Tom Cole

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, as the longest serving Native American in the United States House of Representatives, and a member of the Chickasaw Nation, I rise today to recognize the day of September 30, 2026, as National Orange Shirt Day or, National Day of Remembrance, to honor those who were forced to attend Indian boarding schools, and to recognize the experience of Indian boarding school victims and survivors. Today, I am proud to stand in support with Indian boarding school survivors, descendants, and Tribal nations to remember the children that never made it home and to honor the week of remembrance for the Indian boarding school era. As the lead sponsor of HR. 7325, the Truth and Healing Commission on Indian Boarding School Policies Act, I support formal investigation, documentation, and reporting on the histories of boarding schools, their policies, and long-term effects those schools and policies have had on Native American peoples. My democratic co-lead, Representative Sharice Davids, and I are dedicated to finding solutions for survivors, descendants, and Tribal communities. According to research from the National Native American Boarding School Healing Coalition, the Federal government funded boarding schools for Native Americans from 1819 through the 1960s that forced the removal of hundreds of thousands of American Indian and Alaska Native children as young as 3 years old, relocating them from their traditional homelands to 1 of at least 526 known Indian boarding schools, of which 125 remain open today, across 38 States. In my state of Oklahoma, there were 98 Federal boarding schools that were often overflowed to intentionally mix more than 30 different tribes to unsettle relations and prevent children from speaking common languages among each other. Many of the children who were taken to Indian boarding schools never returned home to their families or their communities. Many did not survive. The impact of this is still felt today. In closing, I call upon my colleagues to stand with me in Remembrance Day and support the passage of H.R 7325.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I thank my very good friend, Chairman Westerman, for yielding me the time and for bringing this important piece of legislation to the floor. I also thank Congresswoman Betty McCollum of Minnesota for her collaboration, and Secretary Markwayne Mullin for his work on this legislation during his time in the Senate. I rise today, Mr. Speaker, in strong support of S. 550, the companion legislation to my bill, H.R. 2827. The Miami Tribe of Oklahoma have been waiting more than 10 years for this legislation to pass, and today is finally that day. Mr. Speaker, that would not be possible without Chairman Westerman's help and support, and I am very appreciative. Resolving this land claim will remedy a mistake made by the Federal Government roughly two centuries ago. In 1805, the Miami Tribe, Eel River Band, and Wea, signed the Treaty of Grouseland, which, under Article IV, reserved all lands within the Wabash River watershed and land located west of the Wabash River, which is in present-day Illinois. From 1805 to 1840, the United States transferred 2.6 million acres of this land to non-Native settlers without having acquired title from the Tribes. As a result, title to that land is still held by the Miami Tribe's superior claim to title, and the Tribe never consented to that land being purchased. S. 550 will allow the Miami Tribe to have their rightful day in court and extinguish all claims to this land in Illinois. This straightforward, bipartisan piece of legislation will not only provide finality for the Miami Tribe, but also certainty to the landowners and farmers in Illinois who have been living on this land for generations. As a Tribal member myself, it is an honor to help a fellow Tribal nation and be a voice here in Washington. Today is a testament of Congress upholding its trust and treaty responsibility, and I would like to thank Chairman Westerman again for his support. Chairman Hurd, Ranking Member Huffman, and Ranking Member Leger Fernandez were also instrumental, and I appreciate the efforts of their staff and their support and efforts on this important piece of legislation. Mr. Speaker, I urge the passage of S. 550.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, as always, for working with us in this matter cooperatively. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased, honestly, with the progress of the House Appropriations Committee this year. Again, all 12 bills were reported out of committee in the fastest time since fiscal year 2020. I know those bills aren't in their final form, and so does my friend. We still need to sit down and bargain together and bargain with the Senate. Out of that, I believe we will emerge with a bipartisan compromise that both sides can be proud of and that we can send to the President for his approval. For that to occur, the United States Senate has to begin to act. They have to produce bills. For us to go an entire fiscal year almost--we are about 30 days short of it--without a single Senate bill is just unprecedented. I do not blame that on my Republican colleagues. Frankly, they have the filibuster over there. They have to get to 60. They have not been able to do that, and that is going to mean that we are going to have an extraordinarily short time. I am pleased, however, that the Senate acted. When we passed our continuing resolution over here, we knew it would change when it got to the Senate. Some of those changes, I actually agree with. Some of them, I don't. They don't really change the substance or the fact that we bought the time that we need to get through the election cycle and, hopefully, the time that we need to get down to serious bargaining on the other side of it. For that to work, again, every person has to be at the table. Every point of view has to be represented, and we have to find common ground. We were able to do that last year by working together on almost everything--not quite, but almost--and I think we can do that again this year. It is important for the country that we do. Mr. Speaker, again, I thank my good friend, the ranking member of the full committee, for always being an honest and direct negotiating partner. I know that is going to continue. I know we have the same goal of trying to get all of these bills done by the end of the calendar year, if not the fiscal year. Mr. Speaker, I invite the United States Senate, as a body, to join us in that and produce some product, post some numbers, do something so that we have some idea of what they are thinking about in terms of long-term appropriations. Then, we will sit down, appropriately, and we will bargain with them and hopefully come to a common conclusion. The last thing this country needs is a full-year continuing resolution. We need negotiated, bipartisan bills that achieve the common objectives that, despite the partisan rhetoric of an election year, I know we have together. We have worked together before to defend the country, to advance biomedical research, to take care of early childhood, to help first-time college students, to do all of the things that the United States Government ought to be engaged in and do it in a bipartisan way. I think we can do that again. This bill is a step in that direction. Again, I thank my friend for supporting the legislation. I hope our Senate colleagues recognize that we are trying to move along. We didn't want to fight over things, even the couple of things that we disagreed with. We wanted to bring this to the floor and begin a bipartisan process. Again, I think that is what we will accomplish today if we pass these bills. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support this bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Smith), my good friend and the distinguished chairman of the House Committee on Ways and Means.

