Elijah Cummings

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, there is a spiritual I learned as a little boy called ``Faith of Our Fathers.'' It talks about an enduring faith in the ideals and principles of our forefathers. It goes like this; it says: Faith of our fathers, living still, in spite of dungeon, fire and sword. Oh, how our hearts beat high with joy whene'er we hear that glorious word. Faith of our fathers. Holy faith. We will be true to thee till death. It goes on to say: Faith of our fathers, chained in prisons dark, were still in heart and conscience free. How sweet would be their children's fate. If they, like them, could die for thee. Faith of our fathers. Holy faith. We will be true to thee till death. Finally it says: Faith of our fathers. We will love both friend and foe in all our strife; and preach thee, too, as love knows how, by kindly words and virtuous life. Faith of our fathers. Holy faith. We will be true to thee till death. The solution to these problems lies in creating and maintaining a vibrant economic base that will help our cities and families. Economic development is crucial to survival of the African-American community. One way of doing this is by mobilizing cooperative efforts between government, business and the community. Federal empowerment zones pair the Federal Government with economically distressed areas to provide incentives for entrepreneurs, established firms, and employees that invest and work in areas that they would otherwise find unattractive. Empowerment zones challenge communities to develop and submit strategic visions for creating jobs and opportunities. But we have to focus inwards as well. Those of us who have been blessed must acknowledge the obligation to return to our communities and give something back. We must invest in our human capital by acting as sources of inspiration and role models for our youth. African- American youth need to be encouraged to believe in themselves and their abilities. By exposing our youth to new options, by opening their eyes to new alternatives, by showing our youth that we have faith in them, we can begin to instill in them the sense of pride and self-confidence necessary to prevent the high school dropout rates, illiteracy, teen pregnancy, and drug use that plagues our communities. But, Mr. Speaker, I fear that we have once again begun a sad march backwards in regard to educating the next generation already with the passage of proposition 209 in California. That great State has seen an alarming 80 percent reduction in the application of minorities to be part of the class of 2001. Will we once again slam the door in the faces of young people seeking to be the best that they can be? I certainly hope not. Mr. Speaker, we can and we must do better. June tenth celebrates and commemorates the joy and hope that the newly freed slaves felt in Texas on that day long ago in 1865. But it is also incumbent upon us to recommit ourselves this day to the continuing struggle for economic, political, educational, and social accomplishment if we are to realize the goal of this Nation's Declaration of Independence, that all men are created equal. Finally, Mr. Speaker, Dr. King came to Washington over 34 years ago and spoke of a dream. But also on that historic day, he spoke of a promissory note of justice, equality, and freedom which America had defaulted upon. He said, it had been returned to the American Negro marked, and I quote, ``insufficient funds.'' I believe that the promissory note is long overdue. America must now begin to live up to its full potential and finally offer all of her citizens the right to life, liberty, and the full pursuit of happiness. As we pause to remember Juneteenth, Mr. Speaker, I am reminded of a song recorded by the artist Michael Bolton. It is a song that I dedicate today to our ancestors, who came before us, to all of you wherever you may be, wherever your spirits are, we say to you that we will pick up the mantle and we will run with it. The song goes like this, and it is a very simple song but a very significant one. It says: I have often dreamed of a far off place where a heroes welcome would be waiting for me. Where the crowds will cheer when they see my face and a voice keeps saying this is where I am meant to be. I will be there someday. I can go the distance. I will find my way if I can be strong. I know every mile will be worth my while when I go the distance I will be right where I belong. I will go down the road to embrace my fate though that road may wander it will lead me to you. And a thousand years would be worth the wait it might take a lifetime but somehow I will see it through. And I will not look back I can go the distance and I will stay on track, no I will not accept defeat. It is an uphill slope but I won't lose hope until I go the distance and my journey ends for me. To look beyond the glory is the hardest part, for a heroes strength is measured by his heart. Like a shooting star, I will go the distance. I will search the world. I will face it all. I do not care how far, I can go the distance until I find my heroes welcome waiting in your arms. To our ancestors we say: I will search the world. I will face its harms until I find my heroes welcome waiting in your arms. That is what this faith event is truly all about, surviving hardships and going the distance. I urge the House to suspend the rules and pass House Joint Resolution 56. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas [Ms. Jackson-Lee], a member of the Committee on the Judiciary and the Committee on Science and cosponsor of this legislation. (Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, first of all, I want to thank the gentleman from Oklahoma [Mr. Watts] for his leadership in guiding this bill to the House floor. I also thank the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. Burton], chairman of the Committee on Government Reform and Oversight, and the gentleman from California [Mr. Waxman], the ranking member, for their support of this measure. For more than 100 years, African-Americans all over this country have been celebrating a very special day, Juneteenth. Juneteenth, on June 19, commemorates a joyous day in 1865 when many of the slaves in the State of Texas first learned that they had been freed. Juneteenth is sometimes known as the African-American 4th of July. President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863. However, as most Americans know, the Emancipation Proclamation freed only those slaves in the States fighting against the Union in the Civil War. However, it was not until General Gordon Granger of the Union army arrived in Texas in 1865 that many of the slaves were informed that they had already been emancipated for over two years. As the news spread, African-Americans celebrated. Festive foods were prepared. Music was played. People danced and sang. Mr. Speaker, most importantly, they prayed. Then began the long journey down the road towards equality and justice, a journey we still find ourselves traveling on more than a century later. That is why African-Americans and all people of goodwill and humanity pause to celebrate this special day in history. My good friend, the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Jesse L. Jackson, has defined these kinds of events as faith events. More than a celebration, Mr. Speaker, the commemoration of Juneteenth is a faith event. It is a time to thank our Creator for the renewal of our people's strength, their tenacity, their determination, and the amazing grace which has sustained their souls and their faith through this great hardship. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Oklahoma [Mr. Watts] for his statements. Juneteenth is a day to celebrate and pay homage to the endurance of African-American slaves and their determination to be free. It commemorates the tenacity and courage they exhibited to obtain that freedom. It is a tribute to those black Americans who fought so long and worked so hard for the dream of equality. Although Juneteenth is founded upon a painful past, it is now a day of celebration, fellowship, unity, and new beginnings: a faith event. When African-Americans were brought from Africa to this country as slaves, it was not only their bodies that were shackled. Their potential was also imprisoned. But no amount of enslavement, torture, humiliation, or murder was able to bound the souls, ambitions, or dreams of this dynamic and resilient people. No other class of citizens, with the exception of possibly the American Indian, has had their language, their culture, and their religion literally stripped from their identity, and still they survived. Indeed, we thrive. African-Americans are now doctors, lawyers, educators, Supreme Court justices, and 101 people once denied the right to even sit in the balconies of this Chamber have served as Members of the U.S. Congress. We have come far, Mr. Chairman, but we still have a long way to go. Juneteenth symbolizes the formal beginning of our march toward self- determination and empowerment. At times progress along this march has been slow, almost imperceptible. Though technically free by law, there are new struggles which today seek to enslave and impede our people from fully realizing the bounty of the American dream. Crime, drug abuse, poverty, poor health, and substandard education continue to shackle the full development of African-American potential. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, 6 years ago my colleague, the chairwoman of the Congressional Black Caucus, the gentlewoman from California, [Ms. Waters] came to Baltimore to deliver a most dynamic commencement address at Morgan State University, which is located in my district. During that address she said that African-Americans are the only class of citizens of this great Nation which has had to have landmark legislation and groundbreaking court decisions handed down throughout our Nation's history to force America to accept us as full citizens, with all the rights and privileges of that distinction. Mr. Speaker, on that great day, the gentlewoman from California [Ms. Waters] was right on point. In 1791, the fifth amendment was ratified, guaranteeing all persons due process under the law. In 1865, this country adopted the 13th amendment, officially doing away with slavery. In the course of one century the Congress of the United States has passed four civil rights acts giving all U.S. citizens the same rights enjoyed by whites, and finally, in 1974, the Congress enacted the Housing and Community Development Act. Almost two centuries have passed since this country began to make efforts to reconcile this inhuman past with this bright and hopeful future. But Mr. Speaker, I must reiterate that a full century after the Emancipation Proclamation, three decades since the Voting Rights Act, two generations since the landmark court decision of Brown versus the Board of Education, Americans, both black and white, still find themselves standing dumbfounded at the crossroads in race relations. Mr. Speaker, we can and we must do better. I want to take this opportunity to commend President Clinton for his encouraging our Nation to live up to its potential as we continue taking steps in America's long journey toward racial healing. In the President's address at the University of California, San Diego, last weekend, he had the courage to address the sensitive and critical issue of race relations. But we cannot allow a dialog on race to commence without fully addressing serious economic, social, and environmental systems that continue to fan the flames of misunderstanding. Until we address the root causes of joblessness and unemployment, health, poverty, and hunger, affordable housing and educational disparity, a discussion of race healing is premature. The President has appointed a blue ribbon panel to advise him on the issue of race. But, Mr. Speaker, I agree with retired Maryland juvenile court judge Vincent Femia, who said: To appoint this group of people to study race is like appointing a group of people to decide if they should repaint the window frames of a house while the house is on fire. Yes, maybe the window frames do need repainting, but, if you sit around talking, pretty soon it is not going to make any difference. If we are truly to have a dialog on race in America, it must begin with an honest, frank, and truthful discussion on how we treat and disrespect our Nation's poor and working families. If we do not do that, Mr. Speaker, any conversation we hope to have on racial healing will fall on deaf ears. We must face and overcome these critical problems as one nation; indivisible, with an eye toward justice and liberty for all. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman from Texas for taking the lead on the very critical issue of human rights progress in Ethiopia. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to speak about the deteriorating human rights situation in Ethiopia. Almost exactly 6 years ago, the brutal Mengistu regime in Ethiopia, notorious for having one of the bleakest human rights records on the continent, fell. The governance of the country was taken over by a coalition of ethnic based insurgency groups under the umbrella of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front [EPRDF], thus ending 15 years of terror. At the time, there was much hope that the country was finally entering a period of democracy and respect for human rights. Sadly, the removal of the Communist military dictatorship of Mengistu Haile Mariam in May 1991, has not yielded the fruits of a functioning democracy. The Ethiopian people are not benefiting from the so-called peace dividends of the new world order. Instead, the country remains locked in a Marxist time warp and saddled with a minority-based ethnic dictatorship. The Government continues to divide the nation's peoples into ethnic- based Bantustans, or enclaves, each purposely pitted against the other with the goal of facilitating the dictatorial regime. This ploy has endangered the Ethiopian people with the inevitable consequences of civil war with repercussions far worse than the tragedies that transpired in Bosnia and Rwanda. These ethnic enclaves may be taken over by Moslem fundamentalist groups. There is a danger that Ethiopia, or parts of it could turn into an Iran-like regime. Until the current government took over, Ethiopia was one of the few stable, democratic countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Now, all the democratically hostile countries surrounding Ethiopia, such as the Sudan, Somalia, Iraq, and Iran are seeking to exploit the chaotic situation in the country by exerting their negative influences. Chaos is likely to continue to reign as long as the ethnocratic government is allowed to continue to monopolize political, economic, military and police powers, and to pursue its policies of setting Ethiopians against each other. Ethiopians are disturbed that Western support is bolstering the misrule of Ethiopia by an ethnic minority and against the universally accepted principles of human rights, majority rule, and representative democracy. Troubling accounts of repression and human rights violations by the new government have been emerging. I would like to share with you just one story by way of illustration. Mr. E is a 20-year-old mechanic of Amharic ethnicity. Like so many of their fellow citizens, Mr. E's family had suffered greatly under the Mengistu government. His older brother had been arrested and viciously tortured for opposition activities and eventually fled the country. Mr. E's father had been arrested on many occasions for questioning. The family was relieved when the regime fell and looked forward to peace. After graduating from high school in 1994, Mr. E joined the All Amhara People's Organization, a major opposition group. In February 1995, Mr. E was stopped on the street by police for a random search. When the police found Mr. E's party identification, they arrested him and locked him in a tiny brick cell where he was held with two other men incommunicado and without charge for 8 months. Though he was only 18 and had just joined the organization, guards questioned Mr. E about the long-term plans of the All Amhara People's Organization. Mr. E was fed only small amounts of bread and water; no sanitary provisions were made. Within a short time his health began to deteriorate. By the end of 8 months, Mr. E was so ill that the guards decided to allow his parents to take him home. As he was leaving the prison, Mr. E finally received notice of the charges against him and a summons to appear in court. As Mr. E recuperated at home, his neighbors reported that they were being questioned by unknown men in civilian clothes as to Mr. E's activities and whether he was receiving any visitors. Fearing that he would once again be arrested and held indefinitely, Mr. E fled Ethiopia and arrived in the United States in February 1996. Like Mr. E, thousands of individuals opposed to the current government, particularly journalists, academicians, and opposition party officials were being harassed as they attempt to express their views on the critical issues facing the country. The Ethiopian Government continues to deny political detainees both procedural and substantive due process of the law and has made a mockery of the administration of justice. I would like to call particular attention to the plight of three political prisoners--Dr. Asrate Woldeyes, Dr. Taye Semayat, and Mr. Abera Yemane Ab. At the behest of the Ethiopian-American community here in the United States, I have personally urged our State Department to intercede on behalf of these prominent political prisoners in Ethiopia. I have also communicated my concerns directly to the Ethiopian Government. Thus far, I am sorry to report, no progress has been made. But, we must not relinquish our struggle against the relentless assault on the human rights of the Ethiopian peoples. We must urge the Ethiopian Government to cease the ethnic discrimination, foster positive relations between the various ethnic groups and to allow freedom of movement and expression. In fiscal year 1996, the United States gave Ethiopia $109 million in bilateral economic assistance making Ethiopia the third highest recipient of United States aid to the continent. More importantly, perhaps, the United States acts as the coordinator for all Western aid to Ethiopia. I urge my colleagues to continue their support for the inclusion of human rights as an integral element of our foreign policy by supporting this amendment.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentlewoman from Texas for yielding. Almost exactly 6 years ago the brutal Mengistu regime in Ethiopia, notorious for having one of the bleakest human rights records on the continent, fell. At that time there was much hope that the country was finally entering a period of democracy and respect for human rights. Sadly, the government continues to divide the nation's peoples into ethnic-based enclaves, each purposely pitted against the other, with the goal of facilitating the dictatorial regime. This ploy has endangered the Ethiopian people with the inevitable consequence of civil war, with repercussions far worse than the tragedies that transpired in Bosnia and Rwanda. Until the current government took over, Ethiopia was one of a few stable democratic countries in the sub-Saharan Africa. Now, all the democratically hostile countries surrounding Ethiopia, such as Sudan, Somalia, Iraq and Iran, are seeking to exploit the chaotic situation in the country by exerting their negative influences, and therefore I support the gentlewoman's amendment.