. Sincerely, Barbara Lee, Donna Christian-Christensen, Edolphus Towns, Charles B. Rangel, Julia Carson, Juanita Millender- McDonald. Maxine Waters, Danny K. Davis, Robert Scott, Elijah E. Cummings, William ``Lacy'' Clay, Stephanie Tubbs Jones. Eddie Bernice Johnson, Bobby L. Rush, Carolyn C. Kilpatrick, Diane E. Watson, Gregory W. Meeks, Major R. Owens. Harold Ford, Jr., John Conyers, Jr., Alcee L. Hastings, Sheila Jackson-Lee, Eleanor Holmes Norton, Donald M. Payne, Sanford D. Bishop, Jr., Bennie G. Thompson, Melvin L. Watt, Corrine Brown, Chaka Fattah, Jesse Jackson, Jr., James Clyburn, Albert R. Wynn.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. I want to thank the gentlewoman for yielding. I also want to take a moment to thank her for consistently standing up for so many people who cannot stand up for themselves. I also thank her for consistently raising this issue, an issue that so often is put to the side, so often not put on the back burner but placed off the stove. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak on an issue that deeply troubles members of the Congressional Black Caucus as well as many other Members of this Congress, the President's emergency plan for AIDS relief. Mr. Speaker, the Bush administration's policy on HIV/AIDS and other global diseases affects us all. Infectious diseases know no borders. Because of this, prevention and treatment programs to address particularly dangerous diseases such as HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria must be swift and adequate. That is why I and other members of the Congressional Black Caucus, AIDS activist groups and the faith- based community wrote a letter to President Bush on December 18, 2002, asking him to announce a presidential initiative to address this vexing problem. As a global community, we are at a crisis stage with these diseases. Adequate funding for the prevention and treatment of infectious diseases, especially HIV/AIDS, must come before it is too late. As the richest and most scientifically advanced Nation in the world, we have both the power and the responsibility to take the necessary actions to end this epidemic. Mr. Speaker, today more than 29.4 million Africans are living with HIV. Last year an estimated 2.4 million new infections occurred, while 3.5 million people lost their lives to this disease. This is a problem of epidemic proportions. I can only imagine the pain and suffering of the millions of families, orphaned children and those afflicted with this disease waiting for relief in any form. The time for action is now. Lives are wasting. That is why I applaud the President for his budget proposal which would provide $10 billion over 5 years to combat the AIDS crisis in Africa. This gesture indicates that he recognizes the need to show compassion for this epidemic through increased funding. However, the President also must act quickly if his compassion is to have any significant impact in preventing the needless suffering and death of more victims to this disease. Mr. Speaker, I say this because the President's plan provides only $2 billion for 2004. This represents only 380 million in new funding dollars. This funding is insufficient and will not provide access to the necessary medical care and pharmaceuticals for individuals living with HIV and AIDS across the globe. The President's approach of slowly phasing in the funds writes off the lives of millions who need assistance not yesterday but right now. Mr. Speaker, in Africa it is estimated that more than 4 million people have a sufficiently advanced stage of HIV/AIDS to warrant anti- retroviral treatment. However, currently only 50,000 are receiving that treatment. The importance of the anti-retroviral treatment for people suffering with HIV has been conveyed to the White House by the medical community. It is worth pointing out that the President admirably establishes a goal of providing anti-retroviral treatment to 2 million people infected with HIV. Despite this goal, he has only requested $450 million for his Global AIDS Initiative. Given this limited allocation and the $300 minimum yearly cost per person of providing the necessary drug cocktails, it seems that the President has assured himself of falling short of this goal. Many in the global AIDS community, along with many members of the Congressional Black Caucus, believe that the only way to provide the cocktail to the millions that need it is through purchase of generic drugs. While publicly agreeing to this idea during the WTO negotiations in 2001, the United States has since refused to sign off on the implementing language last December that would have allowed poor countries to import generic drugs. This disconnect between rhetoric and actions need to be corrected. I urge the President to reconsider the United States's policy. In addition to the lethargic funding of HIV/AIDS treatment, the President's plan takes away $50 million from USAID's Infectious Disease program and includes a reduction to our contribution to the Global Fund by $150 million from the 2003 levels. These reductions are coupled with an insufficient economic commitment to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, for which President Bush has only designated $1 billion over the next 5 years. Mr. Speaker, this funding is woefully inadequate, as the global fund estimates that it needs $6.2 billion through 