John Cornyn

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, 1 year ago, a gunman stormed into an El Paso Walmart and opened fire. There were 46 people shot; 23, tragically, died; and the devastation in this tight-knit community was beyond imagination. The heartbreak and confusion quickly turned to rage when we learned that this out-of-town shooter was a white supremacist whose crime could only be described as domestic terrorism. As my good friend El Paso Mayor Dee Margo has said many times over the last year, we will not let this evil define us. He wrote in an op- ed this weekend: ``El Paso will not be known for tragedy but for our strength and grace in the midst of tragedy.'' That strength comes to mind when I reflect on this terrible anniversary. When I visited El Paso the day after the shooting, I saw the makeshift memorial that was created to honor those who died. On that first day, the collection of photos, flowers, and mementos was relatively small--maybe just a few feet wide--but by the time I came back 3 days later, it had grown to over half a mile. This massive memorial, the long line of folks waiting to donate blood, the generous donations made to support the victims and their families, these were the real reminders of the power and resilience of the El Paso community. As we remember this anniversary amidst a pandemic, there will not be groups of strangers hugging, crying, or holding hands like I witnessed in the days following the shooting. Instead, we will have socially distanced memorials, like the vigil held yesterday, that will allow El Pasoans once again to prove that hate will not win. Together, we will remember the 23 lives which were lost 1 year ago, as well as those who were wounded, and we stand in solidarity with El Paso, a border community that has looked hate in the eye and unequivocally chosen strength, grace, and love for one another.

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, as in legislative session, I ask unanimous consent that the Judiciary Committee be discharged from further consideration and the Senate now proceed to S. 4019; further, that the bill be considered read a third time and passed; and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, I thank the assistant Democratic leader. We come back to the floor today, the Senator from Minnesota and I, to reoffer a unanimous consent request that Senator Markey, the Senator from Massachusetts, and I offered previously. After the death of George Floyd and, unfortunately, similar incidents, it has become increasingly obvious that our country is in need of reconciliation--racial reconciliation and personal reconciliation. One of the things we could do to honor the memory of George Floyd and to attempt to take one small step toward that reconciliation is to make Juneteenth a Federal holiday. We previously had offered this unanimous consent request, and my friend from Wisconsin has his reasons for objecting, but one of the major newspapers in my State said to me: Try again. So I am coming here to the floor to reoffer. Juneteenth has been a holiday in Texas for 40 years because of the distinct Texas connection. Just to remind my colleagues, Juneteenth was the day when the Union Army Major General Gordon Ganger showed up in Galveston and told people who had previously been slaves that they were no longer slaves 2\1/2\ years after the Emancipation Proclamation. I believe, in all sincerity, we need to remember our history because, you know what, we learn from our mistakes, and if we don't remember our history, we will not learn from our mistakes, and we will commit those mistakes over and over and over again. The tragic and brutal killing of George Floyd earlier this year has shown a light on the injustices that still exist in our society. Now, for somebody who looks like me, my experiences have been much different from those of our friend Tim Scott, the Senator from South Carolina, or the experiences of a pastor whom I encountered in Houston the other day at a roundtable that Sylvester Turner, the mayor of Houston, convened so that they could share with me their experiences. This pastor, who was head of the local NAACP chapter, told me: I honor the police. I respect the police. I support the police. But my son, he is afraid of the police. So, we clearly have a long way to go in treating all people the same, regardless of the color of their skin. And when the perception among some in the minority community is that they are being treated differently, that is a problem that we should all try to address together. So one way we could attempt to make this small step toward that reconciliation and continue to remind ourselves on an annual basis of how far we have come but how far we still have to go would be to take up this bill, pass it, and get it to the President's desk without further delay. At this point, before I ask for unanimous consent, I would yield to the Senator from Minnesota.

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President----

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, I congratulate our friend from Pennsylvania who has demonstrated that bipartisanship is not dead in the U.S. Congress. In fact, I learned a long time ago that bipartisanship, collegiality, and cooperation don't really make much news, so people do get sort of a misimpression sometimes as to how Congress functions. Let me just say there are plenty of people on both sides of the aisle who are actually interested in solving some of our Nation's biggest problems. Again, they aren't necessarily the ones you see on cable news or grabbing the headlines, but they are doing important work. I am proud to be part of a body that does bipartisan work and solves problems in working together