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to support the Drug-Free Communities Act. I thank the sponsor of this legislation, the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Portman] for his vision, his guidance, and his mission. He and his staff worked in a bipartisan fashion with Members on both sides of the aisle and they are certainly to be commended for their hard work. I also wish to thank the chairman of the Subcommittee on National Security, the gentleman from Illinois, Congressman Hastert, and my ranking member, the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. Barrett], for their leadership. And certainly the hard work of the gentleman from New York [Mr. Rangel], and the gentleman from Michigan [Mr. Levin], does not go unnoticed, and I thank them. My colleagues, this legislation is so important to our Nation. Many areas, like my home district of Baltimore, are disproportionately ravaged by the drug epidemic. This bill would set a blueprint and a road map for community organizations to receive matching funds and provide assistance in their drug prevention programs. This measure focuses on a theme that I echo continuously when I visit neighborhoods throughout Baltimore. To be successful in this war on drugs, it will take a partnership between State and local governments, educators and health care professionals, law enforcement officials and community groups, as well as religious organizations and the private sector. There must be a unified American counter-drug effort with one common purpose, to reduce illegal drug use and its consequences in America. I support a national drug strategy, which includes both domestic and international efforts, to strongly eradicate drug importing and drug trafficking. However, cultivating and empowering grass roots leadership is so vital in effective drug control efforts. Best of all, this measure focuses on local needs. This measure allows us to use the people's funds in a very effective and cost efficient manner. There is one community organization in west Baltimore, led by a woman named Adele Redden, which has single-handedly reduced drug trafficking in their neighborhood by 70 percent over the last 3 years. The men and women who are working in neighborhoods across America are the real heroes in this fight against drug abuse. It is crucial we reach our young people before they get hooked on drugs. This bill goes a long ways towards that end. My colleagues, if we want to make a difference in the war on drugs, if we want to go home to our constituents and tell them we are actually working to stem the flow of drugs entering this country, if we want to support the drug czar in his efforts to reduce illegal drug use and crime that comes to our cities, I urge all of us to support this bill.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I stand here today to encourage my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to consider transportation needs of their respective districts when considering the budget resolution. I remind Members, no, I implore them, to remain cognizant of just how many aspects of human society are dependent on our transportation systems: Employment, trade, land development, environmental quality, social equity, economic activity, energy and resource allocation, access to education, and access to health care. The Shuster-Oberstar-Petri-Rahall amendment permits us to address the serious infrastructure deficiencies of our Nation. It does not interfere with balancing the budget by fiscal year 2002 and it does not cut any entitlement programs. Transportation accounts for over $1 trillion in commerce annually. For every $1 billion of investment, 42,000 jobs are created. Please do not stunt the economic growth of our country by denying Americans essential transportation systems. Our daily existence depends on it.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Chairman, the folks who support H.R. 3 just do not get it. They just do not get it. Our children need help. They need a lot of help. They do not need a kick in the behind. A young man who was placed in a Maryland prison, 15 years old, killed himself. But just before he killed himself, he wrote a poem that is embedded in the DNA of every cell of my brain. It is entitled, ``All Cried Out.'' I'm all cried out from the pain and sorrow, Wondering if I'll live to see tomorrow. I'm tired of my feelings getting hurt. It feels like the stuff of life getting pulled over my eyes and I'm constantly in the dark. I'm all cried out and this is without a doubt. This is my fight with life and I'm at the end of my bout. I'm a victim of society and a victim of circumstance, hoping that I'll get a second chance to prove that I am somebody instead of nobody. I've been put down, put out and even cursed out but somehow I still rise to the top. I'm tired of crying my pain away because even after the tears are gone, I still feel the pain each and every day. This poem is just telling people what I'm really about, but it's really to let them know that I'm all cried out. Mr. Chairman, last week, I hosted two town-hall meetings in my district of Baltimore and the overwhelming message that I received from my constituents is their overpowering fear of crime. My constituents told me that they are afraid to walk to the bus stop to get to work--they are frightened that their homes will be burglarized. I, myself, had a shotgun pinned to the back of my head-- splayed out on the sidewalk right outside my home. And more and more, these are young people committing these crimes. I am angry. I am angry because I feel so helpless. I didn't have an answer last weekend and I don't have one now * * * but I do know one thing--the bill we are considering today is not the answer. I commend the authors of this bill because I recognize that juvenile crime is among the most pressing crime problems facing the Nation, and that Federal legislation addressing this problem is warranted. However, this bill in its present form has serious and fundamental flaws. One of my primary concerns with this bill is that it allows juveniles to be housed with adults. And even more disturbing, children that have been charged with petty offenses like shoplifting or motor vehicle violations could be held with adult inmates. Children as young as 13 to 15 years old can be placed with adult offenders if juvenile facilities are not readily available. Children 16 years and older can be detained and mixed with adults regardless of the availability of juvenile facilities. I know there are some in this body that are not sympathetic to this notion. They will say--if you're old enough to do the crime, you are old enough to do the time. According to the American Psychological Association, children confined in adult institutions are five times more likely to be sexually assaulted, twice as likely to be beaten by staff, and 50 percent more likely to be attacked with a weapon than children detained in juvenile facilities. The youthful offenders that we are treating like adults are the same kids that we saw playing hopscotch, jumping rope, and playing tag. What happened to them? Whose fault is it that they fell from grace? Who is responsible for their failures? I understand the need to make a statement to the citizens back home and to all that are watching us today on C-SPAN across the country. I understand how polls work and the need to communicate to one's constituency about ``going to Washington and doing something about crime.'' Yes, I am cynical and this bill is not the solution. We are ignoring prevention and early intervention programs, which are the most effective means of reducing crime. We are ignoring rehabilitation methods such as getting to these kids while they are still impressionable, allowing them to reverse the path and mistakes