Joe Crowley

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Lewis).

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel).

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Bonior).

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I would like to express my condemnation of the brutal March 15 killing of human rights attorney and mother Rosemary Nelson. Rosemary Nelson died after a bomb ripped apart her car in Lurgan, County Armagh in the north of Ireland. Forty year old Rosemary, mother of three, had previously represented the nationalist Garvaghy Road residents coalition in nearby Portadown over the long-running Drumcree Orange Order Protest. Her death mutes a powerful voice in the quest to bring lasting peace to the north of Ireland. Congress must remain strongly united in its commitment to the condemnation of bombings and acts of terrorism and continued human rights abuses. We must remain committed to bringing peace and justice and prosperity to all of Ireland. That is why we must pass my resolution, H. Con. Res. 54, to honor the 1-year anniversary of the Good Friday Peace Accords. I urge my colleagues to stand firm on the United States' support of Irish peace by joining the 77 cosponsors of H. Con. Res 54, and the U.S. Senate is passing that resolution today.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Moran).

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell).

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Bonior), the minority whip.

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Rothman). (Mr. ROTHMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Berman). (Mr. BERMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Price). (Mr. PRICE of North Carolina asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos).

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 2 minutes. Mr. Speaker, I would like to express my strong support for this legislation which expresses congressional opposition to the unilateral declaration of a Palestinian state and urges the President to assert clearly United States opposition to such unilateral declaration of statehood. Mr. Speaker, Yasser Arafat's repeated threats that he would unilaterally declare a Palestinian state on May 4, 1999 are a grievous violation of the spirit of the Oslo Accords. At the heart of the peace process lies the fundamental commitment that all outstanding issues relating to permanent status will be resolved through negotiations. In breach of this central obligation, Mr. Arafat is asserting that he can preempt the negotiations and act unilaterally on the critical and crucial issue of statehood. While Israel has committed itself to continuous negotiations to resolve all issues, Mr. Arafat's threat is imperiling the peace process. Clearly a unilateral declaration of statehood would violate the very principles on which the Oslo Peace Accords are based, and such an action would without question trigger a cycle of retaliation and escalation, possibly leading to violence and perhaps a collapse of the peace process itself. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to be a cosponsor of this legislation, and I strongly urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support this legislation. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel).