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, as I said, the number of COVID-19 cases has surged in recent weeks in the Rio Grande Valley, South Texas, and throughout the State as well. Just a couple of weeks ago, Texas reported more than 10,000 new cases in a single day, and that happened 5 days in a row. It certainly was a wake-up call for many who had not had taken the most effective precautions seriously--things like social distancing, good personal hygiene, the wearing of masks if you can't socially distance, and staying home if you are sick. It is amazing what we can do as individuals to stop the spread of this virus by doing those simple things. Unfortunately, some people let their guard down and didn't follow those protocols, so we saw a huge uptick in the number of cases. Thankfully, though, I think the message has been received and understood, and we have recently seen a gradual and encouraging decline in cases. Yet, as the war against COVID-19 wages on, we can't afford to lose any additional ground whether from a public health perspective or from an economic recovery perspective. So I believe it is time for Congress to pass additional legislation to strengthen our fight. That is why my colleagues and I introduced the HEALS Act yesterday. This legislation builds on the significant progress we have made already in four bipartisan bills that have already passed the Congress and have been signed into law by President Trump that will sustain our effort to defeat this virus and recover economically. This legislation will ensure that workers who had the rug pulled out from under them earlier this year will continue to receive enhanced unemployment benefits. It will provide funding to help K-12 schools, colleges, and universities safely and effectively educate their students this fall whether that means there being a combination of online or in-person instruction It will send additional and needed assistance to our farmers, ranchers, and producers who are keeping our families fed in the midst of the pandemic, and it will give States and local governments the flexibility they have requested and that they need to use CARES Act funding where it is needed the most. In the coming days, I will talk more about how this legislation supports the workers and institutions that have been hit the hardest by this virus, but, today, I would like to focus on the ways it bolsters our fight against the virus itself. One of the most important ways we can do that is through testing. The ability to identify positive cases as early as possible is the key to stopping the spread of the virus. Yet, as we have learned, there are massive numbers of people who have the virus who don't even know it and don't experience any symptoms. In short, they don't even feel sick. What we have seen, whether it be in multigenerational households or with the people who are most vulnerable to this virus--mainly, the elderly and the people with underlying health problems--is that they cannot be properly isolated unless we can identify the people who are carrying the virus even though they themselves may not be suffering any symptoms. The first coronavirus package we passed made testing free. It removed the cost barrier that could prevent those who needed a test from receiving one. At the time, if you were asymptomatic, the CDC--Centers for Disease Control and Prevention--didn't recommend your getting a test. Some of that was because of the constraints on the numbers of tests that were available. The fact is, if you are not suffering from any symptoms, you are probably not highly motivated to go get a test because you may not even know you have the virus, and you may not know you need one. We are testing a lot more now than we were back then. Congress has provided another $26 billion to scale up testing, and we have gone from conducting an average of 145,000 tests a day nationwide in early April to more than 780,000 per day in mid-July. So that has been a dramatic improvement. What we know is there is more we need to do. The HEALS Act, which we introduced yesterday, will provide an additional $16 billion to support testing efforts. When combined with the approximately $9 billion that still exists from the previous bills, it will make another $25 billion available to strengthen our testing nationwide. This will help to improve our testing strategy and capacity and reduce the backlog that has left some Texans waiting more than 2 weeks for test results. These tests are not very useful if it takes 2 weeks to get the results. Because we ramped up the number of people who were tested, the lab companies that were analyzing the tests ended up getting backlogged. Now we have taken corrective measures in cities like Dallas to make other testing available and bring that number down, but this has been a constant challenge. It needs to be as quick and easy as possible for folks not only to get tests but to get the results, and this funding helps to make sure there will be serious strides in support of that goal. I know there are testing protocols that are being analyzed right now that may make this easier and may even make the results quicker. I know, for example, in the Texas A&M University System, Chancellor Sharp said he has contracted for 15,000 tests a month for students who will return on campus. Now, in his view, he said those students will probably be safer on campus than they will be back home, especially if they end up going to bars or other social venues and do not properly social distance or wear masks. Beyond testing, we need additional support for the healthcare providers who have been on the frontlines. In my State, I know the Governor has asked a number of hospitals in the hardest hit areas to defer elective surgeries. As I have come to learn and as the Presiding Officer, no doubt, knows, that is how hospitals pay the bills. Many of the people who show up either get charity care or the payment through Medicaid or Medicare is less than that from private health insurance, so hospitals need a mix of elective surgeries and other treatments so they will have full insurance coverage in order to balance their books overall. Congress has already provided $175 billion for a healthcare provider relief fund, which has given hospitals, clinics, and physicians the resources they need to continue treating COVID-19 patients and stay afloat financially. So far, more than 20,000 hospitals and healthcare providers in my State alone have benefited from that funding, with over $4.1 billion coming to Texas. The HEALS Act will supplement that fund with an additional $25 billion to help these providers navigate the surge in cases and maintain critical supplies like masks, gloves, and ventilators. If our hospitals don't have the personal protective equipment to protect the frontline staff, the resources to treat patients, or the funding to keep their doors open, we will be in bad, bad shape. This legislation will go a long way to making sure we don't ever reach that point. In addition to supplementing the healthcare provider relief fund, this legislation will also support some of our most critical health resources. We know our community health centers are an important part of the safety net when it comes to accessing healthcare. This bill will provide $7.6 billion to our community health centers, which usually serve people on a sliding scale based on their ability to pay. Some people have full insurance coverage; others are covered by Medicare or Medicaid; and some simply don't have the means to pay at all, but all are welcome and are treated at our community health centers. We also send $4.5 billion to mental health, suicide prevention, and substance use disorder services. We all know that the mitigation efforts we have all been engaged in by staying in our homes and not leaving for a period of time, as instructed by public health and other government officials, has exacted a very difficult toll on families, particularly on people who have had nowhere to go to escape somebody who has been abusing them in domestic violence scenarios or on people who are simply feeling a sense of isolation and a challenge to their mental health as they wonder how they are going to pay the bills and take care of their families. Maybe they have loved ones who are in nursing homes--the elderly are particularly vulnerable--whom they haven't been able to see because of the isolation efforts. And then we know people will self-medicate with alcohol or drugs. So this $4.5 billion is important to help provide the mental health, suicide prevention, and substance use disorder services that are going to be needed not only right now but in the indefinite future. We also provide an additional $15 billion to the National Institutes of Health for research and an additional $26 billion for vaccine research. We know our frontline healthcare providers have gotten much, much better and saved many more lives by coming up with treatments that actually have been effective. Some of these are common prescription drugs that are used for other purposes that have been repurposed for treatment of COVID-19 symptoms. We know that convalescent plasma, taken from people who have had the virus, who have developed immunities, when they donate blood, that plasma can actually be used to help treat patients with serious COVID- 19 symptoms. And we know that there are other treatments in progress, along with the race to get a vaccine. Ultimately, we know that the vaccine is going to be important to our ability to defeat and live with this virus. But in the meantime, we know we need to learn to live with this virus in a way that protects our public health and allows us to safely reopen our economy. So the last thing I want to mention is liability protection. Why is this so important? Well, as many nonprofits or businesses think about reopening, thinking about kids going back to school safely--whether online and then transitioning to in person, or colleges and universities--we know that there are going to be a lot of lawsuits filed, second guessing why people didn't do something different, when, in fact, this pandemic has surprised all of us in so many ways. And what this does is provide a safe harbor from legal liability for those individuals who followed government guidance in good faith. It can't be the fact that you would subject a frontline healthcare worker who had no choice but to put on personal protective equipment and go to work to treat patients--it would be a cruel joke to say: Now we are going to come back and file lawsuits against you and sue you for money damages because you didn't somehow know exactly what you were dealing with. We know that frontline healthcare workers are performing a physically and mentally taxing job, made only more difficult by the fact we didn't understand exactly what we were dealing with, with this novel virus, and we are still learning more. Well, I learned, for example, about a rural hospital where test kits are in short supply. In fact, it was especially true in the early days as testing infrastructure was being stood up, and I mentioned that a moment ago. I learned about a hospital in a rural community outside Wichita Falls that only had 12 tests available. Because of limited resources, a physician made the difficult decision not to test an ER patient for COVID-19 because the patient didn't meet the criteria set out by the Centers for Disease Control. The following day, that same patient went to Wichita Falls and received a test, and several days later found out that they tested positive. Now, imagine you are that physician. You followed the CDC guidelines for testing; you tried to conserve the limited resources available in your community; but there is nothing stopping the patient from heading to the nearest lawyer's office and filing a lawsuit against you for somehow refusing them a test. All of a sudden, you are scrambling to defend yourself in a lawsuit that, quite frankly, should not have been filed in the first place. But I have spent enough time in courtrooms to know that many times lawsuits are not filed with the goal of actually prevailing on the merits; they are filed in order to gain a settlement because the cost of defending yourself can be large, indeed. And, in fact, if you are a business that has been hanging on by a thread, just the threat of that kind of litigation and the expense and energy it takes to defend that case, even though it lacks merit, could well cause you to throw in the towel or put you out of business. So we have introduced, as part of this HEALS Act, legislation that will provide that safe harbor. It will not provide blanket immunity; it will not protect against intentional or reckless misconduct; but it would establish clear guardrails like those in a number of States. As a matter of fact, 30 different States have passed similar protections for their healthcare workers. Other States have done it in other categories, but it is important, I believe, for us to provide clear authority so people know what they are dealing with. I would note, for example, that some of these same guardrails are very similar to those enacted by Executive order in the minority leader's home State of New York. I know the legislature has now sent Governor Cuomo another bill, basically, with the same framework, and he has not yet made a decision to sign that. But overall the HEALS Act will help provide the resources Texas hospitals, clinics, and healthcare providers need to sustain and win this fight, while protecting our heroic healthcare workers from a second epidemic in the courtroom. So I hope both sides of the aisle will work together, as we have in the past on COVID-19 response legislation, and make sure we can get a bill to the President's desk on a timely basis that delivers these and other necessary changes at a critical time for our country I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, over the weekend, as Texans continued to battle COVID-19, those in parts of the State came to face with another disaster at the same time. It just seems like the challenges keep coming. First, we are in a pandemic. Then George Floyd lost his life unnecessarily and raised our consciousness to the racial injustice that still exists in this country. Then we had a natural disaster like a hurricane. Hurricane Hanna made landfall in South Texas and brought heavy rains and high winds to communities that were already grappling with the pandemic, especially the Rio Grande Valley. On Sunday, nearly 300,000 homes were without power in South Texas, and power is still being restored in a number of those communities. Navigating dangerous floodwaters and downed power lines is difficult under normal circumstances, and when you add a highly contagious virus to the mix, as you can imagine, it presents a host of logistical challenges. I first thank the first responders and emergency crews who have been working overtime these last few days to get our neighbors to safety and to restore their power as quickly as possible. There is a strong sense of community in South Texas and the Rio Grande Valley, and I have no doubt these communities will pull together and come out of this crisis stronger than before. I have been talking to a number of the leaders in several of the counties that have been affected, and we will continue working with them to ensure they have the resources they need to sustain their response and recovery efforts in the short term and address those critical infrastructure needs in the long term. I have also heard from a number of farmers, ranchers, and agricultural producers whose crops have been flooded, and I expect to hear more in the coming days about how we might be helpful, especially, again, in this already challenging time.

