Tom Cole

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, I will offer an amendment to the rule to bring up H. Res. 11 for immediate consideration. This resolution proposes an amendment to the Constitution of the United States to require that the Supreme Court of the United States be composed of nine Justices. Madam Speaker, the Supreme Court has been set at nine Justices for 153 years. Fundamentally changing the composition of the Court to satisfy the demands of one political party would permanently erode the independence of the judicial branch and forever alter the separation of powers, which is the very foundation our Constitution and our Nation were built upon. The independence of the judicial branch is too sacred to subject it to the political issue of the day. The appointment of a Supreme Court Justice is not a popularity contest, and the Court's decisions should not be based on polls. The Supreme Court's duty is to the Constitution and ensuring that adherence to the laws of the land. To further explain the amendment, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from South Dakota (Mr. Johnson), who is my very good friend and the author of the resolution.

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, as has become all too common with the Democratic majority, when the status quo doesn't lead to the outcome they want, they simply change the rules to suit their needs. You need to only look at the last 2 years for evidence: fundamentally changing the way the House operates through the use of proxy voting; a complete lockdown of alternative ideas; fewer and fewer committees doing the work to make the law rather than score political points--all aimed at protecting their razor-thin majority at the expense of the institution and the Nation. Democrats' current obsession with the Supreme Court is no different, but instead of accepting the independence of the judiciary, the majority is, instead, intent on fixing the rules of the game to ensure their own victory. This amendment to the Constitution would prevent that from happening and would ensure, once and for all, that the Supreme Court will be independent and free of meddling based on the political ideas of the day. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my amendment in the Record, along with the extraneous material, immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I support H.R. 5585, the Advanced Research Projects Agency--Health Act. During my time in Congress, I have been a strong supporter of basic medical research, and I recognize the potential translational medical research holds when it builds off this prior research. The discoveries made by our scientists at NIH and at NIH-funded universities across the nation have the potential to transform the delivery of health care and the prevention, treatment, and ultimately curing of disease. That support for research and its potential to transform the delivery of health care led me to be an initial supporter of ARPA-H. In collaboration with my colleagues on the Appropriations Committee, we provided ARPA-H with some initial funding in the Fiscal Year 2022 omnibus. However, we are appropriators, not authorizers, and many of the basic decisions about the structure and functions of the agency had to be left unmade and instead be delegated to the Secretary of Health and Human Services. As I mentioned to him when he came before my subcommittee this spring, Congress still did not know how grants would be made or funded or how ARPA-H would interface with NIH. I am pleased that this bill from the House Energy and Commerce Committee answers these questions and provides Congress the opportunity to shape this agency in line with our original intent. I am especially pleased that the resulting bill is fiscally responsible and will ensure proper oversight of ARPA-H as it implements this new research arm. H.R. 5585 establishes ARPA-H as an independent agency within HHS--separate from NIH--and provides its director with independence from NIH. It also establishes clear agency goals and mission and provides a framework for coordination to ensure ARPA-H's efforts will not duplicate or cannibalize the research efforts of other federal agencies, particularly NIH. Importantly, it also prohibits awards being made to foreign researchers and entities operating at behest of or in concert with our adversaries. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I am happy to congratulate my good friend and Executive Director of the Oklahoma Credit Union Association, Nate Webb, on his retirement. His dedication to bettering our great state is certainly commendable. I wish him well and an enjoyable retirement, but I am sad to see him go.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that I may hereafter be considered as the first sponsor of H.R. 2271, a bill originally introduced by Representative Young of Alaska, for the purpose of adding cosponsors and requesting reprintings pursuant to clause 7 of rule XII.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that I may hereafter be considered to be the first sponsor of H.R. 7648, a bill originally introduced by Representative Young of Alaska, for the purposes of adding cosponsors and requesting reprintings pursuant to clause 7 of rule XII.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to call up H.R. 471, the PAUSE Act, to protect all Americans from Biden's border crisis.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I want to thank my good friend, the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts, Chairman McGovern, for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, our second rule of the day now covers four items. As we discussed earlier, the first item is a bill to ban imports of Russian oil into the United States and to impose additional sanctions following Russia's unprovoked and unjust invasion of Ukraine. Although I will be supporting this bill, it is a missed opportunity to exhibit unified support for the immediate steps to confront Vladimir Putin's evil empire. A much stronger bill has been introduced in the Senate that was negotiated over the weekend by Republicans and Democrats in the House and Senate. Why the majority would forgo taking yes for an answer and instead introduce a much weaker, watered-down bill is beyond me. Our second bill is an omnibus appropriations bill covering the remainder of fiscal year 2022. Our third bill is a short-term continuing resolution to ensure the continuity of government funding while Congress finishes the larger bill. And our fourth bill is a $15 billion standalone COVID supplemental. The omnibus appropriations bill was a long time in coming. Indeed, we are over 5 months into fiscal year 2022, and it is more than a little frustrating that it has taken us this long to get here. But we are here now, and the bill before us represents a realistic compromise between the House and the Senate and between Democrats and Republicans. The omnibus bill is far, far better than the partisan bills the House passed last summer. This bill preserves the historic legacy of bipartisan pro-life riders like the Hyde amendment and the Weldon amendment, both of which absolutely had to be in this package in order to become law. It omits new partisan policy riders on which there is no consensus. It increases defense spending by more than $25 billion over last year, which is clearly necessary in the wake of Vladimir Putin's unprovoked aggression against Ukraine. And it provides for an appropriate, measured increase in nondefense spending, which will allow for continued investments in programs like the National Institutes of Health, ARPA-H, TRIO, and GEAR UP. The limited increase in nondefense spending allows us to make responsible investments in key programs while being good stewards of taxpayer dollars. While it spends more than I would have preferred, it is still a very reasonable compromise. Before I conclude, Madam Speaker, I want to, once again, congratulate Chairwoman Rosa DeLauro and Ranking Member Kay Granger of the Appropriations Committee on today's bill and thank them for their hard work. On the new addition, the $15 billion COVID supplemental, I think there are serious concerns with this additional unpaid-for increase. According to the CBO, there is currently more than $340 billion in unobligated funds available for repurposing and appropriation. Indeed, instead of providing new resources like this bill does, we should rescind or repurpose existing COVID resources for these purposes, as the bill we considered earlier today would have done. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I have more remarks.

