Joe Crowley

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, this evening I say goodbye to the House of Representatives after 20 years of service. Thank you to the people of Queens and the Bronx. It has been the honor of a lifetime to be the voice of many people from New York City. Mr. Speaker, as a son and grandson of immigrants from Ireland, more specifically, as a son of a New York City cop, as a husband and a father, I can only hope I have made my family proud. My family is everything to me. They taught me to pursue fairness and justice, to use my power--and my size and my voice--for good, and to give back. I hope I have done that. I hope my colleagues will keep working together to do the same. We all have different backgrounds, but we are all united by our shared dreams for this great land. I believe in the best of America, its people, and its public servants. Again, thank you to my family for the love and support you have always shown to me: to my mom, who was not able to be here tonight; to my brother, Sean; my sisters, Eileen and Maura; my brother's wife, Maureen, and their boys; my sister's children and their families; my children, Cullen, Kenzie, and Liam. I won't tell you their ages, because they can't be on the floor. And, of course, my wife, Kasey, is with us as well. Thank you, Kasey. To my staff, the greatest staff a person could ever have, all of you have made this such a great journey. From the darkest days of my life of 9/11 to the passage of the Affordable Care Act, a very special moment for me, it has been great to be a part of this amazing ride. I thank you all very much, and God bless you all. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to say goodbye to the House of Representatives. To say goodbye after 20 years of service to the people of New York and to the country. To say goodbye to what's been the honor of a lifetime. I have been grateful every day for this opportunity--to come to work in this chamber, to walk beneath the Capitol dome, to stand in the footsteps of the giants who came before us. And I will forever be thankful for having had the chance to represent my hometown community. All four of my grandparents, and my mother, were immigrants from Ireland. They left behind everything they knew, in search of a better life for not just themselves, but for their future generations. I doubt they ever pictured that someday their grandson would serve in the United States Congress, but I hope I have done them proud. My dad was the oldest of seven, who first became a New York City cop, then went to college and law school on the GI bill. My mom didn't go to college, but she worked as a legal secretary, raised four children, and gave us every opportunity she could. My family instilled in me the values that I hold dear to this day-- the importance of hard work, building strong communities, and ensuring opportunity for all. They taught me to stand up for the little guy, to pursue fairness and justice, to use my power--and my size, and my voice--for good. And I've tried to incorporate those lessons throughout my work. My family also taught me the importance of service--of giving back. Of being part of something that's bigger than yourself. That's what I've been thinking about as I say farewell to my time in Congress. Our time here isn't about any one of us--it's about what's best for the country. I think sometimes we lose sight of that in the day-to-day--the legislative deadlines, the political positioning. Our jobs here tend to be partisan--there's no escaping that. But we can't--we shouldn't--let that blind us to what we're sent here to do. Yes, I'll remember the day we passed the Affordable Care Act to bring health care to millions more Americans. I'll remember marching for fair, humane immigration reform with Luis Gutierrez. I'll remember ``sitting in'' for sensible gun violence prevention. But I'll also always remember walking across the Edmund Pettus Bridge with John Lewis, and watching my 13-year-old son hug John after the Chief of the Montgomery Police Department apologized for his treatment there so many years ago. I'll remember welcoming Pope Francis, alongside Nancy Pelosi, John Boehner and the whole congressional leadership, many of whom I'm proud to call friends. I'll remember fighting for sustainable peace in Ireland, for progress in Burma, for a stronger relationship with India all of which require cooperation on both sides of the aisle. I'll remember returning to the Capitol after the September 11 attacks, after the worst day of my life when my cousin John was declared among the lost firefighters, and the way I was welcomed, and embraced, and loved by members of every political persuasion. I think about those experiences when I'm wondering how we can get back to the days of working together, and seeing each other as people, not political opponents. But I believe we can find our way again. Because I do believe that