2004 to remain operational, $2.2 billion of which should come from the United States. The United States was instrumental in launching the Global Fund to Fight HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria in 2001. This commitment must be maintained in order to provide the necessary money to grant applicants and existing grant programs to combat the disease in 2004. I am hopeful that with the recent election of Health and Human Services Secretary Tommy Thompson as chairman of the executive board of the Global Fund that the United States will commit itself to an increased financial and political involvement with the fund. I am confident that Secretary Thompson understands the urgency and direness of these horrible diseases, particularly HIV and AIDS, and I am confident that he will serve in the best interest of the fund. Finally, Mr. Speaker, in addition to the problematic pace of funding of the President's plan, I am particularly disturbed by recent press reports surrounding a February 11 State Department memo indicating that the President will extend the global gag rule to cover all of our bilateral programs. Any extension of the gag rule would be turning a blind eye to the facts and would greatly hinder the effectiveness of global HIV/AIDS programs. While abstinence is one important way to avoid contracting HIV/AIDS, it is more important to fully educate people of their options and provide integrated HIV/AIDS prevention services with family planning programs. Given the high levels of stigma and ostracism that people with AIDS face in much of the world, for prevention programs to be successful, they must be integrated into services that people are accustomed to accessing, including family planning and maternal health services. Stand-alone HIV/AIDS treatment programs, which the proposed family planning policy may require, will be a significant setback in the integration of prevention and treatment initiatives made to date. In some societies, women who are known to have HIV/AIDS stand to lose more than their lives. Their homes, livelihood, and even their children may be at stake. Thus it is highly unlikely that these women will go to a stand-alone HIV/AIDS clinic where the stigma associated with the disease would deter people from being tested or receiving counseling, prevention supplies, or health care. Women are key to halting the spread of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, especially in the developing countries of Africa. Fifty percent of those infected worldwide and 58 percent of AIDS victims in sub-Saharan Africa are women. If we are to be effective in our fight against HIV/ AIDS, we must ensure that women have access to treatment and support services free of stigma. We must empower them with education and assistance. The global gag rule handicaps this process, and it is poor policy in the fight to eradicate HIV/AIDS. I welcome the President's commitment to providing billions of dollars to fight the global pandemic of HIV/AIDS and other infectious diseases. However, the only way to truly defeat these diseases is to develop a comprehensive strategy, a plan which focuses on the rapid disbursement of funds to prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS, to treat and support people already infected, and to provide support for those nations who are losing their fight against this deadly disease. And with that, Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me this time, and I come in support of the substitute. Mr. Chairman, unemployment rates are on the rise at a record level of 6 percent, and in my district, some parts, as much as 12 percent. The Republican bill forces States to shift funds away from successful programs that are critical to working families in order to implement rigid new requirements under their bill. Meanwhile, there is no evidence that these rigid requirements would increase the effectiveness of these programs. In my State of Maryland, we would need an additional $144 million over 5 years to implement the work participation requirements in H.R. 4. On one hand, President Bush praises the 1996 welfare law, but on the other hand he wants to deny States the flexibility they were provided by that law. The Republicans' approach to welfare reform represents a study in contradictions. While they talk about sufficient resources, their proposal fails to increase welfare and child care funding for even inflation. The administration says that it wants to help educate people, but their proposal actually restricts the States' discretion to provide training and education to welfare participants.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. I want to thank the gentleman. The gentleman mentioned Martin Luther King. Certainly we are very proud of all that Dr. Martin Luther King did. One of the things he said is that a citizen must assert the full measure of his citizenship, and the very things that this Congressional Black Caucus stands for are merely asserting the full measure of our citizenship. One thing about asserting the full measure of your citizenship, you have to serve, and you have to serve this country, and African Americans have played very significant roles in the military, have played very significant roles in exploration, in space. I am very pleased now to yield to the distinguished gentleman from the great State of New Jersey (Mr. Payne).