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Joe DiMaggio, Baseball Hall of Famer and American icon, who passed away the morning of March 8. Joe DiMaggio was the personification of grace, class and dignity on the baseball diamond. He was the centerpiece of baseball's most storied franchise, leading the New York Yankees to nine World Series titles in his 12 seasons. He was named to the all-star team every season he played, won three American League most valuable player awards, was a lifetime .325 hitter and his 56 game hitting streak in 1941 still stands as one of the most impressive and untouchable records in all of sports. Mr. Speaker, Joe DiMaggio performed with an elegance and grace that commanded the respect of both his fans and fellow players. His persona on the field also made him one of the most recognizable and beloved figures off it. Although his demeanor was reserved almost to the point of being aloof, in his case lack of emotion could not be confused with lack of intensity. Nobody played harder than Joltin' Joe, even if a score was lopsided or a pennant already clinched. When asked why he played with such fire, DiMaggio replied simply, ``Because there might be someone out there who has never seen me play before.'' It was this tireless work ethic and professionalism that set Joseph Paul DiMaggio apart from his peers. In modern day sports, too often players are criticized for selfishness, lack of intensity or being overly concerned with money. Mr. Speaker, none of these qualities were ever attributed to the Yankee Clipper, a great ballplayer, a great man, a great American. Thanks for the memories, Joe. You will be sorely missed, in New York and beyond.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 2 minutes. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong support of this resolution, but I seriously question the Republican leadership's timing in bringing this measure to the floor for debate while negotiations are still underway. I believe a fractious congressional debate about whether or not to support implementation of a peace agreement at such a critical juncture in the negotiations seriously undermines our ability to negotiate a settlement and place directly into the hands of Mr. Milosevic. We must, as a Congress, show that we are committed to peace in the former Yugoslavia and working with our allies in NATO towards that common goal. Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the Gejdenson amendment. I support the gentleman from Connecticut's amendment, but I have strong reservations, strong reservations of the Republican leadership's timing on this legislation. Bringing this measure to the floor for debate while negotiations are still underway is totally irresponsible. Mr. Chairman, if and when a peace agreement is signed by both sides, I believe an American presence as part of a larger international peacekeeping force in Kosovo is and will be necessary. The Kosovar Albanians have already made clear that they will not agree to any peace proposal without American participation in an implementation force. In addition, we have seen that the threat of force is the only language that President Milosevic understands. A strong U.S. presence in Kosova would demonstrate to Mr. Milosevic that we would not tolerate noncompliance with any of the agreements, provisions or a return to the brutal campaign of repression and genocide that he has brought upon the ethnic Albanian community. Mr. Chairman, while our NATO allies have already pledged to provide the bulk of a post settlement force in Kosovo, we must recognize that some U.S. participation is not only desired but is expected by our allies. Quite simply, such participation may be essential to securing the confidence of all the parties involved. Mr. Chairman, I have a strong and vibrant Albanian and American community in my district in the Bronx and Queens. Many of these families have relatives in Kosovo who have been raped, maimed and murdered by Serbian forces. The United States, and we as a Congress, cannot turn our backs or jeopardize the peace process in Kosovo. While I strongly support an American presence in an international implementation of force, I believe to debate this issue at this time is both irresponsible and damaging to our ability to conclude a peaceful agreement. Mr. Chairman, I include for the Record the following New York Times article. [From the New York Times, Nov. 6, 1998] Far From Kosovo, Anguished Vigils And Mourning; Concern for Family Members Reshapes Immigrants' Lives (By Barbara Stewart) Nearly every week, all summer long, Ismer Mjeku, a Bronx entrepreneur from Kosovo, attended at least one wake, as one Albanian compatriot after another learned of relatives back home killed by Serbian soldiers. By late August, it was practically routine. He would meet his uncle and cousins at one of the small, dim clubhouses where Albanian men sit, smoking cigarettes and drinking tiny cups of sweet Turkish coffee and where traditionally, they have also held wakes. For the last few months, these spaces have been rented time and again by immigrant Albanian men, who would spend a day or two of mourning there. While the women remained home, receiving the condolences of their female friends, the men would spend the day at the club in a ritual called pame, ``to see,'' or ngushellime, ``condolences.'' By Labor Day, Mr. Mjeku, 38, had attended 10 or 11 pamet within 9 weeks. Like the others in his group, he shook the hands or hugged the shoulders of each grieving man, sat and drank a single cup of coffee and smoked one cigarette, rose and offered his condolences to each man again, and then left, making room for the next group. But a few weeks ago, after the older cousin who had been a second father to him was shot and killed in his home village, Mr. Mjeku refused to hold a pame. ``We cannot keep doing these one by one,'' he said in his small walk-up office on Arthur Avenue in the Belmont section of the Bronx, where he produces an Albanian business directory. ``So many people died in Kosovo the last three months. It's not special, each death. It's not--wow. It's