government can do great things. I believe that we can create good-paying jobs, and a vibrant and strong economy that works for all. I believe that we can lead the world in innovation, and lead the world, period. But those aren't Republican or Democratic goals. In my neighborhood, they're shared by the shopkeeper, the taxi driver, the firefighter. And here, they're shared by every one of us who walks into this chamber. We all have our own backgrounds and our own family folklore, but we're united by our shared dreams for this country. So I always believe in the best in this country, its people, and its public servants. Part of what helps me to keep that optimism is the love and support I've always gotten from my family, many of whom are here today. My mom, my brother and sisters, and their families. My children, Cullen, Kenzie, and Liam. And of course my wife Kasey, whose support has allowed me to participate in this great arena. It's been quite a ride. And while I'm sad to be leaving, I follow that old Irish tradition of keeping your chin up, keep smiling. I think you all know that I'm a little bit of a Bruce Springsteen fan. One of my favorite songs, Rosalita, has a line I can't help but think about: ``Someday we'll look back on this and it will all seem funny.'' I will seem funny. But it will also seem meaningful, it will seem compelling, it will seem historic. And it will always stand out to me as the greatest professional experience of my life. So thank you to my constituents, my friends, my family, my staff, and all of you who made this such a great journey.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, in case the gentleman was going to yield back, I just want to thank my staff as well, both those who worked back in 2004 to help pass the original legislation, and my staff today. In particular, I want to thank my chief of staff back home in Queens, AnneMarie Anzalone, whose husband at the time was a member of the New York City Police Department, and was a part of the cleanup on the restoration after the attack in Manhattan. It was because of her thoughtfulness in terms of moving me and pushing me to pass this legislation that this bill has come to the floor today. So I want to thank her in particular for her efforts. I thank the gentleman again for yielding.

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding this time. I want to thank Chairman Hensarling and Ranking Member Waters and all the members of the Financial Services Committee for working with me to pass this important legislation. It is something I began work on early in my tenure here in Congress, and it is important to me and to my fellow New Yorkers and, I think, our fellow Americans, as well, to see this legislation pass today. Mr. Speaker, on September 11, 2001, our Nation was rocked by the most vicious terrorist attack in our Nation's history. The devastation and the loss of life shook the American people to their core. It shook the entire world. But that morning, we also witnessed the bright light of heroism. The world saw and heard inspiring tales of rescue by public safety officers: our police officers, our firefighters, and our EMTs. They heard heartbreaking stories of many of those heroes, their injuries and their tragic deaths, people who risked their lives to save others. There is something incredible about our public safety officers. Day in and day out, they put their lives on the line. Growing up, most of us were taught to run out of burning buildings, but they do exactly the opposite. They are trained and they are devoted to responding to just that type of situation. They run into those buildings not to protect themselves or even the property, but primarily to save lives. That is exactly what hundreds of first responders did on that fateful day in America. They ran in without pause. They climbed flights and flights of stairs, while an inferno raged above them. And as we remember all too well--the images are burned in our minds forever-- those towers eventually fell, taking just about all who were living inside those towers with them. This experience affected all of us, and it still affects us all today. It personally impacted thousands of people in New York and in the New York region, I would say the quad-State region and beyond. It affected people right here in our capital region and our Pentagon. It certainly affected the people in Pennsylvania and in Boston, and wherever those flights were heading that day. It was a national attack against America. Every soul in America experienced that attack. And it impacted me, personally, as well, because my dear, good friend and first cousin, Battalion Chief John Moran, was one of those brave public safety officers inside the towers that morning. His last known words were as his truck pulled up to Tower 2. He said: ``Let me off here. I'm going to try to make a difference.'' That is what all those who served that day tried to do: they tried to make a difference. So, for me, as for thousands of Americans, the effort to honor these men and women is personal. After the attacks took place, I began working on legislation to do just that. Earlier in 2001, just a few months before the attacks, Congress had created a Public Safety Officer Medal of Valor for those who went above and beyond the call of duty. But there wasn't a way to give that award posthumously to the many who displayed extraordinary courage and who perished on September 11. But we needed to change that, and we did. In 2004, Congress finally passed our legislation, the 9/11 Heroes Medal of Valor Act, which established a decoration, posthumously awarded by the President of the United States, to the public safety officers who died rescuing individuals at the World Trade Center, the Pentagon, and elsewhere on 9/11. The following year, I attended the ceremony at the White House with many of the victims' families, where then-President George W. Bush bestowed this honor on 442 heroes and their families. They all deserved this important recognition. But as the years went on, the Nation began to learn of the longer lasting effects of the attacks because, as we all know, the story of this tragedy did not end simply on September 11. For weeks and for months after the attacks, officers continued to work day and night, first on search and rescue missions, and then on the cleanup of the wreckage itself. The toxic dust spewing into the air, when inhaled, proved to have enduring deadly effects, particularly for our first responders. For example, according to the Uniformed Firefighters Association, more than 170 firefighters have died as a result of 9/11-related injuries. Eighteen officers died in 2017 alone. Hundreds of other public safety officers have met similar fates. At the time that we passed the original 9/11 Heroes Medal of Valor bill, we did not yet know that more brave public safety officers would fall ill and pass away because of their dedicated service to their country. They, too, were heroes, and they deserve to be honored as such. That is why I have worked to introduce this new 9/11 Heroes Medal of Valor Act. This bill will grant the medal to public safety officers who worked at the sites of the attacks and have since died from a 9/11- connected illness as defined in the Zadroga Act. It will also allow those who continue to succumb to 9/11-related illnesses to receive this award. I am proud to say the legislation has the support of a wide array of public safety organizations, including the International Association of Fire Fighters, International Association of Fire Chiefs, the National Association of Police Organizations, the National Volunteer Fire Council, the National Sheriffs' Association, Major County Sheriffs of America, the FealGood Foundation, and, of course, the Sergeants Benevolent Association, the Patrolmen's Benevolent Association of the New York City Police Department, and that of the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey, as well. Without the tireless advocacy efforts of these organizations, we would not be here today. So I am extremely grateful for the work that they have done and are committed to continue to do to make this bill law. I look forward to the day when we finally honor the hundreds of heroes who have died since 9/11 for the outstanding work they did and what they continue to do to help our Nation recover. I want to thank, again, the chairman, Mr. Hensarling, Ranking Member Waters, all of my colleagues on the Financial Services Committee who cosponsored this bill from New York and around the country as well, and all of those who have helped get this long-overdue bill passed here today. Mr. Speaker, I look forward to its passage by the Senate and being signed into law by the President. I urge my colleagues to support it.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, on July 19, 2018, I was absent for recorded votes No. 363 and No. 364. I would have voted as follows if I had been present: On rollcall No. 363, I would have voted ``no''; on rollcall No. 364, I would have voted ``yes.''

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. And it requires the training of foreign service officers on how to take steps to recognize and prevent genocide and other atrocities. It is not as strong a bill as Representative Wagner and I would have liked it to have been. I know we both wanted to see more in this bill. But, as with most legislation, this is a very important first step, upon which I know further progress will be made down the road. This is an important signal from Congress that preventing atrocities must be part and parcel of the United States foreign policy in the White House, the State Department, the intelligence community, and throughout our government. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support its passage, and I encourage my colleagues to do so as well.