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, as we continue to work on supporting our country's recovery from the COVID-19 crisis, one critical piece of the CARES 2 legislation is liability reform. Across the country we are seeing lawsuits rolling in, targeting the very healthcare workers who are on the frontlines performing essential work for patients suffering from the COVID-19 virus. We are seeing lawsuits focusing on nursing homes, universities, nonprofit businesses--you name it. Without action from Congress, the litigation epidemic will potentially sink the very businesses and enterprises that we hoped we could sustain through this crisis. Today, Leader McConnell and I introduced the Safe to Work Act, which will ensure that those operating in good faith and following all the relevant guidelines cannot be sued out of existence. To be clear, this is not a blanket liability shield. It will not prevent bad actors from facing the consequences of their actions when they are intentional or reckless. It will not ban coronavirus lawsuits, and it will not give anyone a ``get out of jail free'' card. What it will do, though, is put safeguards in place that will prevent opportunistic lawsuits from harming the workers and institutions we are depending on to see us through this crisis. First and foremost are protections for our incredible healthcare heroes who made the tremendous physical and mental sacrifices over the last few months. This legislation sets a willful misconduct or gross negligence standard for coronavirus-related medical liability suits to ensure that only meritorious cases are brought against our healthcare workers. I would add that the costs of litigation itself can be enough to put somebody out of business, even though you, in the end, ``win'' the lawsuit. The cost of defending a case that you ultimately win can be so big that it will put you out of business by itself. In addition to protecting our healthcare heroes, we need to ensure that fear of lawsuits does not prevent our schools, nonprofits, small businesses, and a range of other organizations and institutions that are vital to our communities from opening their doors. This will spell out in black and white that these entities will be protected from COVID-19 exposure claims as long as they have made a good-faith effort to comply with mandatory public health guidelines. By the way, a number of States have already provided similar protections, including the minority leader's State of New York, and it is time we extend these liability limitations to the rest in the country. This is not a red State or blue State issue. We are all in this together, and that is why red State and blue State legislators and Governors have already acted in a similar fashion to what I am describing here. In order for our country to recover, the workers and institutions we depend on now need to know with confidence that if they are operating in good faith and obeying health guidelines, they are not going to become victims of a feeding frenzy. This legislation will provide that confidence, and I hope my colleagues on both sides of the aisle will join me in supporting these commonsense reforms. I yield the floor.

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, I will be brief. Let me just tell the Senator from Massachusetts that I agree with everything he has said. It shows how people of, maybe, different political ideologies--certainly different parties--can come together and recognize that there is a moment available to us here in which we can demonstrate our nonpartisan support for this act of racial reconciliation in our country. I agree that slavery was the original sin. Our founding documents said that all men and women were created equal, but that certainly wasn't the practice when it came to African Americans at the time who were officially designated as something less than fully human. It was an outrageous act at the time, and our country has paid a dear price for that over the years--from the Civil War to the violence that led up to the peaceful civil rights movement in the sixties. It is obvious from the recent events--George Floyd's death in particular--that we are not where we need to be. We still have room to grow as part of our developing that more perfect Union. I know our friend and colleague Tim Scott, who has been at the forefront of this discussion with his advocacy for the Justice Act, has a lot of bipartisan ideas for police reform. He points out that, as an African American, his experience has been much different from those who are non-African Americans. He said, over the last two decades, he has been stopped--as he puts it, ``driving while Black''-- about 18 different times. At a roundtable that was sponsored by Mayor Sylvester Turner and that I had requested, I sat next to a pastor of a church in Houston who happened to be the local head of the NAACP. He said: I honor the police. I respect the police. I support the police. Yet he said: My son is afraid of the police, and we have to do everything we can to cure that trust deficit. In Texas, we have recognized Juneteenth as a State holiday for 40 years, obviously, because of the fact that this occurred as a result of the Emancipation Proclamation's being announced in Galveston, TX. Yet I recently cosponsored a bill with Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee to study a trail, basically, from Galveston to Houston as the possible designation of a national park in further recognition of this event. I believe strongly that we need to remember our history because if we don't remember our history, in the words of one sage, ``we will be condemned to relive it.'' We have come so far, but we know we still have further to go. I do believe that the appropriate word to use is ``reconciliation.'' This is an opportunity for us to demonstrate our concern and our commitment to equal justice and equal treatment under the law by recognizing Juneteenth as a Federal holiday.