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Alford), my good friend and a distinguished member of the Committee on Appropriations.

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the Senate amendments to H.R. 6500, the Continuing Appropriations Act of 2027. Mr. Speaker, today is the first day of September. At this time of year, some people think of fall. Some people, like me, think of football, but on the Appropriations Committee, our focus is on the end of the fiscal year. September 30 marks the end of the fiscal year 2026, and that means both the House and the Senate must act to fund the government for the coming fiscal year. The Constitution entrusts Congress with a solemn duty to fund the government. This is a responsibility I have never viewed as optional and one I have remained committed to honoring through regular order. I am extremely pleased that the House Appropriations Committee largely fulfilled its responsibilities earlier this year. By the middle of June, the Appropriations Committee reported out all 12 of our fiscal year 2027 appropriations bills, the earliest we have done so since fiscal year 2020. The full House has also passed three of these bills. I had hoped that the House's quick actions would lead to sending a series of appropriations measures to the President's desk before the end of the fiscal year. Unfortunately, time is running short. Though the House acted expeditiously, our colleagues across the rotunda have not approached this problem with the same sense of urgency. Indeed, the Senate has yet to report a single bill out of the Senate Appropriations Committee, much less across the Senate floor. Like it or not, the Constitution entrusts Congress, both the House and the Senate, with the responsibility of funding the government. The fact remains that this House cannot act solely on its own. The hard reality before us is straightforward: The fiscal year deadline is outpacing the work that remains. Recognizing that this was a possibility in July, the House proactively passed H.R. 9770, a continuing resolution to fund the government through December 4. I am glad to say the example we set helped paved the way for action in the other Chamber. The Senate built on our plan and before leaving for recess, our colleagues passed an amended version of that bill. We now have an opportunity to take this measure up and send it to the President for his approval. This clean, short-term continuing resolution simply keeps the government open, protects the progress we have made, and preserves the path to full-year appropriations. If enacted, the bill before us today will fund the government through December 11. This will allow Congress time to get past the November elections and allow us time to assess and move forward with further appropriations measures in November and December. Let me be very clear, Mr. Speaker, about what this bill does and does not do: The bill funds the government and keeps it open through December 11, ensuring our constituents will continue to get the services they need. The bill protects our national security, providing funding for our Armed Forces and security agencies as well as crucial authorities for core research and development programs to ensure our military remains the best armed and equipped services in the world. The bill contains no poison pills and no partisan riders. It doesn't mean I agree with everything in it, but I think the time to act is now. The bill has the support of the White House and notably the bill preserves the House's progress and the ability to pass full-year funding bills after the November elections. Over and over, I hear from my constituents that they want Congress to work together and do the right thing for the American people. That is precisely what we are doing in taking up today's bill. The bill before us is a clean, narrowly tailored continuing resolution that keeps the government open and operating, nothing more, nothing less. It gives the Nation and our constituents certainty: certainty that the government will remain open, certainty that our servicemembers will be paid, certainty that the TSA will remain operating, certainty that Social Security checks will go out on time, certainty that home buyers will be able to secure mortgages, certainty that the Nation will be protected from foreign threats, certainty that Americans will be able to access nutrition assistance and disaster relief, certainty that roads will be repaired and critical infrastructure projects will continue, and certainty that our elections will be secure. The choice is clear. Mr. Speaker, I urge all my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to join me in voting for this responsible measure, and I look forward to continuing the FY 2027 appropriations process in the months ahead. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the measure under consideration.