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from California for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act. I thank my good friend, the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Royce, and Ranking Member Engel for their support in bringing this important legislation to the floor today. I also appreciate the work of Ambassador Wagner on this measure, and I am proud to be a cosponsor and the lead Democrat on this bill with Congresswoman Wagner. Standing up against genocide and mass atrocities is a critical responsibility for the United States. There is no other country in the world that can hold other nations accountable but the United States. No other country can do it like we can--not France, not Germany, not Great Britain, certainly not China, especially not Russia. No other country in history has had the moral suasion of the United States. Many of us are concerned about what is happening to our country right now and our positioning in being able to push back against atrocities and human rights violations around the world. I would be remiss if I didn't mention a concern for what took place yesterday in Helsinki as an example of a growing concern of our ability to hold and to sway moral convictions on these issues. But it is a responsibility that is important to our country and, more importantly, it is a responsibility that is important to our world. If you walk down Independence Avenue and to the Holocaust Memorial Museum, you will see and hear the words, ``Never again.'' It is a phrase that brings to mind some of the world's worst atrocities and most heinous crimes. As Elie Wiesel, who this bill is named after, and a man whom I had the opportunity to know and be in his company on many occasions, wrote, `Never again' is more than a set of words. He went on to say, ``It's a prayer, a promise, a vow. . . . And never again the glorification of base, ugly, dark violence.'' It also reminds us that taking responsibility for stopping atrocities is incumbent on all of us. It requires us to put ourselves in the shoes of the victims and to think about what we hope would be done if we were in their place, if we faced that horror, if we faced those atrocities. What would we want to be done on our behalf? The measure before us takes a step in that direction. It encourages the government to meet regularly and take steps to predict and prevent mass atrocities. It gives strong support for the Atrocities Prevention Board.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, on June 22, 2018, I was absent for recorded votes No. 287 and No. 288. I would have voted as follows if I had been present: on Roll Call No. 287 I would have voted YES; and on Roll Call No. 288 I would have voted YES.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to urge Congress to pass a Motion to Recommit on H.R. 6, which includes my Opioid Workforce Act. Many of the victims of the opioid crisis are clear: the young people whose lives have been cut short and the working individuals who struggle every day to break the bonds of addiction. But there is also a wider impact: families left without breadwinners to support them, children left without a parent to raise them, and communities slowly hollowed out as more and more individuals fall victim to addiction. That means that our strategy to address this national crisis must be comprehensive, multi-faceted, and sustainable. This Motion would bring us closer to a comprehensive strategy that ensures all Americans have access to treatment for substance use disorders. By increasing the supply of physicians trained in addiction and pain management while expanding access to medication-assisted treatment, this motion would ensure that individuals with substance use disorders are not left behind. Further, by doubling the size and scope of our national investment in the opioid epidemic, this motion strengthens our public health infrastructure to address this epidemic of tragic proportions. I am proud that my recently introduced legislation, the Opioid Workforce Act, was included as part of this motion. This legislation would provide additional residency positions to hospitals that have or are establishing residency programs in addiction medicine, addiction psychiatry, or pain management. Without more physicians trained in treating substance use disorders, we won't be able to address the opioid epidemic. But beyond this motion, and beyond this bill, we must consider the downstream effects on communities that were already once left behind by the failed war on drugs. Many communities in my district are still recovering from the aftermath of the failed ``tough on crime'' tactics of the 80s and 90s. Residents have not properly dealt with their addictions because of the fear of criminal retribution. While we work as a nation to address the opioid crisis, we must not repeat our past mistakes that left behind our most vulnerable communities. Addressing this epidemic will take an investment of federal resources, multiple perspectives at the table, and persistence to get it right. I urge my colleagues to pass this motion as a robust first step on this long-term journey.