war.'' For many of the approximately 200,000 Albanians in and around New York and New Jersey--70 percent of whom come from Kosovo, a Serbian province of Yugoslavia in which 90 percent of the population are ethnic Albanians--death is no longer special. After eight months of Serbian attacks on their relatives in Kosovo, even the deaths of children have become numbingly routine. Yet the deaths back home have reshaped the lives of immigrants here, making them less festive, less social: gone are the big weddings, the nights of folk dancing, the gay music. ``When I hear Albanian music, it hurts me,'' said Al Haxhaj, an Albanian who is a co-owner of the Mona Lisa, a restaurant in the Murry Hill section of Manhattan that was formerly called the Piazza Bella. ``It reminds me.'' Since the first Serbian attacks were reported in February, Albanians around the world have watched events back home with anguish: the looted and torched villages, the murdered civilians, the hundreds of thousands of people forced to take refuge in the surrounding mountains. The violence peaked in the summer, with 500,000 Albanians living as refugees, according to international relief agencies. These agencies also say that 1,000 to 2,000 ethnic Albanians have been killed, though many agency representatives say they believe that figure is low. Reports last week that Yugoslav soldiers were withdrawing from ethnic Albanian villages because of NATO bombing threats offered scant comfort. Local immigrants say they do not believe that the Serbians, their ancient enemies, will stop their attacks. All along Arthur Avenue and Pelham Parkway in the Bronx, in New Jersey cities like Paterson and Garfield and in neighborhoods throughout Manhattan, ethnic Albanians are trying to deal with their personal tragedies in the midst of this international drama. Weddings and other celebrations are being canceled. When their world is right, Albanians frequently celebrate with huge parties, hiring Albanian musicians so that hundreds of guests can do traditional folk dancing until morning. But nobody has the heart now for celebrating. Last fall, the Piazza Bella hired an Albanian band to play traditional music, attracting expatriates from miles around. In February, after the first massacres were reported, Mr. Haxhaj and Bilbil Ahmetaj, the co-owners, stopped the music. ``We can't be over here dancing and getting drunk when little kids are being killed and villages are being trashed,'' said Fekrim Haxhaj, the owner's 18-year-old son. In normal times, the vast majority of the big wedding parties at Il Galletto, a banquet hall in North Bergen, N.J., are held by Albanian parents, said Vymer Bruncaj, who is a part owner. But lately, he said: ``The wedding invitation for Albanians is zero--no invitations. The last five, six months, you cannot find one.'' Young couples are postponing their weddings or marrying quietly, with fewer guests and afternoon parties without music. Last spring, Alta Haxhaj, Fekrim's cousin, canceled the elaborate wedding for 1,000 guests that she had been planning for a year. Instead, she and here fiance married quietly, in street clothes. ``No big pouf,'' she said. ``No tail behind me, no white pearls.'' When ethnic Albanians get together these days, it is probably for a candlelight vigil outside the United Nations or the White House. Conversation never strays far from their worries. At home and in offices, the computer stays on; the Web site www.kosova.com carries updates on news from the region in Albanian and lists the most recent victims. (Kosova is the ethnic Albanians' preferred spelling.) Mr. Mjeku, the Bronx businessman, checks the Internet when he gets to work. On Sept. 30, he spotted his cousin's name on the list of casualties. ``I closed the office,'' he said. ``I told my uncle in Riverdale. He started to cry. I felt very bad.'' Now, a month later, Mr. Mjeku said he was having a hard time focusing on his work. His mind is occupied by memories of his cousin. While the Internet brings daily updates, many Albanian- Americans have been able to reach family members in Kosovo through satellite cell phones that allow them to connect even with refugees in the mountains. The conversations have often been eerie. A few months ago, Dervish Ukehaxhaj was summoned from the kitchen of the Madonia Brothers Bakery in the Bronx, which he manages, to the office downstairs, where Peter Madonia, the owner, handed him a phone. ``It was his brother in Kosova, and he was in the middle of shooting.'' Mr. Madonia said. ``He's sitting here in this office, talking to his brother who is in the front lines, in the middle of a war.'' In July, there were other calls. One brother and two cousins had been fatally shot. The Kosovan Liberation Army, with the help of European expatriates, obtained dozens of powerful cell phones and distributed them to the villages, according to Isuf Hajrizi, managing editor of Illyria, and Albanian newspaper based in the Bronx. When Mr. Hajrizi's parents, along with about 40 other relatives in the village, climbed high into the mountains above the village to escape Serbian soldiers, they carried the cell phone with them. ``They had no food,'' he said. ``But they had that phone--their only link to life.'' But with only one cell phone for at least 1,000 refugees, it can take hours, or even days to get through. Mr. Hajrizi last reached his family after spending 10 straight hours dialing, and then persuading the person who answered to hike over to his parents' campsite to deliver the phone. When he finally hear his 74-year-old mother's voice, she told him that their home and their village had been looted and burned. They had no food or shelter. She begged for help. ``Why is it like this?'' she asked, as her son listened helplessly. That was two weeks ago. Since then, he has not been able to get through despite trying every day. They must have returned to the village and are trying to cobble together shelter there, he tells himself. ``I check the Internet constantly,'' he said. ``I haven't seen their names on the lists. As long as they don't show up on the lists, they probably are O.K.''