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, as the Senate knows, this week we will complete our work on the 60th National Defense Authorization Act-- actually, 60 years in a row. For decades, this legislation has provided the opportunity for us to take stock of the evolving threat landscape and ensure that our national defense is prepared to meet the challenges on the horizon. As technological advancements have changed battlefield tactics, each year's NDAA has allowed us to invest in a modernized force and advanced weapons. As risks in cyber space emerged as a new vector for warfare, this legislation has allowed us to invest in resilient networks and a talented workforce. As the global order has shifted, this annual bill has given us the opportunity to identify the greatest threats to our country and to take strategic action. This year's national defense authorization bill is no exception. It continues to invest in a modernized national defense that is critical to maintaining peace through strength. That is something we need to remember, which Ronald Reagan taught all of us. Weakness is provocative. Bullies look for opportunities to take advantage of weakness. It is strength in our leadership, particularly with our military, that helps us maintain the peace. This bill also devotes resources to regain our competitive advantage over our greatest opponents to freedom and democracy today, including China and the Communist Party. In my lifetime, China has gone from a poor and isolated country to now accounting for nearly 20 percent of the global gross domestic product. But China's economic muscle isn't the reason it tops America's watch list. The Chinese Communist Party's ruling strategy can best be described as ``win at all costs,'' and, sadly, the victims of that strategy are often the Chinese people themselves. On the Senate floor yesterday, I spoke about some of the latest human rights violations by the Communist Party in China--their recent move to erode the freedoms and autonomy of Hong Kong, their efforts to silence and punish protesters who dare to speak out against the Chinese Communist Party, their ongoing ethnic cleansing campaign targeted at the Uighur people. China continues to demonstrate a complete lack of respect for basic human rights and dignities, and I remain concerned by the growing threat they pose to the world order, including the United States of America. Attorney General Bill Barr recently gave a speech about the challenges posed by an increasingly powerful, wealthy, and relentless China. It is a great speech, which I commend to you. It provides an impressive overview of how the Communist Party manipulates American businesses and industries, steals intellectual property, surveils and censors its own people, and seeks to exert its power and influence in the United States. For those who are unfamiliar with the modern relationship between the United States and China and the risks and vulnerability this creates, I highly recommend reading the speech of the Attorney General. In that speech, he discusses the threats posed by the Communist Party's Made in China 2025 initiative, which seeks to achieve Chinese dominance in high-tech manufacturing. For everything from electric cars to advanced robotics, to artificial intelligence, China wants to lead global production. While this is framed as a way to reduce the dependence on foreign technology and strengthen domestic manufacturing, these ambitions paint an alarming picture for the United States and our allies. As the Attorney General noted, it is clear that the People's Republic of China seeks not merely to join the ranks of other advanced industrial economies but to replace them altogether. Before any piece of technology becomes usable for its audience, it includes parts, pieces, and materials that come from, literally, all over the world. Regardless of where that final product is assembled and packaged, each of those individual pieces are the key to protecting the supply chain that creates our most valuable assets. If the COVID-19 virus taught us anything, it has given us a clear picture of how vulnerable our unsecured supply chains are. We lean heavily on China--too heavily--for things like masks, gloves, gowns, ventilators--all the equipment for which the need was skyrocketing earlier this year. As a result of the fact that the world was dependent on China to produce this critical equipment, hospitals reached dangerously low levels of personal protective equipment. In the meantime, China refused to disclose to the rest of the world that the virus had indeed broken out in its country so that it could, in fact, hoard the personal protective equipment they knew the rest of the world would need. As a result of the lack of a secure supply chain, healthcare workers were using a single mask throughout an entire shift, putting both themselves and patients at risk. This has been a wake-up call--or should have been a wake-up call--on supply chain vulnerabilities and a reminder that we need to take action today to secure our supply chains for tomorrow. One of the biggest of these vulnerabilities we are facing today is a lack of domestic semiconductor manufacturing. These chips are everywhere in almost every product. They are the underlying technology in everything from our cell phones and towers to computers, to precision agriculture, to missile defense systems. As you can imagine, as technologies have become more sophisticated in recent years, the demand for high-end semiconductors has skyrocketed. In fact, U.S. companies command 47 percent of the global market of these integrated circuit chips. But when it comes to manufacturing, we are falling further and further behind. Since 2000, the United States has dropped from producing roughly a quarter of the world's semiconductors to only 12 percent, and you need only one guess as to which country stepped up to manufacture these critical devices. You guessed right. It is China. In the same period, China has gone from manufacturing zero chips to 16 percent of the world's supply and plans on investing another $1.4 trillion in semiconductor technologies. America has lost ground to our global competitors, and unless we take action, it is estimated that by 2030, 83 percent of the global semiconductor manufacturing capacity will be not here but in Asia. We need to bring those manufacturing jobs back to the United States and provide end-to-end security in our semiconductor supply chain. Of course, that is much easier said than done. Building a new foundry, which is where these semiconductors are manufactured, is very expensive and, quite frankly, will not happen without an investment from the Federal Government. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development estimates that 21 major semiconductor firms across a number of countries receive more than $50 billion in government support between 2014 and 2018. Some of these countries investing in manufacturing of these technologies were South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, Ireland, Germany, and, you guessed it, China. If we are going to regain lost ground in semiconductor manufacturing and secure one of our most critical supply chains, it is going to take a strategic investment, and that is exactly where the CHIPS for America Act will deliver. Senator Warner, the distinguished Democratic Senator from Virginia, and I have introduced legislation to restore American leadership in semiconductor manufacturing and ensure long-term national security and economic competitiveness. We worked hand in hand with our colleagues, Senator Cotton from Arkansas and Senator Schumer from New York, in drafting the amendment before the Senate that we will vote on this evening. It is truly a bipartisan product. It achieves that goal by creating a Federal incentive program through the Department of Commerce to encourage semiconductor manufacturing right here in the good old USA. In short, it would stimulate domestic advanced semiconductor manufacturing and boost both our national security and global competitiveness. It will enable us to bring manufacturing of these critical devices back onto American soil and eliminate this critical national security and economic vulnerability. As I mentioned, these chips are literally everywhere. Many of you have them in your pockets right now or on your wrists. Semiconductors are the foundational technology for our military systems, our critical infrastructure, our telecommunications, healthcare, agriculture, and manufacturing. We want these devices to run on made-in-America semiconductors. As we conclude our work on the National defense authorization bill, I am glad the Senate has the opportunity to vote on this legislation as an amendment. I am grateful to the chairman of the Armed Services Committee, Chairman Inhofe, and Ranking Member Reed for making sure that happens. This legislation supports a critical goal of the National Defense Authorization Act and our national defense strategy, which is strategic competition with China. That is where we are right now. It prioritizes advancements in the critical technologies that will modernize our national defense and restore our competitive edge, all while allowing us to secure our most critical supply chains. I hope our colleagues will all join me in supporting this legislation so that we can reclaim American leadership in semiconductor manufacturing, so we can support American jobs, and so we can invest in both a strong national security and our economy. Amendment No. 2244 (Purpose: To restore American leadership in semiconductor manufacturing by increasing federal incentives in order to enable advanced research and development, secure the supply chain, and ensure long-term national security and economic competitiveness.) Madam President, I call up my amendment No. 2244 and ask that it be read.

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, I yield the floor.