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, we were so close, so close. Some Republicans were finally willing to work with Democrats on a bipartisan way forward to give certainty to Dreamers, young people who want to be able to work and go to school here free from fear. We needed just three more Republicans to tell their party enough is enough, just three more Republicans to support our bipartisan effort to hold votes on an array of proposals and let the most popular one win the day. But sadly, when the time came, they abandoned that effort. They abandoned the Dreamers. They caved because the Republican leadership twisted their arms because the most hateful elements within their party don't want to fix these problems. They thrive off of them. They don't want these people who deserve citizenship to get it. We do. They don't think families deserve asylum or protection. We do. They don't think these people deserve a chance at the American Dream. We do. The bills we have before us today are a disgrace. They do nothing to stop the Trump orphan-creating machine, taking children from their parents and doing nothing to reunite them. And ultimately, they won't fix any of the problems we have because they won't become law. My colleagues on the other side of the aisle are wasting time-- wasting time--while people and children suffer. The American people won't stand for this. They won't stand for corrupting the law and twisting the Bible verses to justify splitting up families. They won't stand for torturing, psychologically torturing, refugee children. They won't stand for cowardice and callousness. That is not what America is made of.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Madam Speaker, there is only one word that goes through my mind when I think about what this White House is doing to children right now. It's ``shame.'' Shame on them. For years, we saw Republicans try to attack Democrats for having the gall to give millions of Americans healthcare or to address global warming. Your leaders stood up on this floor and said shame on us. Shame on you for letting this happen, for being willing to let kids be kept in warehouses because you can't stand up to this President. These are children, children who deserve the love of a mother and a father, not cages and concrete floors. These are children, babies in some cases. They need someone to comfort them when they can't sleep, to cool their food when it is too hot, to give them those basics of love and kindness that these children need. What they don't need is to be used as hostages for President Trump to get his anti-immigrant wish list and a wall. They don't need to be demonized when their families are seeking refuge. If President Trump and the Republicans don't think these families deserve asylum or protection, if they don't think these people deserve a chance of a life of safety, they are wrong. But these are matters that we can debate. But you mean to tell me you don't think these children deserve the love of their mother and the comfort of their father? You mean to tell me that the Bible puts law above keeping families together? Absolutely not. Shame on this White House and on everyone who stands with them. Shame on our country if we let this continue.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, on June 13, 2018, I was absent for recorded votes No. 261 through No. 264. Had I been present, I would have voted as follows: on Roll Call No. 261 I would have voted no; on Roll Call No. 262 I would have voted no; on Roll Call No. 263 I would have voted yes; and on Roll Call No. 264 I would have voted yes.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, the Trump administration and its attacks on families seeking asylum are in full force. The Attorney General, Jeff Sessions, just announced this week that victims of domestic violence and gang violence will no longer qualify for asylum here in the United States. Victims of domestic violence and victims of gang violence will no longer be eligible for asylum, refuge, here in the United States. This isn't about going after the perpetrators. What the Attorney General is doing is targeting the victims--not the perpetrators, but the victims--of domestic violence and of gang violence. Meanwhile, the administration continues to engage in the sickening policy of taking children, babies, away from their mothers and their fathers, just like this woman from Guatemala. Mr. Speaker, this is an ugly hour for our Nation, uglier than we have seen in a very, very long time. As a father myself, my heart aches when I hear the stories of toddlers screaming for their parents who are sitting in a cell within earshot. If that isn't psychological torture, I don't know what is. The stories my colleagues have recounted from the visits to detention centers are simply gut-wrenching. Any one of my Republican colleagues who supports these abominable policies should be ashamed. Put yourself in the shoes of these people. They have just ventured hundreds, if not thousands, of miles to save their lives and to save the lives of their children. They have left everything they have known behind; every person they have left behind because it is no longer safe to stay there. They arrive in the world's greatest nation seeking refuge and asylum and turn to American authorities, willingly, and apply for that asylum. And what happens? Their children are ripped from their arms screaming and crying, all because they tried to save their children from a treacherous fate. The Republican Party used to stand for and talk a lot about family values. Republicans of all stripes would tout it over and over again: family values, family values, family values. There is no value in ripping a child from the arms of their mother. It is inhumane. There is no value in