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Chairman, for the past decade, ethnic Albanians of Kosovo, a province of Serbia, the dominant republic of Yugoslavia, have fought a courageous campaign to regain the rights they had taken away by Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic who in 1989 stripped away the autonomy they had enjoyed under the Yugoslav Constitution. Milosevic, the architect of this crisis who also produced the Bosnian tragedy, and presided over the dissolution of what was once Yugoslavia, has brought poverty and misery to his own people and has sown the seeds of strident nationalism throughout the Balkans. Milosevic has met all attempts to reach a peaceful settlement with the ethnic Albanian community with forceful vengeance and repression. President Milosevic escalated this campaign of terror about one year ago when he launched a brutal crackdown on the majority Albanian population. Civilians were terrorized, tortured and murdered by Serbian police and military forces while hundreds more were driven from their homes. This systematic campaign of repression manifested itself this past January, when Serbian security forces brutally massacred 45 Albanian citizens in the village of Racak. Spurred on by Milosevic's campaign of terror, the United States and its European allies initiated peace talks between the two sides which ended with both agreeing to resume negotiations on March 15. As part of a proposed peace agreement, the United States would contribute 4,000 American troops to an international peacekeeping force of 28,000 that would be responsible for implementing the provisions of the peace accord. This possible deployment of American troops to Kosovo has created a contentious debate within congress. Critics of an American participation in Kosovo claim that the United States lacks a vital national interest in this conflict, that we ``don't have a dog in this fight''. But I would argue that we do indeed have a vital national interest in this conflict, as this region has previously been the source of great pain and suffering. Twice before in the 20th century we have seen American soldiers drawn to Europe to fight wars that either began in the Balkan region or ignited fighting there. When this region was again the source of conflict after World War I, the United States did not intervene and subsequently hundreds of thousands of brave Americans and Europeans paid the ultimate price. As George Santayana once said, ``those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.'' Experience dictates that turning a blind eye to this region can be fraught with peril. I believe that the current crisis in Kosovo, if not confronted now, could have devastating and disastrous effects on this region. We must remember that violence in southern Europe has no boundaries. There is a strong possibility that the current fighting in Kosovo could trigger a chain reaction of conflict that might engulf the entire region. A spreading conflict could re-ignite fighting in neighboring Albania and destabilize fragile Macedonia where the UN peacekeeping force mission has ended. In addition, our NATO allies Greece and Turkey, longtime adversaries with historical ties to both sides, could also be brought into the conflict. Increasing hostilities would cause massive suffering, displace tens of thousands of people, undermine stability throughout South Central Europe and directly affect our key allies in the region. As we have learned in Bosnia and seen in Kosovo, the only language that President Milosevic understands is that of force. Additionally, what we have seen in the former Yugoslavia in the last decade is that it is very difficult to stop internal conflicts if the international community is not willing to use force. The United States must be willing to show Mr. Milosevic that we will not stand idly by while his forces systematically murder and displace innocent civilians. President Clinton once said that the United States is the world's indispensable nation. I strongly believe this to be true. Our country has a moral obligation to stand up and act when innocent civilians are being murdered and their basic fundamental rights are being violated. As the leading voice in the world for democracy, respect for the rule of law and fundamental human rights, we are sometimes confronted with difficult decisions. This I believe, is one of those decisions. And while I do not take lightly the decision to dispatch our armed forces abroad, I strongly believe that the United States must lead the efforts to halt the bloodshed and violence in Kosovo.