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, I will offer an amendment to the rule to bring up H.R. 6858, the American Energy Independence from Russia Act, for immediate consideration. Over the past few weeks, we have seen the clear consequences of President Biden's war on the oil and gas industry. Emboldened by Russia's role as the key source of energy for much of Europe, Vladimir Putin launched an unprovoked invasion of his neighbor, Ukraine. Gas prices are soaring, with the pressures of unchecked inflation and Putin's threats to cut off oil and gas exports pushing them ever higher. Indeed, Mr. Putin has begun to deploy his most potent weapon, which is to threaten to cut off Europe's energy supply right in the dead of winter. Madam Speaker, this was all avoidable. The United States has the capacity to be energy independent if only we choose to be. We can stand on our own two feet, confident in the knowledge that we can meet all of our domestic energy needs right here at home, and we can provide assistance to our allies to ensure their protection against Russian threats. Unfortunately, President Biden's actions since taking office have made this impossible. On day one of his Presidency, he terminated the Keystone XL pipeline, and he subsequently froze oil and gas leasing on Federal lands. In lieu of the U.S. producing oil and gas that we need, he is instead asking every other oil producing country but the United States to step up. Many of these are hardly friends of our country or, frankly, humanity. It is simply astonishing. The American Energy Independence from Russia Act would address this challenge and ensure American energy self-sufficiency. It would immediately approve the Keystone XL pipeline; it would restart oil and gas leasing on Federal lands and waters; and it would expand liquid natural gas exports at the moment Europe needs them most. It would free the United States and our allies to act in opposition to Vladimir Putin's brutal and barbarous assault on his neighbor without fear. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my amendment in the Record, along with extraneous material, immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I advise my friend I am prepared to close. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Madam Speaker, before I go to my formal remarks, my friend and I will have a discussion about energy. I am a big believer in renewables. My own State gets 42 percent of its electricity from wind power, and we are number two in the country. I would put our record up against anybody. We really do believe in ``all of the above.'' But we are very proud of having produced energy for over 100 years for this country in abundance, far beyond our needs, and exported at reasonable prices. I would also remind my friend, whatever the prices are--and I wish they were lower--they are cheaper here than just about anyplace else in the world, and we can thank, literally, the thousands of people I am privileged to represent. Many of us represent over 10 million of the men and women who actually produce the energy this country needs and, frankly, the rest of the world needs right now. I don't think they ought to be demeaned. I don't think their motives ought to be questioned. They are an extraordinary group of people, and they are patriotic and step forward whenever we need them. When times are bad, nobody seems to care what happens to them. When times get tougher, everybody wants them to step forward, invest more, and do more, and they do. They will continue to do that in this time of crisis. So, I don't think we need to be divided on this. There is no question we need more oil and gas now; Europe needs more oil and gas now; and we have been taught a serious lesson about the dangers of becoming reliant on people like Mr. Putin when they have the ability to impact world prices. Madam Speaker, in closing, although I oppose the rule, I am greatly encouraged by the underlying appropriations measure. While it is not perfect--no bill ever is--and could always be better, it does represent a good compromise between Democrats and Republicans that will ensure full-year funding for fiscal year 2022. The bill before us continues Congress' policy of increasing our investments in defense spending, which is of critical importance at this time of global crisis. It provides for needed investments in health, including increasing funding for combating future pandemics and research into diseases like cancer. It funds education, infrastructure, energy production, roads, and care for our Nation's veterans. It includes also--and I want to thank my friend for doing this--his proposal for a much-needed White House conference on hunger, and it is an area we work together on. I am proud to acknowledge his leadership in that. It is, in sum, a bill Congress can collectively be proud of, and it is a bill that does the right thing