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and concur in the Senate amendments to the bill (H.R. 6500) to extend duty-free treatment provided with respect to imports from certain countries in Africa under the African Growth and Opportunity Act, to extend customs user fees, and for other purposes.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. I want to begin by complimenting my good friend, the ranking member of the full Appropriations Committee. She has bargained with us throughout this process in good faith, and it has been a pleasure to work with her. I have often been quoted, and I will say it here on the House floor, you can trust Rosa DeLauro. When she gives you her word, she keeps her word. We have no complaint at all with our friends on the other side of the aisle in the House and certainly not with our distinguished ranking member. I will tell you, we have not seen that same sort of good faith from the Senate of the United States, particularly the Senate Democrats. Quite frankly, they came to a bill agreement last year when we were trying to get the first three bills out--which we succeeded working together in doing--that, gosh, let's just keep working. What we want is a clean continuing resolution and a short date. We gave them both those things. Instead, they then added new demands unrelated to the subject at hand, demands that, frankly, we did not agree with, did not accept. What did we get? We got a 79-day full shutdown, as my friend pointed out. We don't think that is acceptable. We want to continue the process. Second, we negotiated again earlier this year. Again, we thought we had an agreement. We made concessions to our friends on the other side, concessions which we thought really weren't concessions. They were helpful suggestions from the Democrats. Let's add more training for our men and women in ICE, you know, Department of Homeland Security. Let's have some additional training. Let's have some additional funding. Those were all things we agreed to, and then once again we got another shutdown. Frankly, we just want to make assurance. I have no doubt we can negotiate differences, including some of the concerns my friend raised today, in the time we have between now and September 30. What we don't want is a government shutdown used and perverted for political purposes 5 weeks before an election. We think that is a risk that we are running in dealing with the Senate. While we have worked productively, we have gotten bills out on both a partisan and a bipartisan basis, we haven't seen that in the Senate. Honestly, they haven't passed a single appropriations bill yet. They have refused to sit down and negotiate in good faith in the Senate. I would say our friends in the House have negotiated in good faith. We actually did backflips last year to give our friends in the House the measures that needed to get passed in the form that they asked to pass them. They kept their word. We passed all those bills. In the Senate, frankly, we did not get that kind of response. We gave them those things. Instead, we got a shutdown; a shutdown that, frankly, was inexplicable. We want to avoid that. We have presented here today a bill that should be noncontroversial. It simply extends funding through December 4. It does not have any poison pills in it. There is nothing in the bill that my friends object to. If they want to put additional things in the bill, fine, we can talk about that, but let's just assure that funding is going to go on no matter what. That is all this clean continuing resolution does. Look, I have been around here long enough to know that tensions rise as you move toward an election. I have been around here long enough to see Members on both sides of the aisle try to leverage a shutdown to extract additional concessions. We want to avoid that. We want to continue to both move bills across this floor. Obviously, we have moved ours out of committee. We want to give the Senate time to do the same thing. Count me as skeptical that they are going to do much before the election. We want to make sure between when we leave here on September 30 and that election, and sometime beyond that, December 4, that the government continues to function, and we are available to negotiate at any time. We, as my friends on the House side have done, have kept our word in those negotiations. They have been in good faith. All this does is make sure that we do not have a shutdown come September 30, nor do we have a wild effort by either individual Members or either party to demand things in exchange for keeping the government open. The government will be open until the election is over. I actually think that is a concession and a favor to everybody. It is a favor to the American people to make sure that they are not inconvenienced and endangered by a government shutdown. If we have to wait until after the election until our friends in the Senate want to sit down and work, then we will wait until after the election. We don't have to wait through a shutdown. We don't have to create the temptation for individual Members to exploit an artificial deadline of the end of the fiscal year. We just need to keep working, as we have, productively. That is all this bill does. There are no poison pills in it. There is no increase in funding. There is no other extraneous legislation attached to it. It is a clean, simple CR to avoid a shutdown before a scheduled election and to give us enough time after that election to sit down, either resolve our differences--which is what I hope we can do--or if we need additional time, we will look at that then. If there are other matters along the way, we are happy to sit down and talk about those. We just want to take the possibility of a government shutdown off the table. Some people may think that is being cautious. Those people would probably not be aware that we went through the longest full government shutdown in American history triggered by our friends in the United States Senate, the Democrats in the United States Senate. Some people might think that, you know, again, we run the risk of our borders. We had to resort to extraordinary measures to continue to fund the Border Patrol. Why anybody is mad at the Border Patrol, I will never know. All they have done is their job. We have had no known illegal entries in the United States in over a year. That is something to be proud of. Why the Border Patrol is mixed up in this, I will never know, but I am happy to talk to my friends about it on the other side. Let's do the prudent thing, as my friend, Mr. Womack, said. Let's take out an insurance policy. Let's remove the option of a government shutdown, and let's continue to work in good faith. We have done that in this House. That is why all 12 bills are out of committee. I commend my friends on the other side. They made their points. They made their arguments. They supported a couple of those bills, others they might not. The point is, they worked in good faith. That has not happened in the United States Senate. We have had two shutdowns triggered by people that historically condemn any shutdown. Their argument has always in the past been: Let's keep the government open while we negotiate. That is all this CR does. It ensures no artificial deadline, and it ensures we will get the election in the rearview mirror without shutting down the government as we move into an election. We think this is a prudent thing to do. I hope some of my friends on the other side will accept that view and vote accordingly. If not, we will try to do this on our own, but we would prefer to do it in cooperation with our friends. Again, that is all we are trying to do. I would urge, Mr. Speaker, that my colleagues support this bill, that we make sure there is no government shutdown come the end of the fiscal year, and that we make sure we can conduct our elections in November without the threat of a shutdown leading into those elections. Then we would prudently try to resolve our differences on the other side of the election. It is pretty simple stuff. Again, we are willing to talk about other matters that our friends want to bring up. We just want to take the option of a shutdown off the table. It is that simple. I urge my colleagues to support this bill. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Womack), my very good friend, and chairman of the Transportation, Housing and Urban Development, and Related Agencies Subcommittee of the full Appropriations Committee.