that they have made. Are we as a collective body going to throw away kids that are 13 or 14 or 15 years old? i'm all cried out That is the title of a poem that a young man from Maryland wrote before he killed himself. This young man was only 15 years old. The local law enforcement authorities placed him in an adult prison for a petty offense and he wrote this poem, which was found on a scrap of paper at his feet: All Cried Out I'm all cried out from the pain and sorrow, Wondering if I'll live to see tomorrow. I'm tired of my feelings getting hurt. It feels like the stuff of life keeps getting pulled over my eyes and I'm constantly in the dark. I'm all cried out and this is without a doubt. This is my fight with life and I'm at the end of my bout. I'm a victim of society and a victim of cricumstance, hoping that I'll get a second chance to prove that I am somebody instead of nobody. I've been put down, put out and even cursed out but somehow I still rise to the top. I'm tired of crying my pain away because even after the tears are gone, I still feel the pain each and every day. This poem is just telling people what I'm really about, but it's really to let them know that I'm all cried out. Another area in which this bill fails is that it fails to deal with the problem of disproportionate minority confinement. Although African-American juveniles age 10 to 17 constitute 15 percent of the total population of the United States, they constitute 26 percent of junvenile arrests, 32 percent of delinquency referrals to juvenile court, 41 percent of the juveniles detained in delinquency cases, 46 percent of the juveniles in correctional institutions, and 52 percent of the juveniles transferred to adult criminal court after judicial hearings. We are doing nothing to address this serious issue. Under this legislation, we can expect to see a significant increase in the number of African-American juveniles receiving mandatory minimum sentences. Further, this bill does not address fundamental law enforcement issues including juvenile gun use, drug use, or gang activity and prevention. Localities and urban areas across the country are looking for guidance from the Federal Government and we are dropping the ball. I go home every night to Baltimore and I hear it when I walk up the steps to my home, I hear it when I fill my car with gas, I hear it in the supermarket--our young people need somewhere to go and something to do. We need to provide local governments with money to assist them in finding ways to stop the children in their communities from getting involved in crime in the first place. We need to focus on early intervention for youth at risk of committing crimes and intervention programs for first offenders at risk of committing more serious crimes--before the juvenile becomes involved with the criminal justice system. I'm not ready to throw these kids away and I'm not willing to vote for a bill that emanates political grandstanding without real solutions. I urge my colleagues to vote against this bill in its present form and support the Democratic substitute.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I wish to call attention of our colleagues to the annual commemoration of Public Service Recognition Week and to related activities occurring here in Washington this week. As I do so, however, I wish to take just a moment to point out that, as we celebrate the good news about Federal employees achievements, they have just received a dose of bad news from the budget negotiators who have agreed to cut Federal pay in order to reduce the deficit. I am opposed to this cut and I along with the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Hoyer] have recently introduced House Resolution 71, which rejects it. The gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Hoyer] is to be commended for his tireless work on behalf of Federal employees. I thank him for his leadership in this area. Mr. Speaker, each May the President's Council on Management Improvement and the Public Employees Roundtable launch activities in cities across our Nation which highlight excellence in public service at the Federal, State, and local government levels. The organization's objectives are to inform Americans about the contributions of public employees, to the quality of our lives, to encourage excellence in Government and to promote public service careers. Activities in my own hometown were kicked off last Friday by the Baltimore Federal Executive Board which held its 30th annual excellence in Federal career awards program at Martin's West in Baltimore County. Forty-one Federal agencies submitted a total of 202 nominations for the board's consideration. Among the 13 first-place gold award winners were Henry Powell, a customer service representative with the IRS who was recognized for community service; Mary Lisa Ward, a special agent with the U.S. Customs Service, who was recognized as an outstanding administrator; and Richard Laughlin, a quality assurance specialist at the Defense Contract Management Command, who was recognized as an outstanding technician. Mr. Speaker, while I only have time to call a few names out, I believe that each award recipient and each person nominated deserve recognition and our thanks. This past Monday, the Public Employees Roundtable held a ceremony here on Capitol Hill and presented its breakfast of champions awards to representatives of exceptional programs at each level of Government. Among the 1997 award winners at the Federal level were the Internal Revenue Service telefile program and the Department of State's Overseas Citizens Service. Other programs receiving special recognition this year were the Defense Personnel Center in Philadelphia, PA, the Veterans Benefits Administration in Muskogee, OK, and the U.S. Army Europe's foreign military interaction program. Beginning today, May 8, and continuing through May 11, over two dozen Federal agencies and employee organizations will have exhibits set up in large tents on the national Mall at Third and Independence Avenues here in Washington. The public is invited to come out to learn more about the functions of these agencies and the services that each provides. Some of our military bands and other groups will provide entertainment during this family oriented event. Mr. Speaker, Public Service Recognition Week offers all Americans, especially young people, the opportunity to learn more about the Government and the rewarding careers available. It also provides the opportunity to thank those who serve us daily for their efforts. I believe that our public service employees should be valued and respected by all Americans, and the activities occurring this week across the Nation make it crystal clear why this is so.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to claim the time of the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Wynn].