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wynn).

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings). (Mr. HASTINGS of Florida asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Baird).

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Chairman, I take this time to state for the record my reasons for voting against H.R. 800 the Ed-Flex bill. Mr. Chairman, I am not opposed to the idea of flexibility in education. I laud my colleagues for their desire to work on the education issues facing our country. Ed-Flex has the potential to be a workable program that provides states and local school districts with the flexibility to improve academic achievements and the quality of education for their students. However, I believe that we need to protect those students who come from families in need. The intent of Congress, through Title I of the Elementary and Secondary School Act, was to target funds toward low- income students, in order to help them have a chance at success in life. I could not vote for Ed-Flex unless I was sure that students from low-income families are not going to lose their funds through waivers. This is why I supported the Scott-Payne amendment, which would have required that only schools in which at least 35% of the students come from low-income families may seek a waiver to use their Title I funds to operate a school-wide program. For my New York City District, this provision is especially important. We have many students coming from low-income families in the Bronx and Queens, and I cannot support a program that does not have provision to prohibit funds being taken away from those needy students. I am also concerned about the timing of this legislation. In the coming year, we need to reauthorize the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. It does not make sense to me that we pass legislation to waive the requirements that we have not even written yet! The best solution would have been to consider Ed-Flex and ESEA together. Then, we could have worked to alleviate my concerns, and those of my colleagues, regarding the targeting of ESEA funds under the provisions of the Ed-Flex program. Finally, I would like to express my dismay that the majority did not allow class-size reduction and school construction initiatives to be attached to H.R. 800. Public schools are working hard to raise academic standards and improve student achievement, but in many schools their efforts are hampered by overcrowded classes and inadequate and deteriorating facilities. Smaller class sizes improve student learning and are effective in improving student achievement. But we cannot reduce class size without considering the condition and lack of space in school facilities. These issues go hand-in-hand. This is why I feel Ed-Flex should not have been considered now, but rather considered along with ESEA and school construction. I strongly support bipartisan efforts to strengthen our school systems and help our students. I look forward to working with my colleagues on school construction legislation and on reauthorizing the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. It is with regret that I had to vote against the first education bill on the floor of the House in the 106th Congress and I thank you for allowing me the opportunity to outline my reasons for my opposition to H.R. 800.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Water Pollution Control and Estuary Restoration Act being re-introduced today by the gentlelady from New York, Mrs. Lowey, and gentlelady from Connecticut, Ms. DeLauro. I compliment and applaud my colleagues for their untiring efforts on behalf of our Nation's valuable fresh and estuarine water bodies. Mr. Speaker, the protection of America's lakes, rivers, streams, and near coastal waters should indeed be one of our top concerns as a Nation, and I am proud and honored to be an original cosponsor of this important piece of legislation. The DeLauro-Lowey bill is a reasonable, straightforward measure that seeks to build upon past successes under the Clean Water Act (CWA). This measure will continue and strengthen several progressive programs to protect and enhance water bodies throughout our country, and I urge my colleagues to support this common sense and cost effective means of cleaning-up and protecting our water resources. The DeLauro-Lowey bill will ensure that the existing State Revolving Loan Fund (SRF) program continues to be adequately funded to provide the financial wherewithal for States and municipalities to maintain and upgrade their wastewater treatment facilities to protect America's water bodies. This program has achieved tremendous success in the past and clearly deserves to be maintained and enhanced. While fresh water is important for life itself, and clean lakes and rivers provide a multitude of recreational benefits to society, the vitality of our estuaries is also of great importance. Estuaries, near coastal waters, play a dual function of protecting coastal lands as well as serving as the all important nursery grounds for most marine species. Of course, these waters also provide many important recreational activities. The Congresswomen's legislation will serve to strengthen the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's existing National Estuary Program (NEP) that is widely regarded as a model for watershed-based pollution control. In addition, the legislation will clarify EPA's responsibility to assist States in developing and implementing their estuary management plans. Mr. Speaker, as the Representative of the 7th Congressional District of New York, which includes a substantial portion of the Long Island Sound coastline, and a Member of the House Committee on Resources, I can think of few efforts more important to our environment. I intend to work closely with Congresswoman Lowey and Congresswoman DeLauro to ensure we enact this vital measure into law early on in the 106th Congress.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, just in closing, I want to thank my colleagues. We built these schools after World War II to take care of the G.I. men and women who came back after fighting that war. We built them then; we can build them now. I hope we will build them.