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 9770, the Continuing Appropriations Act, 2027. This Congress has a constitutional duty to fund the government. If Article I teaches us anything, it is that governing means doing the work, not waiting for a crisis. It is a responsibility I have never viewed as optional and one I have remained committed to honoring through regular order. Over the last year, Mr. Speaker, the House Committee on Appropriations has acted to fulfill our fiscal year 2027 responsibilities. Previous partisan shutdowns and political headwinds never deterred us from doing our work. In fact, we refused to let political dysfunction become an excuse for inaction. So, line by line, bill by bill, we delivered all 12 regular appropriations bills out of committee. This was accomplished before the end of June, the earliest date on record since fiscal year 2020. We have also passed three of these bills across this very floor with bipartisan support. I am deeply proud of the engagement, discipline, and focus of our cardinals and appropriators and the support of our colleagues in this Chamber. While I wish I could say the same momentum and determination is being exercised on the other side of the Capitol, it is not. Senate Democrats won't even allow markups to progress. It is impossible to negotiate full-year funding when circumstances make clear that one side is willing to bring the process to a standstill before it can even leave committee. The hard reality before us is straightforward. The fiscal year deadline is outpacing the work that remains. Our Conference refuses to let the obstruction and inaction of Senate Democrats trigger another manufactured shutdown at the end of September. That is why we are acting before a funding lapse crisis, not in response to it. This clean, short-term continuing resolution simply keeps the government open, protects the progress we have made, and preserves the path to full-year appropriations. For anyone questioning this legislation, the facts are simple: It extends the government funding deadline to December 4, denying any party the opportunity to manufacture leverage before elections. It contains no poison pills or partisan riders. It prevents harmful disruptions to our national security and the vital programs our constituents rely on. And it preserves the House's progress toward completing full-year fiscal 2027 appropriations. You see, it is never too early to do the right thing. In fact, after Senate Democrats forced the two longest government shutdowns in American history and abandoned previously negotiated funding agreements more than once, we have every reason to act early and every responsibility to do so. The House will make clear to the Nation where we stand, and it is on the side of stability, certainty, and the American people. Additionally, supporting this bill does not limit, hinder, or halt any work on the full-year appropriations for any of the 12 bills. The choice is clear: Either Members will vote to keep the government working or they will vote to risk another unnecessary shutdown. I know which option my constituents expect. I know which option gives families relying on nutrition assistance or disaster relief the certainty they need. I know which options our troops, veterans, TSA agents, and government employees deserve. I know which option I will choose. I urge my colleagues to join me in voting for this responsible measure, and I look forward to continuing the fiscal year 2027 appropriations process in the coming months. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the measure under consideration.

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 1438, I call up the bill (H.R. 9770) making continuing appropriations for fiscal year 2027, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Mr. Chair, I thank my distinguished friend and vice chair of the full committee, Chairman Diaz-Balart, for yielding the time and for his work on this bill. The fiscal year 2027 National Security, Department of State, and Related Programs bill makes a clear statement about American leadership: We will engage where it matters. We will invest where it counts. We will demand accountability for every dollar spent. The legislation before us today, Mr. Chairman, implements a clear- eyed and unapologetic approach to our security and democracy efforts. It leaves no doubt about our Nation's posture. America will not be passive or simply write blank checks. Every investment we make must advance U.S. interests, strengthen our strategic position, and deliver measurable results for the American people. We are putting our values into action by upholding freedom, promoting economic opportunity, supporting religious liberty, and safeguarding protections that uphold life. This approach marks a necessary course correction. Unlike previous administrations that prioritized symbolism over outcomes, President Trump and Chairman Diaz-Balart have returned U.S. engagement to a foundation of strength, accountability, and strategic purpose. On every level, this bill reiterates that it won't be optics but real results that drive our work. The measure stands firmly with our friends while drawing a clear line against our adversaries. It reinforces support for key allies, like Israel and Taiwan, and directly counters threats from Communist China and other regimes that challenge our interests and principles. It also demands greater accountability and raises expectations for our partners, recognizing that enduring alliances are strongest when responsibilities are shared. Further, it implements strategic investments that enhance U.S. leverage abroad and combat fentanyl trafficking and criminal organizations. It refocuses our diplomacy on core missions like embassy security, passport services, and promoting American businesses overseas. The bottom line is simple: This legislation recognizes that freedom and democracy are not mere ideals. They are principles that we will actively champion and advance. Chairman Diaz-Balart's bill directs resources to the highest impact priorities that strengthen America's position while cutting billions in unnecessary spending. This bill delivers security, strategic focus, and results. Mr. Chair, I thank my friend from Florida and Ranking Member Frankel for their leadership, and I thank the staff on both sides of the aisle for their hard work. I urge my colleagues to support this bill.