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, first of all, I want to again commend the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Jackson] for his efforts. I particularly want to commend him for his concern about the children of the poor. One of the things I think we must keep in mind is children's personalities. I am the father of a 3-year-old, and I know for a fact that from zero to 6 is a very critical time for a child. If we think about children's development, they develop their personalities; they become who they are. And our children have basically one life to live. And there are no dress rehearsals and this is it. And that is why it is so critical that parents be with children. Somebody asked a question just a moment ago, why is it not zero to 3? Well, the fact still remains that zero to 3 is a critical period, but most children go to school at 5 to 6. The question becomes, who takes care of those children before they go to school? I think that is extremely important. Another thing that we have to keep in mind is that taking care of children is a very, very significant job. It takes time. Children need their parents. So the fact is that the Jackson amendment is very, very critical. If we want to talk about ending the cycle of poverty, one of the greatest ways to end that cycle is to make sure that children are taken care of so that they then form the personalities so that they then grow up so that they then become responsible citizens. And what happens to those children between zero and 6 will go with them for the rest of their lives. My distinguished colleague from North Carolina on the Democratic side just talked about something that was very critical. He talked about liability. Somebody asked a question, well, why can we not take these children to work with us and do this volunteer work? First of all, I want to define volunteer. We keep saying volunteer. This is not volunteering. We would not be having this debate if it was volunteering. It is not. What we are saying to people is that if they do not do a certain thing, we will put them in the street. And that is what is called punishment. If we are connecting what we call volunteering to punishment, it is not volunteering.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. First of all, I want to commend my good friend and colleague from Illinois, [Mr. Jackson]. I wanted to thank him for his efforts in this regard and for his efforts to uplift the poor people of our country. I also thank the gentleman for realizing and trying to get the word out that the poor too is America. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in opposition to section 105 of the bill and support the Jackson amendment. I am saddened. It seems that my colleagues on the other side of the aisle have blinders on. I understand that their intent in crafting this bill must have been honorable; however, what this body is doing today is abhorrent to the citizens that are the poorest in our Nation. I might add, Mr. Chairman, that within 5 blocks of my home there are probably about 2,000 public housing residents. I represented them in my legislative district in the State of Maryland and I represent them now. I would invite the Members who are supporting section 105 to come and visit my district. There appears to be a presumption that the poor just sit home and do nothing, and that is a major, major problem. Here we are today saying that we will dictate, we will sit here and we will dictate to them what they should be doing. I invite my colleagues to come into my district. I invite Members that supported this bill in committee and who support it today on the floor to visit the Seventh Congressional District, and they will see that these citizens have no other place to go. My colleagues must understand that public housing is not the greatest place to live. They have no other place to live. This section is telling our poorest citizens that they must volunteer or they are to be evicted. Evicted to go where? Evicted to be set on the street. I ask my colleagues who support this bill, who will take care of the children when they are volunteering? Or more importantly, will these citizens gain valuable work experience to put on a resume, to help to find a job and have self-sufficiency? This is not work for benefit, no, this is not work for benefit. It is an edict, an order: Work or live on the street. This section is placing misguided values on the poorest of the poor. We already have a society of the haves and the have nots and we are underscoring and highlighting this class distinction; a two-tier society. We are blocking the have nots and we are saying that have nots cannot be haves. We are keeping these citizens down and not allowing them to stand upon our shoulders to reach for higher ground and a higher way of life. In my home State of Maryland, we already require welfare beneficiaries to do certain types of work. Additional regulations will constitute an administrative and bureaucratic nightmare which will place even greater burdens on local housing authorities, instead of allowing them greater flexibility to deal with the pressures they are facing as a result of declining funding. Mandating that poor citizens volunteer is demeaning and it is burdensome on the recipients, and it is also burdensome on our local housing authority. I urge my colleagues to support the Jackson amendment.

Mr. CUMMINGS. I yield to the gentleman from Vermont.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Chairman, that goes back to what I am saying. We have to put all of this discussion in some kind of context. We must define what we are doing. I am getting tired of hearing us talk about volunteering when we are not. Mr. Chairman, I submit that if we are going to stop the cycle of poverty, what we must first do is invest in our children, lift our children up. There is no greater thing that a parent can do than to be beside a child to help form that personality to pass on wonderful ideas, wonderful feelings and give them a sense of self-worth.