for the American people. On the Russia oil ban, I am disappointed. The Democrats walked away from a strong bipartisan, bicameral deal that could have united us as a Congress and led to swift passage in the Senate. As it currently stands, it is unclear what fate awaits this legislation in the Senate. I am hopeful that my friends on the other side will reflect on this missed opportunity and work with Republicans to not only stand up against Russian aggression abroad but also for homegrown American energy resources that are critical to achieving our goals and checking Vladimir Putin. On the new $15 billion unpaid-for COVID supplemental, the data is clear that there are already adequate resources available. These could be fully utilized before additional funds are provided. Madam Speaker, while I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the previous question and ``no'' on the rule, I encourage all Members to support the bipartisan and bicameral omnibus appropriations bill. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I urge a ``no'' on the previous question and a ``no'' on the rule, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I thank my very good friend, the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts, Chairman McGovern, for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. Today's rule covers three items. The first item is a bill to ban imports of Russian oil into the United States and to impose additional sanctions following Russia's unprovoked and unjust invasion of Ukraine. Madam Speaker, although I will be supporting this bill, I cannot help but feel that this is a half measure and a missed opportunity to exhibit unified support on immediate steps to confront Putin's evil regime. Yesterday, Senators Wyden and Crapo introduced a much stronger bill, one that was negotiated over the weekend by Republicans and Democrats in both the House and the Senate. But rather than taking yes for an answer, the majority instead put forward a weaker bill, one that is watered down and leaves loopholes wide enough to drive a tanker through. Banning Russian oil imports in the wake of Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine should be an obvious no-brainer, just like it ought to be a no-brainer for the President to reverse his misguided policies and unleash development of America's own energy sources. But instead of doing so, the Biden administration continues to discourage domestic oil and gas production and is asking every other oil producer in the world to make up the difference. Instead of encouraging our own domestic sources of energy, which could meet our needs, critically supply our allies, and strengthen American energy independence, President Biden instead is taking steps like unilaterally canceling the Keystone XL pipeline, imposing a ban on new oil and gas exploration and leasing on Federal lands, and telling hardworking Americans who are struggling to buy expensive gasoline to instead go buy more expensive electric vehicles. Failing to develop America's energy resources is a missed opportunity, Madam Speaker, just like this bill. We had a better option. I wish we had taken it. Our second item today is an omnibus appropriations package covering the remainder of the year 2022, and the third is a short-term continuing resolution to ensure continuity of government funding while Congress processes a larger bill. Madam Speaker, it has been a very, very long road to get to this point. But today, the House will act on a bipartisan, bicameral appropriations package. As vice ranking member of the Appropriations Committee, I am encouraged that we are finally nearing completion of this fundamental function of Congress to provide full-year funding for the government. We are here today in a time of great crisis. Two weeks ago, Russian President Vladimir Putin launched an unprovoked and unjust war against Ukraine, its democratic neighbor to the west. Inflation has skyrocketed to a 40-year high, and due to the administration's reckless action, gas prices have continued to soar month after month after month. Yet despite these crises, the Members of this body have worked together and have found common ground on today's legislation. As I have said many times, one of the most consequential duties of a Member of Congress is to fund the government and keep it open and operating. At a time of crisis, this is more important than ever. Last year, the Appropriations Committee passed all 12 appropriations bills out of committee and succeeded in passing nine of those bills across the floor before the August recess. Unfortunately, these bills were partisan and did not receive support from any Republican Members, with good reason. Today, we are 5 months into fiscal year 2022, and despite the long process, the path forward has always been clear. It was clear last July, just as it is clear today. In order to reach a final