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Mr. Chair, I thank my very good friend, Chairman Harris, for the time. Today's fiscal year 2027 Agriculture, Rural Development, Food and Drug Administration, and Related Agencies Act recognizes a simple truth: When American agriculture is strong, America is strong. This measure puts that principle into action. The bill before us supports farmers, ranchers, and rural communities, and invests in research to keep the United States competitive. It invests in food safety through important inspection resources and protects American agriculture from foreign pests and diseases. It reinforces an America First approach by ensuring policies that favor products produced right here in the United States. At every level, the health and well-being of Americans and our communities are prioritized. We strengthen rural development, implement broadband investments, and reinforce the integrity of critical food and medical supply chains. We also uphold access to nutrition resources by fully funding SNAP and WIC, as well as increasing resources for child school food programs. Supporting American families also means protecting the Nation and the critical resources we depend upon every day. It is why the bill further reinforces key national security priorities by tightening oversight of foreign purchases of agricultural land and strengthening FDA oversight of foreign drug manufacturing facilities. Safeguarding assets and reducing vulnerabilities in these critical areas is significant to defending American resources and reducing strategic vulnerabilities. And just as importantly, it restores focus and accountability by cutting wasteful programs, eliminating Biden-era regulations, and holding every dollar to a higher standard. From the farm to the dinner table, this measure puts Americans first by strengthening agriculture, protecting public health, and supporting economic opportunity across the country. I thank Chairman Harris for his leadership in crafting this bill, and I appreciate his working partnership with Ranking Member Bishop, as well as the hard work of the majority and minority staff. Mr. Harris and Mr. Bishop may be in different places today, but I have watched them work through the process before and come to common ground, and I am quite confident that will happen again. Frankly, the process in many ways is just as important as the policy. Having our second full-year appropriations measure on the House floor reflects the commitment to regular order, thoughtful oversight, and the Article I responsibility entrusted to Congress by the American people. Mr. Chair, I urge adoption of the FY27 bill.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding additional time. At a time when Americans too often only hear about division and dysfunction, this strong and bipartisan proposal demonstrates that support for our veterans, troops, and military families can still unite this institution around a common purpose. Voting ``yes'' is a statement that America does not forget those who answered the call to defend her. Mr. Chair, again, I thank Chairman Carter and Ranking Member Wasserman Schultz for their leadership on this measure and urge all Members to join me in supporting the bill's final passage.

Mr. COLE. Mr. Chairman, I thank my good friend, Judge Carter, for yielding the time. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of our first fiscal year 2027 appropriations bill on the floor, the Military Construction, Veterans Affairs, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act. This legislation reflects something that we have long understood from our founding: America's story has always been shaped by ordinary men and women who are willing to step forward and answer a call greater than themselves. A country worthy of sacrifice must also be worthy of the people who made that sacrifice, and our obligation to those who wear the uniform does not end when they return home and hang up their uniforms. This bill reflects that promise. We are delivering the support, resources, and readiness that make a real difference. You don't have to rely on my word. The substance of the funding is clear. We fully fund veteran healthcare and benefits. We prioritize critical mental health and suicide prevention efforts. We invest in improvements at VA facilities, military cemeteries, and monuments. At the same time, this measure reinforces our base posture from the ground up by investing in military construction, improving barracks, and ensuring that our installations are equipped to support readiness in an increasingly complex environment. From the Indo-Pacific to the commands here at home, strength and preparedness are not optional. We also recognize that a strong military is built not only by those on the front lines but by the loved ones who support them through every sacrifice. That is why this bill supports family housing, childcare, and quality-of-life needs for military families. Put simply, this legislation strengthens the full foundation of American security through care for our veterans, capabilities for our bases, and construction that supports readiness for the future. Chairman Carter's work reflects the seriousness that these responsibilities demand and the lasting commitments we owe to those who serve. Together with Ranking Member Wasserman Schultz, he wrote a bill that earned unanimous support in our full committee because its priorities are grounded in supporting the best of our Nation.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, had I been present, I would have voted YEA on Roll Call No. 136.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend from Oklahoma, my distinguished colleague and extraordinary leader in that moment, Mr. Lucas, for yielding. Like my friend, we don't need a lot of notes to talk about that day 31 years ago to the day yesterday. We remember what was the darkest day in Oklahoma history, the worst act of domestic terrorism ever performed on American soil. My friend, Mr. Lucas, as he said, was only 11 months in as a new Congressman representing that area, that district, and we are very lucky there was not a loss of life in his office, as close as they were to the disaster site. I had been in office less than 100 days working for our friend, Frank Keating. I will never forget that day. I was walking into my office, and I could feel a little shudder. The capitol is about 2\1/2\ miles away from the disaster site. I sat down in my chair, and my secretary immediately walked into my office. She said: Something terrible has happened in downtown Oklahoma City. Your wife--who was three blocks away working as a paralegal at the time--has just called and said that something terrible has happened. She is on the phone. I got on the phone, and she described to me what she could see from the 18th floor of an office tower at a law firm three blocks away. She said: I don't know what has occurred, but there has been a horrific explosion. There are hundreds of people in the street. People are screaming, and something awful has happened. Immediately I walked upstairs to the Governor's office. Frank Keating was our new Governor at the time. He obviously had been in office less than 100 days, as well. If you walked into the Governor's office, Mr. Speaker, there is a press office immediately to your