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, during these last couple of weeks, like the rest of my colleagues, I was glad to get back home and spend some time talking to the men and women who are continuing to deal with the hurdles brought on by this pandemic. As our battle against COVID-19 has waged on, I have looked to folks across different industries in Texas to provide us an honest readout about the challenges they are facing and whether what we have done for them is working. Over these last 3 months, again, like all of us, I have heard from medical professionals on the frontlines of this fight, researchers and scientists who are racing to find treatments and vaccines, small business owners just hanging on by the skin of their teeth trying to keep their businesses afloat and their employees' jobs intact, as well as countless other men and women who are doing everything in their power to support their neighbors and to protect their communities. Their feedback has been invaluable, as always, to the work of the Senate as we have worked to pass four coronavirus bills to support them during this challenging period. As we prepare to work on the next response package, I was glad to hear from them about what they would like us to include in that. I have spoken with faculty and staff from community colleges across the State who are working to keep their students healthy while continuing to provide them with quality education. Like school leaders at all levels--from K-12 to other colleges and universities--they are constantly reevaluating the situation and preparing to make decisions about returning to onsite working and learning. I know these are difficult conversations that are happening across the country, and I am grateful for the hard work and dedication of incredible educators who are figuring out how to keep our children safe while continuing to give them the education they deserve and they need. Last week, I spent some time hearing from mental health advocates who are fighting to ensure that Texans have the support and resources they need amid so much stress and uncertainty. Over the last several months, everyone in our country has experienced some substantial shift in their daily routine. No matter how major or minor these changes, combined with the stress that comes from living through a pandemic, this is all taking a toll on America's mental health. I was glad to hear from more leaders with the Meadows Mental Health Policy Institute about how funding from the CARES Act has strengthened access to mental healthcare and how we can continue to support mental health services in Texas and across the country. I also valued my time with Texas veterans and talked to them about how the CARES Act can help them and their families and their businesses. We discussed the VA-specific funding that is strengthening access to healthcare for many veterans, and I appreciated the opportunity to hear more about some of the challenges they are facing and how we can do more in the Senate to support them. Over the last few weeks, I have enjoyed connecting with these Texans virtually, but I was also glad to join Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue for in-person visits with some of the men and women keeping America fed and clothed during this time of increased need. This pandemic has dealt a serious blow to Texas agriculture, and I would dare say to the Presiding Officer; I am sure it is true in her State as well. From livestock to row crops, to dairy, producers have seen their markets shrink and nearly disappear. Last Thursday, Secretary Perdue, Congressman John Carter, and I participated in a roundtable in Coupland, TX, to discuss the impact of the pandemic on Texas agriculture. The CARES Act provided $16 billion in agricultural assistance, and so far Texans have received more than $300 million to support our producers. I was glad to learn more about how this funding is helping them through these difficult times and learning more about what should be included in the next bill. Secretary Perdue and I also had the chance to see how two incredible organizations in Texas are keeping families fed. First, we visited the Houston Food Bank, which is the largest food bank in the Nation. Under normal circumstances, the Houston Food Bank and its volunteers provide food to families across 18 counties in Southeast Texas. As the impact of COVID-19 has grown, so has the need for assistance, so much so that our National Guard troops have been lending a hand for months, but this week that will come to an end. Compared to the same time last year, the Houston Food Bank has seen up to a 171-percent increase in the need for food assistance. In June alone, the Houston Food Bank delivered more than 27 million pounds of food. It was a pleasure to join Secretary Perdue in volunteering for this incredible organization and being able to thank the men and women who are keeping our families fed in person. We were also able to visit one of the homes of the USDA Meals-to-You Program, which provides nutritious meals for low-income students in rural areas across the Nation. These are two incredible examples of how organizations throughout the State are supporting those who have been hardest hit by the pandemic. Support for our farmers, our ranchers, producers, food banks, and other organizations keeping Texas fed was a big part of the CARES Act, and I hope we will continue to strengthen that support with the next coronavirus response package. Senator Murphy and I introduced the SERVE and CARRY Act, which will provide additional opportunities to help low-income and unemployed Texans access food during the pandemic. It would establish three new programs to not only help put food on the table of Texans in need but also support the farmers, restaurants, and their workers who are suffering as a result of the economic impact of this pandemic. This legislation has been endorsed by the National and Texas Restaurant Associations, the California and Texas Food Banks, and a number of other anti-hunger organizations. It is time we put our restaurants and their employees back to work in feeding people, and let our men and women in uniform volunteering at the food banks go home to be with their families. The SERVE and CARRY Act will do just that, and I urge my colleagues to look at it and hopefully support it. As we dive into discussions on the next coronavirus response package, the feedback and ideas provided by these Texans during this last 2 weeks could not have been more timely. I want to thank each of them for taking the time to share their ideas and feedback with me. I come back to Washington with fresh ideas, and I am eager to get to work so we can provide additional support for the Texans who have been impacted so dramatically by this virus

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, I am delighted to be here today with my friend, the Senator from California, with whom I have worked so closely on so many issues. We are both members of the Senate Committee on the Judiciary and the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, and it is always a pleasure to work with her and her staff. Today is really an important day. It has been long in coming, but finally the Senate has now passed legislation that requires the same proof-of-age requirement that is needed for tobacco products to e- cigarettes and vaping products, particularly those that are sold over the internet. That is what we are focused on. Last December, I met a 16-year-old young woman named Anna Carey, who is one of my personal heroes. She was one of the students at her high school who became addicted to e-cigarettes. E-cigarettes are nicotine delivery devices. The only difference between it and smoking a cigarette is the fire, the products of combustion, but it is just as addictive as cigarettes. Anna started experiencing symptoms that are uncommon in an otherwise healthy teenager. She became extremely lethargic. She experienced random and severe chest pains. Two initial x rays came back clear, so doctors released her, but her health struggles continued. Eventually, she was admitted to the hospital and diagnosed with chemical-induced pneumonia in both of her lungs. While I am glad to report that she is fully recovered and is now using her story to prevent more teens from going down the same path, what she told me in Fort Worth not that long ago is that these e- cigarettes and vaping devices are everywhere. They are everywhere and can be easily purchased even though you are not supposed to use tobacco products or nicotine when you are under the age of 21. So all this bill requires, and it is really rather modest--it is unbelievable that it took us this long to get it here today, as modest as it is. At the time of delivery, if you buy a product online, the buyer has to sign and show an ID proving their age. It is the same requirement you would have if you made a physical purchase at a retail establishment or if you were buying tobacco online. For some reason, e- cigarettes and vaping devices have been operating on a different playing field, but no longer. That is why I am so pleased to be here with Senator Feinstein to pass the Preventing Online Sales of E- Cigarettes to Children Act. To summarize, this legislation would put the same safeguards in place for e-cigarettes as there are for traditional cigarettes purchased online. For those who think that we can never do anything on a bipartisan basis, that we can't pass laws because we are hopelessly polarized and dysfunctional, maybe this will provide some source of encouragement to the American people, but it also demonstrates that we are doing our best to try to protect children's health, particularly against addictive substances that are delivered through e-cigarettes and vaping devices. Thank you, Senator Feinstein, for your leadership on this and for your partnership. I yield the floor.