keeping children alone in a steel cage without the love of their family. It is cruel. There is no value in traumatizing children who cannot fend for themselves. It is torture. My colleagues, America is asking, the world is asking: Where are your family values now? Where is your outrage? Where is your compassion? Where is your courage? They don't need to do this to these families. And don't let them fool you: the law does not require this, not one bit. This is a choice that is being made by President Trump--not the law, a choice--and it must stop. America must be on the side of children and families. America must remain a safe haven for those seeking safety and refuge. Last week, 10 of my colleagues and I sent a letter to the Department of Homeland Security and other agencies on this reprehensible action. We called on them to cease and desist with their so-called zero- tolerance policy and reunite separated parents and mothers with their children. We made very clear that we expected an immediate response; and surprise, we have gotten no response. They have offered no response to how cruel they are being, no response to the harm that they are causing to these children. So I will stand in solidarity with these families. I will stand in solidarity with those fleeing violence and seeking asylum. I will stand up and I will shout out against these agencies until they recognize that these practices are unacceptable. Democrats will keep fighting until the disgusting practice of taking children away from their mothers ends.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to the Spending Cuts to Expired and Unnecessary Programs Act. This bill strips $7 billion from the Children's Health Insurance Program, CHIP. Mr. Speaker, $7 billion for sick kids. It is really unbelievable if you stop and consider it. Republicans are asking children to pay for their tax break to the rich. This is just another illustration of the GOP's convoluted priorities. Mr. Speaker, $1.5 trillion goes to corporations and special interests; and when the budget comes up short, Republicans dip into healthcare for children to make up for their recklessness. It doesn't have to be this way. CHIP was, for decades, a bipartisan piece of legislation because, despite any policy differences we may have or may have had, Democrats and Republicans were always able to come together and agree that CHIP is a fundamentally important program for our Nation. What changed? Where did your consciences go?

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise to denounce and condemn the Trump administration's heartless and inhumane policy of separating immigrant children from their mothers and their parents at our borders. Americans across the Nation are horrified by the actions undertaken to separate and punish children seeking safety and refuge here in the United States. This isn't about politics. This is about basic humanity. This is not who we are as a people. Or I ask the President: Is it? Is this whom we have become? And let's be honest about what is really happening. This administration is terrorizing children and persecuting families who are fleeing for their lives, families that are not sneaking into the United States but surrendering willingly, surrendering and seeking out border agents and asking for asylum, not committing a crime or an offense against the American people, simply asking for asylum, fearing for their lives and for the safety of their children. Is asking for asylum a criminal act? Since when has asking for asylum become a criminal act? It is not just against American values. It is against any principles of common decency. And the White House knows that what it is doing is wrong. White House Chief of Staff John Kelly said, in early May, that taking children away from their families `` . . . would be a tough deterrent.'' Let me respond to that. Hurting children isn't tough. It is an abomination, and it will create lifelong consequences for those children. It will also leave an indelible mark against us as a people. They fled violence and terror in hopes that America would protect them and give them a fair shot, and I can understand why they would think that. After World War II, when tens of millions of people fled their homes, the United States began helping to draft the Refugee Convention that created laws and policies to protect those fleeing from persecution. The foundation of that convention is not turning people away at the borders but, instead, giving them a full chance for an asylum claim. This started under then-President Roosevelt and came into full force under then-President Harry Truman. Now, Donald Trump, Jeff Sessions, and Kirstjen Nielsen are running their policy into the ground. Who do they think they are to do this? Who are they to make children suffer? Who are they to punish children when their parents are simply trying to save their lives? For centuries, America has been a beacon for those fleeing violence and oppression and poverty. The symbol of our Nation that welcomed millions, the Statue of Liberty, has engraved on it Emma Lazarus' famous poem: Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free. No one is more deserving of a chance to breathe free than a child and a family fleeing from violence. Agents of the U.S. Government should not be ripping 18-month-old babies from the arms of their mothers. Instead, we should help to address the situation that led them to flee from their home in the first place. We should keep families together while their cases are considered for asylum, and we should immediately end this zero- tolerance policy. So I strongly urge the Trump administration to immediately end this disgusting stain on America's human rights record. I condemn this policy. Put an end to this heinous family separation policy. Stop taking babies from their mothers. This isn't America. We are better than this.