right. I looked to the right. I saw the Governor and his chief of staff, my good friend, Clinton Key. They were watching the disaster as it unfolded because there were already helicopters flying over the disaster site, and one of the news commentators was speculating: Well, this was a natural gas explosion. Frank Keating had been an FBI agent in the early part of his career as a law enforcement official and later an Associate Attorney General of the United States under President Reagan. He was looking at this. One of his first jobs as a young FBI officer in the 1960s had been to investigate acts of terrorism associated with the Vietnam war on the West Coast. I will never ever forget him watching this. He said that is not a natural gas explosion. That is a car bomb, and it is probably some act of terrorism. He knew immediately what we were dealing with. As we watched that horrific day unfold where we lost 168 lives, I marveled every single day at the extraordinary leadership that Frank Keating and our first lady, Cathy Keating, showed for the State of Oklahoma. He not only knew what had happened, he knew instinctively what he needed to do. We had an emergency meeting in the Governor's office. We decided there is always a debate in one of those things: Do you go to the site? Do you lead from the capitol? Frank Keating said: You go to where the action is. I am going downtown and assign various tasks to the rest of us. Then he headed down. I joined him later that day. He saw this horrific explosion that had taken 168 lives and injured hundreds and hundreds more people. We watched the unfolding relief effort. As bad as the day was for Oklahoma, I don't think I ever was more proud of the State and, quite frankly, the country as it dealt with the tragedy unfolding in front of us in those opening hours on April 19, 1995. Our first responders in Oklahoma City--police officers and the fire department--immediately sprang into action, immediately trying to get people out of the building, trying to contain the disaster. Over 300 buildings around the site had been heavily damaged. They performed heroically and magnificently because, frankly, we thought at the time that there might be other bombs there and that there might be other explosions coming. By about 11 o'clock that morning, we had the Governor back, and we convened at the capitol complex in Oklahoma City. About 1 o'clock, we got a call from the President of the United States, Bill Clinton. Most people don't know this, but President Clinton and Governor Keating had gone to Georgetown University together. When the Governor was president of the senior class, then- sophomore class member Bill Clinton was president of the sophomore class. They knew one another extraordinarily well. There was already lots of speculation that it might be terrorist activity directed from overseas. The President asked the Governor: Governor, do we have any earthly idea who did this? He said: No, Mr. President, we don't. You will hear a lot of speculation, but obviously, we don't know at this point who did this deed. I will never forget the response of President Clinton, who said immediately: Well, I hope it is not a foreigner who did something like this. I remember thinking: Well, gosh, how could you want it to be an American? The President said something very insightful. It actually came back to me when we as a country went through 9/11. He said: If this was done by somebody overseas, we will be at war someplace in the world in the next 6 months. He, too, knew immediately what the consequences of this awful act were. In the days ahead, again, our firefighters, our National Guard, our police, and all the surrounding police officers and fire departments did an extraordinary job as we struggled to find out who had done this, what we could do to save lives, and whether there were still survivors left in there. At every point, Governor Keating showed leadership, but he was not alone. The mayor of Oklahoma City, Ron Norick, a good friend of Congressman Lucas and mine, also performed magnificently, directing the response effort. Much more importantly than that for us, the people of Oklahoma responded instinctively and heroically, not only in sending the relief efforts that we initially needed, but also in rallying around the victims, giving blood, and trying to see that whatever was needed would be done. I then recall all the other Americans from all over the country who were immediately moving in our direction to help. We had relief units. I met the captain of the New York Fire Department, who later lost his life responding to 9/11. I met relief and rescue workers from Fort Lauderdale, Florida. People came from all over America because it is what Americans do when they face a tragedy: You help other Americans. Finally, I will tell you that the Clinton administration responded spectacularly. President Clinton sent every bit of aid that we requested and then some. When our First Lady decided that we needed to grieve while we were dealing with disaster, she came up with the idea of the prayer service, which was attended immediately by Billy Graham, by the President of the United States, obviously by our local dignitaries, and by our neighbor, the newly elected Governor of the State of Texas, George Bush. You saw all Americans coming and working together. Over the course of that, something called the Oklahoma Standard was developed and is still very famous amongst first responders. This is how our community, a State, and, frankly, a country is supposed to respond when confronted with an unspeakable act of evil. So as terrible as it was, it became a rallying point for the people of Oklahoma, and it became an incident where you could see the goodness and decency of the American people overcoming a terrible act of evil. We got help from all over the world. I still have prayer beads sent to us from Germany that the nuns had made. People just responded and stepped up. We will never forget in Oklahoma the horror of those days, the worst days I ever lived through. We will never forget the decency of both the people of Oklahoma, certainly of Oklahoma City, decent people from all across the country who helped us, and a great and compassionate government that was immediately available. Sometimes, the government is a pretty controversial thing these days. You will never know how lucky you are as an American as when something terrible like this happens and all the resources and all the compassion of a great and good people are immediately at your disposal to help you get through a disaster: FBI, FEMA, law enforcement personnel, more rescue teams. That went on for day after day after day. Out of that came a thought that the Governor had: What can we do to help the survivors? What can we do for all the children who are now orphans? He set up with the First Lady, Cathy Keating, a foundation which, frankly, raised