bipartisan, bicameral deal on appropriations for FY 2022, four conditions needed to be met. I am greatly pleased that this bill meets all four. The first is to ensure that the longstanding, bipartisan pro-life provisions historically included in the appropriations bills are restored. These include the Hyde amendment, which prevents Federal dollars from being used to pay for abortions, except in limited cases of rape, incest, and the life of the mother, and the Weldon amendment, which protects American doctors, nurses, and other healthcare professionals from participating in and providing abortions if they have a moral objection. The inclusion of these and other broadly popular provisions was and is an absolute necessity for this bill to have any chance of becoming law. I am personally deeply grateful that they are included in this package. Second, partisan policy riders that were included in the bills that passed the House last summer needed to come out. These are provisions that both sides did not agree to and do not enjoy bipartisan consensus. At the end of the day, we needed to reach an agreement on these items to move forward. Fortunately, each of these provisions has been removed. Third, the level of defense spending absolutely needed to come up. Unfortunately, last year, President Biden proposed a budget that underfunded national defense, repeating the mistake of the Obama-Biden administration of chronically underfunding our national defense. But earlier this year, the House Armed Services Committee and the Senate Armed Services Committee, both controlled by Democrats, worked together in a bipartisan manner to authorize an increase in defense spending of $25 billion over the fiscal year. In today's bill, appropriators actually went beyond that, ensuring a robust increase in defense spending. This increase is necessary to ensure that our Armed Forces will have the funds needed to maintain our readiness and to procure the weapons and assets the warfighters of tomorrow will need to continue to succeed on the battlefield. This includes increases for defense assets based in my own home State of Oklahoma. If the present crisis in Ukraine shows us nothing else, it should show us the need to continue to adequately fund our national defense. Finally, the fourth condition that needed to be met was that the proposed levels of nondefense spending had to come down. In the initial set of bills that passed the House, my friends in the majority sought to include a 17 percent increase in nondefense spending. While that no doubt included many worthy items, Republicans generally felt that 17 percent was excessive, particularly given the substantial needs on the defense side of the ledger. But the bill before us today increases nondefense spending by just 6.7 percent, which will allow for increased investments in key areas while also ensuring that we will continue to be responsible stewards of taxpayer dollars. Of course, this 6.7 percent ensures that there will be significant and important investments in nondefense areas across the government. I am particularly pleased that the National Institutes of Health will receive a robust $2.25 billion increase, which will help advance medical science, help address future pandemics, and continue our progress toward defeating the scourge of cancer. We are also funding ARPA-H, one of the President's highest priorities, at $1 billion in its first year of operation. I am also encouraged that this bill provides significant increases for TRIO and GEAR UP, two programs that are close to my heart, that help first- generation students go to college. These are just a few of the programs that I could point to that are worthy of increased funding and investment, and this bill has done that. The legislation before us today represents a negotiated compromise between the House and the Senate and obviously between Democrats and Republicans. Given that, it is a compromise. That means neither side got everything that they wanted. As I have often said, in a compromise, you have to give up more than you would like to get less than you want. Indeed, this is not the bill I would have written had I written it alone. But at the end of the day, it represents a good balance for Congress and for the Nation. Before I finish, I want to congratulate my friends and colleagues on the Appropriations Committee, particularly Chairwoman Rosa DeLauro and Ranking Member Kay Granger, without whom we would not have gotten to where we are today. I also want to extend my huge thank you, as the chairman did, to the Appropriations Committee staff and to the Rules staff on both sides of the aisle. These staffers are truly unsung heroes who spent many long and sleepless nights over the preceding weeks, including this past weekend. We would not be here today without them. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentleman from Texas an additional 1 minute.