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time. We need to talk about what is really happening with this bill. Just months after giving massive tax cuts to corporations and the wealthiest individuals through their tax scam, Republicans are now penalizing the most vulnerable among us by cutting one of the most proven and valuable programs that ensures that kids, seniors, and working Americans don't go hungry. If my Republican colleagues looked at the facts, they would see that SNAP--or food stamps--actually work. They would see that a worker is more likely to keep a job if they can put food on the table and at the same time afford to commute to and from work; that a child is likely to do better in school if they have a full stomach to start the school day with; that calling struggling Americans complacent and lazy doesn't help America's poverty crisis, but programs like SNAP do help. If they could see all that, then we wouldn't be here debating a partisan bill that is bad for families, bad for farmers, and bad for our country. Mr. Chairman, the problem isn't food stamp recipients. The problem isn't food stamps. The problem is those who claim they want to help American families, and then do everything in their power to hurt them by passing this partisan bill. I will not vote for it.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, on May 10, 2018, I was absent for recorded votes 178, 179, and 180. Had I been present, on rollcall 178 I would have voted ``yes'', on rollcall 179 I would have voted ``no''; and on rollcall 180 I would have voted ``no''.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, the vote to table that you are speaking of will prevent this measure from coming to the floor today immediately. Is that not true?

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, one more further parliamentary inquiry.

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I do.

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to clause 2(a)(1) of rule IX, I rise to give notice of my intent to raise a question of the privileges of the House. The form of the resolution is as follows: Whereas, the tradition of the House Chaplain dates to the earliest days of the House of Representatives, beginning in 1789; Whereas, the role of House Chaplain has been filled by 60 individuals of various religious denominations, serving Members of Congress of all faiths; Whereas, Father Patrick Conroy has served honorably as House Chaplain since May 25, 2011, when he was appointed by then-Speaker John A. Boehner in consultation with Democratic Leader Nancy Pelosi; Whereas, Father Conroy had been re-appointed and elected by the House of Representatives on three separate occasions, most recently January 3, 2017; Whereas, on April 16, 2018, the Nation's first Jesuit--and only the second Catholic--Chaplain of the U.S. House of Representatives submitted his resignation before the full House; Whereas, the Chaplain had only eight months remaining in his term of service to the House; Whereas, this resignation was requested by the office of Paul D. Ryan, Speaker of the House of Representatives; Whereas, the Speaker's office said ``. . . the decision (to remove the Chaplain) was his (Speaker Ryan's);'' Whereas, on May 3, 2018, Father Conroy submitted a letter retracting and rescinding his resignation, which was accepted by Speaker Ryan; Whereas, despite the Speaker's statement accepting this retraction letter, a number of Members of Congress remain concerned about what motivated the original request for Father Conroy to resign and the lack of adequate notification or explanation given to Members; Whereas, the rights of Members of the House of Representatives were undermined when the leader of one party made a unilateral decision to ask for the resignation of the Chaplain; Whereas, this resignation and the circumstances behind it has compromised the integrity and the dignity of the House of Representatives by politicizing the office of the House Chaplain; Resolved, that there is hereby established a select committee to investigate the circumstances around the resignation of the House Chaplain; The select committee shall be comprised of six members, of which three shall be appointed by the chair of the Committee on Ethics and three by the ranking member of the Committee on Ethics; The select committee shall investigate the motivations and actions that led to the resignation of the Chaplain, including the decisions to remove the Chaplain and the process by which Members of Congress were notified of the resignation; The select committee shall provide a report to the House by July 13, 2018.

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, parliamentary inquiry.

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, is this motion privileged?

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, further parliamentary inquiry.

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, could the House consider this motion immediately? The gentleman from New York requests: Can the House consider this motion immediately?