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, I thank my friend from Vermont for his courtesy. Yesterday, Texas reported almost 7,000 new coronavirus cases, setting a new single-day record. As cases have climbed in recent weeks, it has become clear that we need to take what we have learned about this virus and adjust our strategy. In the beginning, we were still learning about this novel virus and how it is transmitted, while also trying to maximize scarce resources. I think the best analogy I can think of--we were trying to design and build an airplane while we were flying it. Because of that, only individuals with symptoms or who had been in contact with a person who had tested positive could be tested themselves, but we know a lot has changed in the last few months. We have learned that individuals can have the virus even if they aren't showing symptoms. Recent studies in North Carolina and New York have shown that somewhere between 12 and 20 percent of people could have the COVID-19 antibodies. In other words, they have had the virus, and they recovered, but they didn't even know they were sick in the first place, but the problem is they can still spread it to others. As our knowledge about the coronavirus has increased, so have our testing capacities, but I think it is important to take stock of where we are and to see how we need to adjust further to, again, what we have learned by hard experience. On Sunday, I traveled to Dallas, TX, with Vice President Mike Pence for a briefing on the coronavirus response efforts, and we were joined by two of those members--Dr. Deborah Birx and HUD Secretary Dr. Ben Carson. On the flight down, I was able to spend some time talking with Dr. Birx about testing strategies and the ways we can more effectively identify positive cases and stop the spread, especially among asymptomatic individuals who have no incentive, no motivation to request a test in the first place. If I am feeling well, why would I go ask for a coronavirus test unless I am just curious. That is the conundrum. Dr. Birx talked about the concept of pool testing, which is one of the most efficient ways to test large numbers of people using the least amount of time and resources. Let's say, for example, that a number of employees at a meat packing plant are tested simultaneously. Rather than running each sample individually to see if any of the employees had the virus, you would pool the sample together and run it as a group. If the pool sample comes back negative, you know that each individual within that pool is negative. And if it comes back positive, each sample is run individually to identify positive cases. But this is a way to magnify the number of testing cases we can do by maybe as much as a factor of 10. This pool-testing model makes it much easier to conduct repeated tests for individuals in a single setting such as workplaces, schools, or nursing homes. This is exactly the kind of strategy we are going to need as we contemplate sending our children back to school. Dr. Birx was recently quoted as saying: ``If you look around the globe, the way people are doing a million tests or 10 million tests is they're doing pooling.'' So as we are seeing spikes in Texas and a number of other States across the country, it is clear we need to adapt to everything we have learned and embrace a new and different strategy. We need more efficient and effective ways to test broad swaths of people so we can identify positive cases as soon as possible. Now, we know this virus is particularly deadly if you are over 80 years old or if you have underlying health problems. For the rest of us, honestly, if you get symptoms, you are probably going to recover. Sadly, some will have to be hospitalized, but, actually, the level of fatalities we have seen from the coronavirus infection have remained remarkably low because our healthcare providers have discovered new treatments and new ways to save lives. A data scientist and associate professor at Cornell University named Peter Frazier has said about pool testing that ``if you don't test people without symptoms and focus only on symptomatic people, then you miss the epidemic and continue spreading.'' We need to constantly reevaluate and adapt our strategy to ensure that we are identifying cases as soon as possible to stop the spread and to protect the most vulnerable among us. I know the administration and the task force are working around the clock on this, but to be frank, we need to up our game, and I hope we will focus on developing a comprehensive testing strategy based on what we have learned from this hard experience to combat the rise in cases and community spread we are seeing in places like Texas and elsewhere.

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, this weekend, the American people will celebrate 244 years since our Nation's independence. Over these last two and a half centuries, our country has faced and defeated many enemies who have sought to undermine the very foundation of our way of life. They sought to take away our freedom, undermine our values, and destroy our way of life. They also in the process sought to instill fear, hate, and perpetrate violence. But each time, our country has prevailed. It is really a miracle, if you look back at our Nation's history, that we made it through a civil war, two world wars, and we find ourselves still the beacon of liberty that attracts so many people from around the world who want to live here and become Americans and pursue their dreams here. All of that starts with our security. As we celebrate our independence and generations of men and women who fought to protect it, we are now engaged in fulfilling our most important responsibility, and that is to provide for the common defense. We do that by advancing the National Defense Authorization Act. This bill is an annual exercise and is part of Congress's commitment to give our men and women in uniform the support they need to defeat those threats and to prepare for ones that will inevitably come tomorrow. We have done this for the last 59 years. Believe it or not, we have been consistent and done this for the past 59 years. I can't think of any other area where Congress has been so consistent. In doing so, we have managed to overcome our differences and pass this legislation, as we should. This is how we determine how our soldiers, sailors, airmen, and marines are paid; how our alliances are to be strengthened; and how our military facilities are to be modernized and maintained. As the threat continues to evolve, it is how we ensure that we are the best there is. In 2018, the national defense strategy was crafted to recognize the reality of the global threats we were facing then and we still face today and outline a comprehensive strategy to maintain what Ronald Reagan coined as ``peace through strength.'' The past two Defense bills have supported the implementation of that national defense strategy, and this legislation will continue to build on the progress we have made. Given the state of our world, preserving our military readiness has never been more important. Both China and Russia have become much more aggressive in their attempts to disrupt the global order. North Korea continues to provoke the United States and our allies with its nuclear aspirations. Iran's hostile and unpredictable actions continue to threaten democracies around the world. Our adversaries are investing in their capabilities in an effort to surpass ours, and in some areas, sadly, they are succeeding. Simply put, America no longer enjoys the competitive edge we once had on our competitors and adversaries. We can't allow that status quo to be maintained. We must change it, and that is where the NDAA comes in. This legislation makes tremendous strides in maintaining that technological advantage, in modernizing our weapons, building resilience, and regaining a credible military deterrent. What keeps us safe is our deterrent. We need any foe to realize that if they engage the United States in military conflict, they will be defeated. The moment they believe that they can take us on and gain some advantage, they will do it. That is the nature of the world we live in. So the deterrent value of what we are doing here this week could not be more important. All told, the defense authorization bill will support $740 billion for our national defense. That is the single biggest ticket item in our Federal spending. It will mark a significant step forward in our efforts to modernize and strengthen our military. But this bill is about more than maintaining our powerful national defense; it is empowering the men and women behind it. America's 2.1 million servicemembers have made a commitment that most of us have not made, and that is to volunteer to serve in the defense of our Nation and in so doing, joining the ranks of America's heroes who have defended our country throughout our history. They make sacrifices each and every day, not because it is good for them but because it is good for all of us. We owe it to them to support them in any way we possibly can, both on duty and off. This legislation provides for a modest 3-percent pay raise and additional support for our families. Since we have an all-volunteer military, it is frequently said that it is the individual servicemember who volunteers, but it is the family that determines whether we will retain them in military service. So this bill provides for military spouse employment opportunities and childcare. I offered one amendment to the bill that would extend this support to help military parents during a time of tragedy. It would change a policy that was brought to my attention by Maj. Matthew Checketts, who is an Active-Duty airman at Joint Base San Antonio-Lackland. Major Checketts and his wife Jessica spent much of last year preparing for the arrival of their newest family member, a little girl named Elaine. Elaine would be their sixth child, joining a squad of boys who were eager to have a little sister. When Elaine arrived last fall, Major Checketts was given 21 days of parental leave to spend time with his family, but then they experienced an unimaginable tragedy. Their beautiful daughter passed away. Instead of getting to know their newest family member, the Checketts family was facing a hardship every parent prays they will never have to endure. For many military families, that loss is made even more difficult because of a Department of Defense policy which ends a servicemember's preapproved parental leave upon the death of a child. There is no time to grieve and no time to regroup. That means no time to be with your grieving family or somehow process this immeasurable loss. The policy of the Department of Defense currently requires servicemembers to leave their family and return to work when that child dies. In Major Checketts' case, his commander allowed him to take his preapproved leave so he could stay with his family, but not every servicemember will get that same consideration. That is why Senator Duckworth and I introduced the Elaine M. Checketts Military Families Act, named after Elaine. This legislation would amend current leave policy for servicemembers so their preapproved parental leave is not terminated upon the tragic event of a child's death. This is actually in line with other civilian Federal employees, and there is no reason why servicemembers should be treated differently. The grief of losing a child should not be aggravated or compounded by having to face the grief thousands of miles away from your family. So, as we begin to debate this year's Defense authorization bill, let's keep at the forefront of our conversation the men and women who are heroically offering themselves, and, indeed, their very lives, on some occasions, to protect against the threats to our country. Let's work in good faith to get this bipartisan bill passed soon. Let me commend Senator Inhofe, the chairman of the Armed Services Committee, and Senator Reed, the ranking member, for their leadership on this bill, as well as all the members of the Senate Armed Services Committee. I particularly appreciate their maintaining the tradition of strong bipartisanship that has historically guided this legislation. As we get closer and closer to the Fourth of July, let us remember all of America's Armed Forces, what they have all given to protect our freedoms, and let's make sure we do our job both here in Washington, with a strong Defense authorization bill, and at home, with our demonstration of support and expressions of gratitude and appreciation.