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise to speak about the educational needs of our children and about the poor facilities and overcrowding faced by schools in my district and districts all across this great country. Mr. Speaker, education needs to be our first priority. When I talk to my constituents in Queens and the Bronx, the number-one thing that they ask me is what are you doing about the overcrowded conditions in our schools? The New York City public school system is the largest public school system in our country and proudly sends 62 percent of its students on to 4-year college careers. This is a strong school system; however, it has two huge problems: aging buildings and a rapidly growing student population. I believe these are problems that plague many other school systems as well throughout our Nation. Mr. Speaker, the schools need our support. The school systems educate our children, prepare them for college, and in many cases keep them off our streets, safe from harm. But now it is the schools themselves that are posing a threat to the safety of our children. Buildings are failing inspections, and classrooms are so overcrowded that teachers are forced to conduct classes in hallways and other makeshift venues. With these strange learning environments teachers cannot teach as effectively, and our children are the losers. Every child deserves, every child deserves, a safe school and needs a safe school to have a chance at success in life. We must make it the priority of this House to help our children by helping their school systems with modernization and new school construction. Mr. Speaker, in my congressional district the school age population is growing. This is extremely evident in the enrollment statistics and projections for the coming years. Queens and the Bronx are the home of many new immigrants to our country, contributing to the ever growing population of our schools. Community School District 24 in Queens is the most overcrowded school district in the New York City public school system. Overcrowding is already severe with School District 24 operating at 5,768 students, 5,768 students above its capacity. It will only grow in the coming decade. By the year 2007, the district will be operating at 18,701 students above capacity. Mr. Speaker, that is 168 percent over capacity. Congress must and should work to alleviate this problem. By 2004, high schools in Queens will operate on two shifts and 10- period days. Other schools in our country and even throughout the rest of New York City will operate on a standard 8-period day. For Queens, that means students will be starting earlier or ending later depending on their shift. Every classroom will be used for classes, eliminating the extracurricular activities that are so important in keeping our kids off the streets. We all know that children involved in after school programs are less likely to be involved with drugs and violence. Because of overcrowding, children in Queens, the Bronx are having valuable after-school programs taken away from them. The condition of the schools in the Bronx and Queens epitomize the problems faced by schools throughout our Nation. The average age of a school in New York City is 55 years old, and one school in five is over 75 years old. These schools were not fit to educate our children 30 years ago, they were not fit 10 years ago, and they certainly are not fit for today. In fact, today 33 schools in the Bronx, part of my district, need exterior and interior repairs to bring them from substandard up to fair conditions. That is right; I did not say good conditions, I said fair conditions. These schools failed New York school facilities' engineering survey in New York's recently released 5-year capital plan. School facility engineers listed repairs for each school needed to bring them up to code. Now I wondered what types of things would be needed in order to fail a school. I knew it had to be something bad, but I was not prepared with the actual results. In Queens, 12 schools need new toilet fixtures for student toilets. Children in these schools simply do not have adequate facilities. But that is no so bad when you look at the problems that their peers are facing in the Bronx. Three intermediate schools in the Bronx, IS 125, IS 131 and IS 192 along with one elementary school, PS 140, need repairs to their fire alarm systems. Yes, Mr. Speaker, we are sending these children to schools every day in the Bronx where they need to repair or replace their fire alarm systems. There are so many projects, Mr. Speaker. Five schools need new roofs, 37 schools need structural repairs, including supportive retaining walls, sidewalks, re-paved black tops. Thirty-five schools need pairs or re-modernization to their heating systems, and 32 schools need pairs and upgrades to the security systems, and I am not talking about expensive alarm systems, but fencing, new windows and exterior lighting. Then there are the projects I consider quality of life projects. These are things that each student needs to become well rounded. Nearly every elementary and intermediate school in my district, 53 in all, need upgrades to their auditoriums. School plays are as American as apple pie, and why should these students go without them? Additionally, 6 schools need gymnasium upgrades, and 10 schools need playgrounds, reevaluations and in some cases, construction. Inner city children face the greatest difficulty with participating in sports and recreational activities. I am sure many of you share the image of children jumping rope on black top. Mr. Speaker, that black top is cracked and desperately needs re-paving; that is, if there is any black top left to