Mr. CUMMINGS. I thank the gentlewoman. Tonight, as we celebrate Black History Month, we look at all aspects of African American history and again reflecting on our theme, the Souls of Black Folks Centennial Reflection, we have the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Davis), one of our new Members, who has been just a tremendous asset to us, and we are anxiously looking forward to continuing to work with him.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, one of the things I wanted to emphasize, the gentleman spoke about the astronaut who recently perished, coming to his office and talking about having more young African American boys and girls go into science and math, and that is one of the reasons why we even do this this evening, to remind our children of all of the great things that African Americans have done, so that they can follow on that path and have models to emulate. Speaking of a model to emulate, I am very pleased to yield to my friend and colleague from the great State of Georgia (Mr. Bishop), who is going to address and will continue on with some of the things that the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) was talking about with regard to our contributions, military contributions.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I would just say to the gentleman it was the great theologian Zwingli who said, so often people who make tremendous contributions make them when they are unseen, unnoticed, unappreciated, and unapplauded. And I appreciate the gentleman lifting the names of so many who have given so much to this country. Eleanor Roosevelt once observed that human rights must begin in small places close to home. They are the world of the individual person where every man, woman, and child seeks equal justice, equal opportunity, and equal dignity without discrimination. Unless these rights have meaning there, she said, they have little meaning anywhere. It is my great pleasure to yield to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Watt), who has given his blood, sweat and tears to making sure that the rights of all Americans are protected.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman, and I want to thank him for working so hard on the very issue that you just spoke about. I am very pleased, Mr. Speaker, to yield to my distinguished colleague from the great State of California who has made it her mission to address the issue of AIDS in Africa and made it her mission to address many, many concerns of people who have often been left out and unheard, the great lady from the State of California (Ms. Lee).

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, might I inquire as to how much time we have remaining.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I grant time to the gentleman from New York, who has fought issues with regard to education (Mr. Owens) for many, many years and has stood at the forefront of that issue and many other issues.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, our last speaker is a lady from the great State of Texas, who I yield the balance of our time to. But we just remind America that as we celebrate Black History Month, every day black history should be celebrated. Without further ado, I yield the balance of our time to the great lady from the State of Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee), who is also the first vice chair of the Congressional Black Caucus.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in my role as Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus for the 108th Congress to talk about Black History Month and the state of our union for Americans of color. Throughout the month, we should all take a moment to remember the heroes whose legacies of service have shaped this great country, America. We should remember Rosa Parks, a leading force behind the 1955 Montgomery bus boycott. Activist Fannie Lou Hamer, the daughter of sharecroppers who fought for African American suffrage in Mississippi. Dr. Charles Drew, whose blood plasma research has saved millions of lives. Their bravery and sacrifice must not be forgotten. While we celebrate the past, we also should honor the African American women and men who are making a difference today. We should thank Marion Wright Edelman for her tireless work on behalf of America's children. We should salute the nearly 300,000 African American men and women who proudly serve in our military. We should express our gratitude to the hundreds of thousands of African American police officers, firefighters, and first responders who dedicate their lives to serving and protecting us. Their constant acts of sacrifice serve as a model for all of us. During Black History Month, the Congressional Black Caucus embraces this year's theme as determined by the Association for the Study of African American Life, whose theme is: The Souls of Black Folk: Centennial Reflections. We encourage all Americans to commemorate our shared past and work together toward creating a more just and fair society. Mr. Speaker, tonight, I, along with my colleagues, want to take this time to reflect on the state of our union and focus on the issues that are central to the lives of most Americans; issues like education of our children, access to health care, for any who might need it, prescription drug coverage for our seniors, civil rights protections for all Americans, economic security and national security. During the 108th Congress, we will face many challenges. We will face the challenges of securing our homeland, getting our economy going again, putting people back to work, closing the education and health care gaps that exist in our communities, providing prescription drug coverage for our seniors, and thwarting those who want to roll back civil rights protections. Mr. Speaker, it gives me great honor and it is a privilege to yield to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Ballance).