the money and provided for the education of every child who lost a parent. College, technical education, whatever they needed, we would be there to fulfill the role of the parents who were taken from very young children at an age and in a way that they couldn't possibly comprehend. Frankly, none of us could ever understand what happened behind it and what the reasons for it were. I think about that day quite often, and I think about it particularly on the anniversary dates. There was an enormous celebration yesterday in Oklahoma City, prayer services, a memorial marathon that we run every year connected with this event, and the Day to Remember. Again, out of that terrible thing, many good things have happened. Mr. Speaker, I particularly commend my friend. I was assigned the job, as secretary of state, of being the liaison with the Federal Government. That meant I was working through my congressman and friend Frank Lucas to try to make sure that the Federal Government played its appropriate role, not only in the response--and, believe me, they did. I could not have, again, asked any more from President Clinton. I have expressed that to him on many occasions and on this floor on multiple occasions. Anything we asked for, he made sure that we had. I also think of all the decent people who rallied around and helped us. We saw superb leadership at the public level. My friend was at the heart of making sure that Oklahoma City got all the help that it needed. We were trying to struggle with what it would take to rebuild Oklahoma City. I remember talking to my counterparts in the Federal Government at the time whom President Clinton had dispatched. The normal relief in a situation like that, a disaster, is a 75/25 split. I remember telling one of them that this isn't a natural disaster. This is an attack on a Federal facility in the middle of Oklahoma City. They thought about it. They said: You know, you are right, this is really a Federal responsibility. The generosity of the people of the United States of America helped rebuild Oklahoma City, and that very same concept was used when our friends in New York, who had been so quick to send us help, went through an even more horrific ordeal on 9/ 11. These disasters were meant to hurt the State of Oklahoma. They were meant to hurt our faith and our system, and they were meant to damage the American people profoundly. They did exactly the opposite. They reminded us that whatever our differences politically, whatever differences we have in different parts of the country, in the end we are all Americans, and in the end Americans stick together and look after their own. Frankly, as I said, we got help from all over the world. We got help from every point on the political spectrum. We got the assistance of folks who decided they would not give in to horror, they would not give in to terrorism, they would not allow evil to overcome the innate decency of the people. As I pause and reflect, I do remember it as the worst day of my life. I do remember it as the worst day in the history of my State. But I remember it also as an example of the compassion, decency, and the enormous capability of the American people to look after their own in a terrible situation. I thank my friend for organizing this memorial to this horrific event because it is really something we should never forget, but it is something we should always be proud of. We should be proud of the response of those very first police officers and firemen, just as at 9/ 11, not knowing exactly what had happened, but throwing themselves in harm's way. We should be proud of the political leadership that we had at the time. We were very fortunate to have the Governor we had, the First Lady that we had, Frank and Cathy Keating, the mayor we had in Oklahoma City, the Congressmen we had that represented that area and worked with us not just in those days and weeks but, frankly, in the months and years that followed to make sure that Oklahoma City recovered. We should be proud of a people that never ever will forget what occurred that day and never ever will let the forces of evil overcome the forces of good and the decency of the American people. I have seen enough in my lifetime to know when good overcomes evil and that in the end it always does because I saw it in Oklahoma City. I saw it with friends and colleagues. I saw it from strangers all across the country. I saw it from political leaders at every point in the political spectrum. What was our worst day as a State was probably our best day in terms of showing what we were capable of when we were challenged and reminding the world that all of America stands together against terrorism and all of America works together to help people not only deal with the immediate tragedy but to overcome, to heal, and to move on. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend for setting up this fitting memorial discussion this evening.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I rise to recognize and pay a special thank you to a truly exceptional American, and U.S. Army officer, Major Benjamin ``Ben'' Cohen. Major Cohen served with distinction as a Defense Fellow in my office from January 2023 to December 2023 in which his professionalism, expertise, candor, and team-centric attitude was paramount to my staff's success in the FY24 Appropriations Cycle. His contributions during this time were instrumental in shaping budget and policy related discussions and advancing legislative priorities. Following his tenure in my office, Ben served as a Congressional Budget Liaison in the Secretary of the Army's Financial Management and Comptroller's Budget Liaison (SAFMI-BUL) office, representing the Missile Procurement, Army (MiPA). Procurement of Army Ammunition (PAA), and Procurement of Wheeled Tracked Combat Vehicles (WTCV) appropriations portfolios. As a Liaison, Ben supported 25 staff delegation trips and 5 congressional delegation trips and expertly worked with the appropriations staff to ensure the United States Army's priorities were supported, cared for, and realized. His professionalism, dedication, and expertise have greatly benefited Members of Congress and their staff, leaving a lasting impression on all who have had the privilege of working with him. Born and raised in Barnstable, Massachusetts, Major Cohen graduated from Norwich University in 2014 with a bachelor's in criminal justice and was commissioned Active Duty as a Field Artillery Officer. Major Cohen began his military career with the 1st Stryker Brigade Combat Team, where he served as a Company Fire Support Officer, Maintenance Control Officer, Platoon Leader, Executive Officer, and Brigade Adjutant. After completing his Captains Career Course in 2018. Ben returned to Alaska--Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, Anchorage, Alaska, where he served as a Battalion Fire