re-pave. One result of the extreme overcrowding has been the construction of temporary classrooms, which are trailers or hastily constructed annexes usually placed in school yards or grounds where once school yards were. In fact, the school yard I played in as a boy no longer exists. It has been replaced by temporary classrooms, and they are now building a new annex to that school on the former playground. Then there are physical education classes, a requirement for graduation from high school in New York State, being conducted in hallways. We need to make our schools safe and less crowded, but we also have to restore a quality of life to the education of our students as well. I used these examples from my district, the 7th Congressional District of New York, comprising parts of Queens and the Bronx in New York City, to illustrate the types of problems faced by schools across our Nation. Whether it be rural, suburban or inner city schools, our schools need help. Mr. Speaker, our children need help. We need a major school modernization initiative, a program that will provide significant help to local school districts and States in meeting their needs both to build new classrooms in order to keep up with the rapidly growing school enrollments and to renovate and to modernize their existing facilities. I and many of my fellow Democrats support the Rangel initiative which provides Federal tax credits to pay interest on $25 billion in bonds to build and renovate public schools. This new initiative would have a dramatic impact on helping school districts and States across their unmet construction and modernization needs. We estimate that these Federal tax credits will help local districts renovate or build approximately 6,000 schools across our Nation. Another democratic initiative is being offered by my colleague from North Carolina (Mr. Etheridge). The Etheridge School Construction Act would provide $7.2 billion in school construction bonds targeted to fastest growing States. Mr. Etheridge's bill and the Rangel initiative will particularly help schools facing enrollment explosion like mine in New York City. I mentioned before the overcrowding in my district and want to illustrate how much these democratic initiatives would help the City of New York and particularly the Borough of Queens. The 5-year capital plan released by the New York Board of Education states that 75,600 new classroom seats are needed citywide in the next 5 years. Of those, 54 percent are needed in the Borough of Queens alone. Simply put, out of the five boroughs of New York, one, my home Borough of Queens, comprises more than half of the new construction projects needed in our city. In Queens alone, 36 new schools are scheduled to be constructed in the next 5 years, the maximum feasible according to the city of New York. Unfortunately, this still leaves us 60,000 seats short by the year 2007. We will be 60,000 seats short even after we build 36 new schools and after we fully implement 10-period, two-shift days. These new schools cost money. New York City's Board of Education estimates that $11 billion is needed to reach 5 year facility and technology goals. Yes, I said $11 billion to bring our schools to fair condition and to give our children less crowded schools. This is not about whether the Federal Government should be involved in education, and it is not about equity for all cities and states. Mr. Speaker, the youth of our Nation should not be penalized for a population boom in their region, and our States and localities should not be criticized for not contributing their fair share. The City of New York is spending over $6 billion on school construction, and the State of New York, which needs the support of its legislature, is hoping to contribute approximately $2.4 billion, but they desperately need help, as do many towns and cities across America. It is our duty to help our students, to help them by providing Federal tax credits to pay interest on bonds in order to help school districts and States meet their construction and modernization needs. Above all, we need to put our children first, Mr. Speaker. They are our future, and I, for one, will do everything possible to ensure that every child in New York City, New York State and in the United States has a seat in a classroom and a safe learning environment. Mr. Speaker, I yield now to the gentleman from California (Mr. Filner).

Mr. CROWLEY. A great school; as well as the gentleman knows, also the school that graduated Paul Simon, the famous musician. Art Garfunkel as well.

Mr. CROWLEY

Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I believe there is no greater issue that confronts this Congress and the Nation than health care reform. This is not a Democratic issue, this is not a Republican issue, but rather, a matter whose urgency and scope should unite all of us in a bipartisan effort to ensure that each and every American can obtain affordable coverage to meet their health care needs. This is why I am pleased to join the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell) and my colleagues as an original cosponsor of the Patients' Bill of Rights. Mr. Speaker, my constituents, the hardworking people of Queens and the Bronx, strongly support the enactment of comprehensive health care legislation, as the vast majority of them are in favor of the Patients' Bill of Rights. We must pass legislation that guarantees access to specialized care, common sense emergency room treatment, and the ability of women to have direct access to OB-GYN care. We as a Congress must protect the millions of Americans who are in managed care programs, and provide them with the highest quality of health care possible.