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman and to say to him that several members of the caucus were moved, I think it was just yesterday, when the gentleman was talking about how at one time he was plowing fields and did not imagine himself in the Congress of the United States of America. And so many members of the Congressional Black Caucus have similar stories, have come through very, very difficult times and are doing everything in our power every day and every hour to make sure our children and our children's children have these same opportunities. One area that is clearly of great importance to the souls of black folks would be our health care, and we are very honored to have in our Congressional Black Caucus the gentlewoman from the Virgin Islands (Mrs. Christensen), whom I will yield to.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on my special order.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, January 7 marks the first day of the 108th Congress. I am pleased and honored to be a Member of Congress and the Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus. I am also pleased and honored that earlier today the Thurgood Marshall Commemorative Stamp was dedicated. The dedication and issuance of this stamp in honor of Justice Thurgood Marshall, serves to recognize this great man for his civil rights achievements as a lawyer and for reaching the pinnacle of the U.S. Justice system as the first African-American Supreme Court Justice. President Lyndon B. Johnson nominated Justice Marshall to the Supreme Court where he served 23 years on the Supreme Court, retiring on June 27, 1991, at the age of 82. Through his knowledge, advocacy and devotion to the cause of civil rights, Justice Marshall made a significant contribution to the battle fought in the United States courts to eradicate the legacy of slavery. I believe, however, that he should be revered most for his courage and independent judicial temperament--for breathing life into the text of the Constitution. He worked tirelessly to guarantee all Americans equality and liberty in their individual choices, especially on issues involving voting rights, housing and education. It is an honor to recognize a man whose career is a monument to the judiciary system and who has inspired so many to continue his quiet crusade. Marshall was born and raised in the Congressional District I represent--Baltimore, Maryland--and actually lived in a home which is about eight blocks from where I now reside. We both attended Howard University and, more significantly, he was once turned away from the law school I attended and graudated--The University of Maryland School of Law. As such, I am especially proud to honor Thurgood Marshall, as I share a common path with this historic figure. I believe Justice Marshall has had a significant impact on the events of the 20th Century. His efforts on behalf of African-Americans built a structure of individual rights that has become the cornerstone of protections for all Americans. Prior to joining the Supreme Court, in 1954 Justice Marshall argued the case of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas before the Supreme Court, where racial segregation in public schools was declared unconstitutional. In fact he won 29 of the 32 cases he argued before the Supreme Court, including, cases in which the Court declared unconstitutional: a Southern state's exclusion of African-American voters from primary elections (Smith v. Allwright, 1944); state judicial enforcement of racial ``restrictive covenants'' in housing (Shelley v. Kraemer, 1948); and ``separate but equal'' facilities for African-American professionals and graduate students in state universities (Sweatt v. Painter and McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents, both 1950). After his death, an article in the Washington Afro-American stated, ``[w]e make movies about Malcolm X, we get a holiday to honor Dr. Martin Luther King, but every day we live the legacy of Justice Thurgood Marshall.'' Justice Marshall opened doors for all Americans and had a significant impact on the events of the 20th Century. Marshall was instrumental in supporting the rights of minorities and immigrants; limiting government intrusion in cases involving illegal search and seizure, double jeopardy, and the right to privacy; and in creating new protections under the law for women, children, prisoners, and the homeless. His legacy has inspired Americans to name educational institutions, federal buildings, legal societies, libraries, and numerous academic achievement awards in his honor. And now a commemorative stamp in his honor. I know I join many in the Congress to say I am honored and privileged to be a part of history--the dedication of the Justice Thurgood Marshall Commemorative stamp.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. once said that all of us have a responsibility to prepare our children for the future. I believe that education is the key to preparing our children for the future. A year ago today, President Bush signed into law the No Child Left Behind Act (Act). This federal law requires annual testing and raises accountability standards for students and teachers. However, many states and school districts have complained that the funding has been inadequate and they lack guidance from the federal government to implement monumental reforms in the new education legislation. Furthermore, states are under a severe time crunch to make changes because the Department of Education did not issue final regulations on accountability and school improvement until late November 2002. In fact, accountability plans are due at the end of this month. Earlier this month, the Center on Education Policy (Center) issued a report entitled, From the Capital to the Classroom, that reiterates a concern among educators--the Act's goals could be undercut by a lack of state and federal money as states face a budget shortfall. The federal government needs to provide more money to meet the requirements of the Act. In my state of Maryland, like many other states in the country, improvements and progress have been made, but more planning is needed to implement the new federal law. It is unfair for the federal government to require new standards but then not provide the funds to carry out these standards. Mandates without resources provide an empty opportunity for our children. I now urge Congress and the President to follow through on the promise made to students across America a year ago. More money must be given for states to fully implement the Act or this new law will be just another unfunded mandate for the states. The Bush Administration must give states more flexibility in implementing the Act to ensure that no child is truly left behind. Our children deserve no less. Our children deserve the education to prepare them for the future.