Support Officer for 3-509th Infantry (Airborne), Commander for HHC, 3-509th Infantry (Airborne), and Commander for B Battery, 2-377th PFAR. Upon completing his command time at JBER, Ben was accepted into the Army's Congressional Fellowship Program. Major Cohen's academic achievements include earning a Master of Professional Studies in Legislative Affairs from George Washington University in 2023, and a Master of Public Administration from Norwich University. Additionally, Ben is a graduate of United States Army's Ranger School, Jumpmaster Course, Basic Airborne Course, Air Assault School, and the Army's Cold Weather Leaders Course. In addition to his military duties, Major Cohen volunteers his time as a Coach for youth sports (hockey) in the local area, providing development and mentorship opportunities to local youth athletes. This year, Ben's St. James Hockey Team won the Atlantic Hockey Federation's (AHF) 16U Lemieux Division in dominant fashion, culminating a massively successful season with an overall record of 34-18-5. Major Cohen's exceptional career is a testament to his unwavering dedication, leadership, and commitment to selfless service and excellence. His contributions to the Army and our Nation are truly commendable. On behalf of the U.S. House of Representatives and a grateful Nation, I join my colleagues today in recognizing and commending my good friend, Major Benjamin ``Ben'' Cohen for his service and sacrifice.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. I begin by thanking my friend for a spirited debate. We have certainly had one today. But to me the facts of this situation seem pretty clear. The House has done its job twice already. It has fully funded the Department of Homeland Security, and if we are fortunate, we will fully fund it again in a few minutes with I hope a bipartisan vote, but we will see about that. Frankly, we sent that legislation over to the Senate, and to be fair, a majority of the United States Senate has multiple times voted to keep the government open. A majority, a bipartisan majority, of the United States Senate has voted to keep the government open. Now, the Senate operates differently from us, Mr. Speaker. As most Americans know, they have a rule that is not in the Constitution. It is not in law. It is just simply a Senate rule that says they have to reach 60. So what we have is a situation where a minority of Senate Democrats have repeatedly voted to shut down the government. That is even though we sent them a bill that they agreed to vote for before we sent it over there in the first place. Then, they changed their mind and broke their word. They have done that repeatedly in the Senate, not in the House. That is in the Senate. We now have a situation where a majority of both Chambers have repeatedly said that we would like to open the government. I know my friends would like to open parts of the government. I heard that argument, and I didn't agree with it back when we were in the majority during the ObamaCare debates. We brought measure after measure on the floor to open part of the government. Surely we can vote for defense. Surely we can vote for this or that. Our Democrat friends said, no, we should vote to fund all the government. I actually agree with that, and we compromised there. There seems to be, on this floor, a belief that the President has not been willing to compromise. That is not the case. The President, Mr. Speaker, has changed leadership at the Department of Homeland Security. The President, in negotiation with the Democrats in the Senate, has repeatedly made concessions. Frankly, it is the Democrats in the Senate who keep moving the goalposts. They just like the fight. They don't care who is not getting a paycheck. They don't care who is not meeting a mortgage payment. They don't care who is not meeting a car payment. They don't care who is sleeping in a car. They just want to score a political point. They want to score it even though the majority of both Chambers have passed legislation to keep the government open and even though the President of the United States has made considerable concessions in their direction. That is stupidity. That is irresponsibility. It is reckless, and it is dangerous. To do it at a time when the country is engaged in military operations overseas with an adversary that is the largest sponsor of state terrorism and that would do anything it could to hurt Americans is the height of irresponsibility. Mr. Speaker, I just simply hope that in this Chamber today we do what we have done twice more and give the Senate another opportunity. I know there are negotiations going on over there. Let's just do the right thing: Fund the government. The President has shown my friends that he is willing to make changes. He did that in Minnesota in terms of leadership, and he has done it in terms of the Department itself. That normally would be enough. I would ask my colleagues to look within themselves to see if this is really worth it, if running this risk for 330 million Americans is really worth it, if making 100,000 people miss another paycheck is really worth it. I don't know what political gain my friends think they might be getting out of this. I don't think it is worth it, so I would just ask us to do the responsible thing, to pass what was a bipartisan, negotiated product, yet again, in this House, send it over to the Senate, point out the concessions that the President has made in good faith, finally get the government up and operational, and making changes in leadership. My goodness, what more do you want? That is because it doesn't matter what he does, they want something else. That tells me that we are dealing with somebody who doesn't want to be dealt with in a rational and fair manner. I think we have done that in this body in the entire appropriations process. That is why most of these bills have passed this Chamber, most of them with strong bipartisan support. That is why, in the United States Senate, we thought we had a deal, but the Democrats in the Senate changed it. That is why the President, I think, probably has tried multiple times to move in the direction of his critics, yet they still won't accept it. Again, I would just ask to do the right thing. Let's fund the Government of the United States. Let's get about our business. Let's make sure that, in a very dangerous moment in our history, our people have every protection that we can provide them. Let's not wait for something bad to happen so that we can come to our senses. Let's do it today. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Baird).

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Alford), my very good friend and the vice chair of the Subcommittee on Military Construction, Veteran Affairs, and Related Agencies of the Committee on Appropriations.

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman from Alabama.