Mr. CUMMINGS. I yield to the gentleman from Illinois.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Chairman, for as long as I have been an elected official, my guiding principle has been to empower people to serve as a link that brings the resources of government to the people. It is because of these principles that I voted against last year's version of this bill. This year's bill, H.R. 2, is not much better. It would repeal the United States Housing Act of 1937, which has provided the underpinning for the Department of Housing and Urban Development's basic purpose for more than 60 years. Rather than improving upon the 1937 Housing Act, this year's bill abandons the basic tenets of the original bill to provide every American with safe, sanitary, and affordable housing. Abandoning these basic goals would be a disservice to every American who is struggling to provide adequately for his or her family. Housing is essential if families are to be safe and if those responsible for food and shelter are to seek and find permanent employment. The Housing Opportunity and Responsibility Act lacks compassion. I believe that, in its current form, this bill will force thousands of needy persons onto the streets and leave many more teetering on the brink of homelessness. This measure will force our poorest citizens to pay increased rents to live in public housing units, while it allows individuals with higher incomes to receive increased governmental benefits. The bill's income targeting provisions also are tilted too far in favor of higher-income families. This will exacerbate the shortage of affordable housing for every low-income family. Our Nation is already experiencing a shortage of affordable housing for low-income families. More than 5.6 million low-income families currently pay more than 50 percent of their income for rent. We have lost 43 percent of this Nation's affordable housing supply over the last two decades. This bill in its current form will only make the problem worse by reducing the main source of housing affordable to very poor, namely public and assisted housing. Additional resources must be provided to increase the number of housing units available to the poor. Otherwise, local housing authorities will charge higher rents to attract higher-income tenants. This will result in lower-income tenants being pushed into homelessness.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Arizona who just spoke for his comments. He said something that I would like to just piggyback on just a bit. So often out of difficult circumstances come great things. I think that when you look at what Jackie Robinson did and coming through the difficulty that he did come through, the fact is, is that he opened the doors for so, so many. I would venture to guess that the 39 members of the Black Caucus, the Congressional Black Caucus, owe a great debt of gratitude to this great man, for he did open many doors. But he did it through pain. I think that if we are to learn anything from this great man, we should learn that through pain, a lot of times come great things. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. As I close, Mr. Speaker, I just want to go back to something that the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania just talked about. He talked about the fact that there had been doors closed over and over again to people of African-American descent. And there have been doors closed to many immigrants that have come to this country. As I sat there listening to what he had to say, I could not help but be reminded of my childhood as a young boy in south Baltimore, where we did not have many opportunities. We did not play on grass. We played on asphalt. I will never forget looking up to a Jackie Robinson and saying there is a man who looks like me, who looks like my father, there is a man who came from the same kind of neighborhood that I came from, there is a man who is doing it, and so I know that I can do it, too. That was very significant for me. I shall never forget standing and singing in class, in elementary school, ``My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.'' And then I asked the question, but am I singing for a dream that can be fulfilled? Am I singing for a dream like a Jackie Robinson? Mr. Speaker, I would submit to the Members of this great Congress that it is people like Jackie Robinson that stood up for little boys and girls all over our country. When they looked at Jackie Robinson, they said to themselves, ``He looks like me, he comes from my same kind of neighborhood, he stands up like my father, he looks like my father, and if he can do it, so can I.'' And so it is that it is only fitting that on this 50th anniversary that we pause, and sometimes, Mr. Speaker, it is so important that we simply pause in our lives to take a moment to recognize great people, that we pause out of our busy schedules and say, wait a minute, time out; let us take a moment to realize and recognize what a great man did. So to Jackie Robinson, who is not here, but I do believe that he is here in spirit, wherever he is, Jackie Robinson I say to him, thank you, thank you for standing up, thank you for being an example, thank you for being someone that little boys and little girls could follow and who can say that you were a true role model. Thank you for being a role model. Thank you for not taking a walk and saying to our young people that I will not be a role model, that I am not a role model. You were a role model. So we say to him today, thank you, thank you for lifting us up, thank you for all of us who are now in our 40s, 50s, and 60s, thank you for being that example, thank you for bridging the gap. Thank you for building bridges so that we reach out to one another and say we too are America and so that when little children sing, my country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, so that when they sing those wonderful songs about this patriotic world that we live in, this country that we live in, they can too stand there and say that I can too succeed, that I can too be powerful, that I can too make a difference. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. It certainly is an honor to stand here today to salute a great hero. As I watched the President on television last night, and as I listen to my colleagues, and I am very grateful to all of them for every syllable that is spoken on behalf of Jackie Robinson, I stand, Mr. Speaker, and wonder what he would feel if he were standing here today. In Baltimore, where I hail from, we have a team that is doing pretty good right now. I look at that team and I ask myself, if it were not for a Jackie Robinson, how many African-American players would be there today? But going back to the question that I asked before, the question is how would he feel. I think that and I hope that as we celebrate this great man's life, and certainly we do not celebrate because he died but because he lived, I hope that we will keep a lot of things in mind, and I am sure if Jackie Robinson were here today he would agree with me. First of all, it is true that he did break the color barrier with regard to baseball. But as I read his history, it went far beyond that. He was a man who spoke eloquently about race relations. He stood up for what was right, no matter what the situation was. And that is very important in our society; that we ought to bring about positive change. I would submit that he was a great man of integrity. The great writer Stephen Carter, in his book ``Integrity'' says that integrity is based upon three things: No. 1, he says one must discern between what is right and wrong, what is good and bad. And Jackie Robinson surely did that. He did it over and over and over again. He did not take a walk when it came time to stand up for what he believed in. He made a decision between right and wrong, and he stood on that. Even when people spat on him and people called him all kinds of names, names that I dare not say in this Chamber, the fact is that he stood for what he believed in. The great writer, Stephen Carter, goes on to say that there is a No. 2 thing that we must do to have true integrity, and Jackie Robinson had it. That is that you must act upon what you believe in even to your own peril. So I say to America and to our country and to this great Congress that his example is one that we must live up to. That is, that we must look at a man called Jackie Robinson, who broke this color barrier 50 years ago, who stood up over and over and over again for what he believed in, even to his own peril. I cannot even imagine what he must have felt going onto a field with people calling him everything but a child of God. I cannot imagine it. But yet and still, he performed quite nicely under all of those circumstances. Going back to the writer Stephen Carter, he says you must do one other thing. He says, No. 1, you must discern between right and wrong; No. 2, you must act, even to your own peril, on what is right; but then he says something else, that you must tell someone about it. The reason why he says you must tell someone about it is because of the fact that in order to change the world, in order to change the world, you have to tell people what you stood for and what you did with regard to that. And so it is that Jackie Robinson told the world. He told the world that no matter what, I shall stand up for what I believe in. He told the world that I will play baseball even under difficult circumstances. But, Mr. Speaker, he had something else going for him, too. He had a vision. I am sure he had a vision that one day every team in the American League, every team in the National League would have African- American players playing great baseball, African-American players sharing rooms with white players, African-American players doing everything that they could to stand up for what they believed in, just as Jackie Robinson did. And so it is with great honor that I stand here in support of House Concurrent Resolution 61. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Philadelphia, PA [Mr. Fattah].

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, as I travel throughout my home district of Baltimore, MD, I am often asked by my constituents what are some of the greatest challenges we face as Members of Congress. There is one issue they seem to approach me about now more than ever, the absolute lack of a bipartisanship spirit in this Congress. I must say, Mr. Speaker, that I agree wholeheartedly with my constituents. Today we are considering a measure to fund the standing committees of the House for the 105th Congress, and the ugly specter of partisanship has once again raised its head. We are poised to approve a budget for the committee on which I serve, the Committee on Government Reform and Oversight, that is larger than any other committee's budget, and all in the name of a highly partisan investigation of the executive branch. By contrast, the Senate is appropriately looking at all abuses, both by Republicans and Democrats. The greatest travesty of all is the waste of taxpayers' dollars. Last night this House said no to increases in funding for House committees, and I commend my colleagues on the other side of this aisle who voted against this resolution. This morning we are considering a compromise that the majority crafted late last night. But I am puzzled. How can my colleagues on the other side of the aisle who joined us in voting against the resolution last night vote to freeze committee levels for 1 month and grant the Committee on Government Reform and Oversight the entire extraordinary budget that they desire and still contain an $8 million slush fund. If there have been fund-raising abuses, let us explore the charges in a bipartisan fashion. We need a balanced, fair investigation that will produce answers rather than more controversy. I do believe I am not overstating the matter when I say that the integrity of this House is at stake. If we are to be taken seriously, we need to conduct and set budget parameters that reflect the bipartisan effort. Mr. Speaker, the American people are the real losers in this process. I urge my colleagues to vote against this resolution and call for a budget that is fair and just and results in a meaningful bipartisan investigation.

Mr. CUMMINGS

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, the proposal that we are considering today will help bring improved services and benefits to the many Blue Cross/ Blue Shield subscribers in my district in Baltimore and to many of the constituents of representatives from suburban Maryland, Northern Virginia, and Washington, DC. I commend the gentleman from Virginia for introducing this necessary legislation. This bill extinguishes the Federal charter of Blue Cross/Blue Shield of the National Capital Area, which will permit it to organize and come under the jurisdiction of D.C. insurance laws--as it should have long ago. A merger between the National Capital area Blue Cross/Blue Shield and Maryland Blue Cross/Blue Shield will create a $3 billion-dollar-a- year nonprofit company--providing health care coverage to 25 percent of the 8 million residents of Maryland, the District, and the Northern Virginia suburbs. Just as important, my constituents in Baltimore that are enrolled in the Blue Cross/Blue Shield plan will receive tangible results from the merger. It will increase competition, which will result in better service, more options, and access to a larger number of doctors, hospitals, and pharmacies at a lower cost for its customers. The passage of H.R. 497 is essential to giving my constituents in Baltimore, and the constituents of the members of Maryland, Virginia, and Washington, DC the type of comprehensive, quality health care they deserve. I am glad to know that we in Congress are doing all that we can to give health care providers greater flexibility to meet our constituents health care needs. Again, I congratulate the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Davis for introducing this meaningful legislation and for working with the minority in such a bipartisan fashion. I urge my colleagues to suspend the rules and pass H.R. 497.