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I will refrain from correcting my friend again and just send him something to read. If we defeat the previous question, I will offer an amendment to the rule to bring up H.R. 6858, the American Energy Independence from Russia Act for immediate consideration. Two weeks ago, Russian President Vladimir Putin shocked the world by launching a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. In doing so, Mr. Putin revealed his true self, and that is a bully, a thug, a tyrant bent on subverting his democratic neighbor to the west. In challenging not only Ukraine, but also the rest of the civilized world, Mr. Putin's powerful weapon is not his army, potent though that may be, but the dependence of much of the rest of the world on Russian oil and gas. Already he has begun to put the squeeze on democratic states seeking to challenge his invasion of Ukraine by threatening to cut off their supplies of energy. The American Energy Independence from Russia Act would address the challenge and would reposition the United States to be energy self- sufficient. It would immediately approve the Keystone XL pipeline, would restart oil and gas leasing on Federal lands and waters, and would expand liquid natural gas exports at the moment Europe needs the most. In doing so, it would ensure that America remains energy independent and can act to address Russian aggression without risking economic damage. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my amendment in the Record along with extraneous material immediately prior to the previous question.

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Crenshaw), my good friend and a distinguished member of the Energy and Commerce Committee, to further explain our amendment.

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, to further discuss the need for America to be energy independent, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Stauber), a member of the Transportation and Infrastructure Committee and my good friend.

Mr. COLE. I yield the gentleman from Minnesota an additional 30 seconds.

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, for further explanation of our energy independence bill, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Oklahoma (Mrs. Bice), my very good friend and fellow Oklahoman.

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Just to remind my friend, it was the last administration that actually began lethal aid to Ukraine. The Obama administration did not. The record there is pretty clear as to who has helped the Ukrainians. Madam Speaker, to further discuss the need to get America out from under the thumb of Russia, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Pfluger), a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee and my good friend.

Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to just quickly respond to my friend's comment about the energy industry. I am from an energy district. I am from an energy State. My constituents and their forebearers have produced more energy than they have consumed for over a hundred years, and they have shared it all over the world, but particularly across this country. Thank God for them because, quite frankly, what Americans would be paying at the pump now would be astronomical were it not for them. Since 2005, American oil production has doubled, and that is due to their ingenuity. Frankly, we pay almost the lowest energy prices in the world. I am sorry, but to put all of these energy price increases off on Vladimir Putin--he is certainly responsible for those this week, but the reality is, for the entire Biden Presidency, energy prices have been going up. That is because the President, on his very first day, effectively declared war on the fossil fuel industry. He canceled the Keystone Pipeline. He changed the leasing and drilling rules on Federal lands. The hostility has simply been overwhelming. Now, where does that put us? The United States is going to Iran to ask them to increase energy production, the largest sponsor of state tyranny. We are sending representatives to Venezuela. Why don't we just call people in Houston and Oklahoma City and Cheyenne? We have got lots of places that know how to produce energy and have been doing it cheaply, efficiently, fairly, and cleanly for decades. The reality is, let's not attack them. They are our salvation in a time of trial, and they are our national security moving forward. I feel very strongly about that. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Burgess), my good friend and distinguished member of the Rules Committee and the Energy and Commerce Committee.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in honor of the memory of Betty Wunder, who dedicated many of her 82 years providing unconditional care and comfort to children and adults throughout Oklahoma in her profession of diagnostic radiology, but primarily out of her unwavering view of life guided by integrity. Betty arrived in Oklahoma City at the University of Oklahoma Children's Hospital in December of 1971, and immediately began to make revolutionary changes in her department. She rewrote protocols for pediatric x-ray to promote a safer experience for children undergoing this procedure, which are still used in radiology departments nationwide today. Betty quickly rose through the ranks inside the Children's Hospital becoming an associate professor at OU Health Sciences Center in 1977 by a unanimous vote of the Board of Regents. As with every position she held, she took this one very seriously and assisted in the development of the curriculum for what is now the radiology technology degree. Betty later became the administrative director of radiology in the summer of 1981. She possessed the rare quality of understanding the need for everyone involved to be successful and rarely allowed the light of honor or esteem to be shown to her. From her point of view it was always a group effort or no effort at all. In the early 1980s, Betty was instrumental in working with others in the State to guide the purchase of the first MRI machine in Oklahoma at the Children's Hospital. She was very proud of this accomplishment and believes it put Children's on the map in terms of expanding diagnostic and treatment options for Oklahoma children. Throughout her career she was a member of the American Society of Radiologic Technologists and the Oklahoma Society of Radiologic Technologists. She received many awards and honors during her career, including the 1983 and 1986 Radiology Technologist of the Year. In retirement, Betty accepted a position on the advisory board of CommunityWorks, an Oklahoma behavioral and mental health continuum of care. She also reveled in her ability to effect care for children and adolescents in the Department of Human Services and the Oklahoma Juvenile Affairs care. She was hands-on with the kids, staff, and her beloved quality assurance program. Betty was a teacher to all who were prepared and willing to learn. She brought out the best in people with great respect for their capabilities and humanity. Mr. Speaker, she will be missed and revered.

Mr. COLE

Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from Pennsylvania for yielding. It is imperative that we defeat the previous question so that we can bring up the American Energy Independence from Russia Act for immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, last week, Vladimir Putin sent shock waves around the world by launching a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Though much of the planet has rallied to support Ukraine in their heroic defense, Putin has begun to use his most potent weapon to threaten Western democracies. That weapon is dependence of much of the world on Russian oil and gas. Not even the United States is immune from this national security threat. In 2021, according to the American Fuel and Petrochemical Manufacturers, the United States imported an average of 209,000 barrels of crude oil per day and 500,000 barrels per day of other petroleum products from Russia. It is unconscionable that we are still this reliant on imports from authoritarian countries like Russia. This reliance on bad actors for our energy supply needs poses a clear and present danger to the security of the United States, just as it poses a threat to the security of Western and Central Europe. At any time, Vladimir Putin could choose to retaliate on the dozens of countries that have imposed sanctions on him and his regime by simply turning off the spigot. Gas prices in the United States would undoubtedly increase, even more than they currently are, and much of Europe will be plunged into the cold in the depths of winter. That is a potent leverage for a dictator like Putin to have. We must counter this by restoring America's energy independence and helping our friends and allies to do the same. Unfortunately, when President Biden took office, he immediately took steps that ultimately harmed America's energy independence and made us more reliant on foreign energy imports. That included his decision to cancel the Keystone XL pipeline, which was expected to transport 830,000 barrels of oil every day, and his decision to impose a moratorium on new oil and gas leasing on Federal lands, including my home State of Oklahoma. President Biden's actions have made America less energy secure and more vulnerable to foreign threats. This is why we need the American Energy Independence from Russia Act more than ever. This bill would immediately approve the Keystone XL pipeline, would restart oil and gas leasing on Federal lands and waters, and would expand liquid natural gas exports at a time when Europe needs them the most. It would ensure an all-of-the-above energy policy that paves the way for American energy independence, and it would rightly end the ongoing vilification of America's oil and gas industry. Mr. Speaker, this bill is simply common sense. With one bill, we can open up new sources of energy and reduce or eliminate imports of foreign sources of energy. Above all, by advancing this bill, we can improve the security of the United States, and weaken Vladimir Putin's most potent weapon in one fell swoop.