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, I have 10 requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate: Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs The Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, June 30, 2020, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on Energy and Natural Resources The Committee on Energy and Natural Resources is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, June 30, 2020, at 2:30 p.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on Finance The Committee on Finance is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, June 30, 2020, at 10:15 a.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on Foreign Relations The Committee on Foreign Relations is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, June 30, 2020, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions The Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, June 30, 2020, 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs The Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, June 30, 2020, at 2:30 p.m., to conduct a hearing on the Nomination of The Honorable Derek T. Kan to be Deputy Director, Office of Management and Budget. Committee on the Judiciary The Committee on the Judiciary is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, June 30, 2020, a 2:30 p.m., to conduct a hearing. Select Committee on Intelligence The Select Committee on Intelligence is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, June 30, 2020, a 2:30 p.m., to conduct a hearing. Subcommittee on Transportation and Safety The Subcommittee on Transportation and Safety of the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, June 9, 2020, at 2:30 p.m., to conduct a hearing. Subcommittee on International Trade, Customs, and Global Competitiveness The Subcommittee on International Trade, Customs, and Global Competitiveness of the Committee on Finance is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, June 30, 2020, at 2:30 p.m., to conduct a hearing.

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, as the whole country knows now, in my State of Texas, we have recently lost some ground in our war against COVID-19. After seeing serious progress in flattening the curve, we have taken what Governor Greg Abbott has called a ``swift and dangerous turn.'' Over the last couple of weeks, the data has trended in the wrong direction. We have seen an increase in daily new cases, hospitalizations, and overall positivity rates. In response to these growing numbers, I have been working with leaders at every level of government to ensure we have the resources necessary to continue to win this fight. Yesterday, I was privileged to travel back to Texas with Vice President Mike Pence for a briefing on Texas coronavirus response efforts. We were joined by Dr. Deborah Birx and HUD Secretary Dr. Ben Carson--two Coronavirus Task Force members--for a meeting with Governor Abbott at UT Southwestern Medical Center. Governor Abbott discussed the concerning picture painted by these growing numbers. We went from 2,000 cases a day to 5,000, and the positivity rate soared from 4 percent to more than 13 percent. Some of our largest cities have experienced single-day records of new cases. We have relied on our growing testing capability and capacity to understand how quickly this disease is spreading. In several Texas cities, community-based testing sites have been integral as part of this effort. These locations are a partnership between the Department of Health and Human Services, local public health authorities, and pharmacy and retail companies, and have been a major driver of our large-scale testing increase. Many Texans have gone to locations and received no-cost coronavirus testing, and this information has been crucial to understanding the community spread of the virus. As case counts have recently climbed, the concern has only been magnified by an approaching deadline. Federal support for these testing sites was set to end tomorrow. The goal, of course, is to eventually shift these from Federal to State and local partners, but, to be frank, Texas was not yet ready to make that transition. Until we are, shutting down these sites would leave us without valuable information about the growing number of infections. Last week, Senator Cruz and I sent a letter to the administration to urge continuing Federal support for community-based testing in Texas. Our cities need more time to prepare to take on the financial responsibility of these testing sites, and it would have been a tremendous risk and an unnecessary risk to cut off funding before that transition was complete. On Friday, we got some good news. The administration agreed to extend these operations in Texas for at least 2 more weeks, with an ongoing evaluation period after that. This will make sure we can maintain the testing capacity our public and private partners have worked hard to establish. Now we are roughly at about 1.9 million tests taken, but more testing will be the key to navigating this surge. I thank President Trump and his administration for taking swift action following our request to ensure that these critical testing sites will remain operational. Each day, we are learning more and more about this virus. That is maybe one of the most maddening things about it. When we started, we had no idea what the trajectory of this virus would be. We have models, to be sure, but many of those models proved to be wildly wrong. People were necessarily and understandably anxious and some fearful about exactly what we were dealing with. I know we all manage risk in our daily lives, but uncertainty is hard to manage, and that is what we had at the very beginning. So we have learned a lot, Dr. Birx pointed out yesterday, about the virus. We know it predominantly affects elderly people over the age of 80 and younger people with underlying comorbidities for the disease. Almost everybody else will recover from the virus. But because more and more people are turning up with no symptoms themselves, they are a risk to the people with the highest risk of mortality. So I also believe we need to remind ourselves of the simple lessons we were told at the beginning. We were actually pretty good at it. Dr. Carson said: We know what to do; we just quit doing it. We know we need to maintain social distance. Mask when we can. We need to wash our hands. If you feel sick, stay home. Those are the sorts of things we do here in the Senate, which have allowed us to safely operate these last couple of months. I also think we need to come up with a different strategy when it comes to testing. We not only need more testing, we need a strategy for testing, because until now, we have depended on people to show up and raise their hand and say: I want to be tested. But if you are asymptomatic, why would you go in for a test? You would have no indication that you have the virus or were potentially a risk for community spread to the most vulnerable part of our population. So talking to Dr. Birx and others, I think this is something that we all ought to think more about and that the administration--I know I talked to the Vice President about this as well--not only come up with a strategy for more testing but a better strategy to make sure we are hitting as many people as we can so we can find those asymptomatic carriers because that is primarily what we are finding out now with more testing in Texas. But we also know that, whether it is a combination of Memorial Day or the opening of bars, where it is hard to socially distance--and there is not a whole lot of that going on in the bars--our Governor has now tapped the brakes, has closed the bars, and has stopped the gradual reopening of our economy until we get a handle on this worrisome spread of new cases. If you look at the demographics of the new cases, it is people between the ages of 20 and 59. More and more, there are those who have underlying health problems who are ending up in our intensive care units, and as we know from before, when we wanted to flatten the spread so as not to impose an uncontrollable surge on ICU beds, we have to get our house back in order. For the most part, that means that not only does the Federal Government have to do its part, but the State and local governments have to do their part, and we have to do our part, each of us. Each American has to do their part to follow the guidelines, and we will defeat this virus. I know, in listening to Secretary Carson yesterday, that I told him he must have some Texas in his background because he made these comments, which I thought were so appropriate. He said: ``We must learn to dominate this virus and not let the virus dominate us.'' I think that is exactly the kind of spirit that we all ought to have as we work forward together on an individual, on a local, on a State, and on a Federal level to dominate this virus. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, the Senate was prepared yesterday to answer the call of millions of Americans to take action on police reform. The senseless and tragic death of Houston native George Floyd galvanized people of all races and ethnicities to speak out against the injustices that persist in our criminal justice system and to demand action. We tried to take that responsibility seriously. Senator Tim Scott, our colleague from South Carolina, led the effort to draft a bill that would improve policing practices around the country. That bill, the JUSTICE Act, addressed choke holds and no-knock warrants--two practices which have, for good reason, been brought into question by recent events. This legislation would have ensured that the best trained officers on our police forces would be using body cameras--reporting critical data--and being held accountable for crossing redlines. We thought our colleagues across the aisle would have taken this matter seriously as well. They drafted their own version of a reform bill. While there were differences between the two proposals, there was a lot of overlap. In fact, there was more these two bills had in common than was different. Both bills, for example, focused on training, transparency, and accountability. I had hoped that would have meant that we would have been in a good place when it came to trying to reconcile the remaining differences. After all, the Democratic leader had been urging the majority leader to put a police reform bill on the floor by July 4, and that is exactly what we did. Leader McConnell made clear that this would be an open debate and that there would be amendments and an opportunity for our Democratic colleagues to work with us in order to make the bill better. Ultimately, if they had decided to get on the bill, as the Presiding Officer knows, there would have been 60-vote thresholds on the back end that would have given them leverage to have made sure that the debate would have been fulsome and fair. But that simply wasn't enough for our friends across the aisle. When it came time to take a purely procedural vote to begin debate, they blocked it. They refused to engage in any meaningful or productive way. So after promising the American people that they were going to act to reform America's police departments, they were given the opportunity, but they broke their promise. As Senator Scott said yesterday, it wasn't what was being offered but who offered it. Our colleagues on the other side of the aisle find themselves too politically conflicted to work on a bipartisan basis to enact meaningful reforms, so they have chosen to take the low road of obstruction. They have shown they can't be bothered to pass a bill that would help families like the Floyds who have lost their loved ones in a senseless and completely preventable way. They proved yesterday that this was a purely political calculation--very sad. Both Democrats and Republicans have said repeatedly over the last few weeks that the status quo was not sustainable and that it is time to change. As I said, both parties drafted bills, but it is pretty clear there was only one party interested in making a law. Unless you can get enough votes to pass a Republican-led Senate, a Democratic-led House, and get the signature of a President, those reforms won't change the behavior of a single officer. If those solutions only live on the page of a bill or within the borders of a press release, they are not going to accomplish anything. So I understand that our Democratic colleagues weren't happy starting with the JUSTICE Act, but the temper tantrum we witnessed yesterday isn't moving us one step closer to achieving the results they claim they want, which is change. The majority leader has indicated that this body will have another opportunity to vote on whether to begin debating this legislation. Again, this wasn't about the final bill; this was about beginning the process of determining what that bill would look like. So I hope our colleagues across the aisle will reconsider. I hope they will listen to the millions of Americans who want to see us working together. They want to see action, not cynical political gestures.

Mr. CORNYN

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, I hope today's events in the Senate will not soon be forgotten by the American people. Over the last few months, it is an understatement to say that our country has experienced unprecedented physical, financial, and social turbulence. From the pandemic, to the economic challenges that came on its heels, to the widespread protests against racial injustice--the needs of our country should have transcended politics. Unfortunately, that does not seem to be the case today. We had been on a pretty good run, Republicans and Democrats, and put aside our differences to pass bold and transformative legislation to support our Nation's fight against COVID-19, as well as ease the ensuing financial fallout. I had hoped that trend would continue as we work together to address the injustices that still persist in our society, beginning with police reforms. As we all know by now, thanks to our friend Senator Tim Scott and others who worked with him, we introduced the JUSTICE Act to enact real and lasting reform so we can begin to restore the broken trust between minority communities and our law enforcement agencies. This package of bills addresses some of the most pressing changes that Americans have been calling for--ending choke holds, better training for our police officers, accountability for body cameras, more diverse police forces, and the list goes on and on. We know it wasn't the only bill that has been introduced in this Senate. Our Democratic colleagues introduced a bill of their own, which would address many of the same issues. While there are some important differences between the two, what to me is more important is that there was a lot in common, a lot of overlap between those two bills. That should have, in a normal time, when people were logical and reasonable, put us on a strong footing to begin debating the ultimate product, which is what our Democratic colleagues actually asked us to do. A couple of weeks ago, the Democratic leader came to the floor and urged the majority leader to bring a police reform bill to the floor to be debated and voted on before July Fourth. When Senator McConnell did exactly that, what did they do? As soon as they were told they would actually have a chance to vote on a police reform bill, they changed their tune--a 180-degree change. It kind of reminds me a little bit of last year's debacle over the Green New Deal. After this resolution was introduced, a number of Senate Democrats rushed to endorse it, but when given the opportunity to vote on the resolution they were praising, what happened? Not a single one of those individuals on the other side of the aisle voted for it--not one. What kind of games are they playing here? Senator Markey, who introduced that resolution in the Senate, even accused the majority leader, who scheduled a vote on a bill he was the lead sponsor for--he called it sabotage History seems to be repeating itself and not--not--in a good way. Our friends across the aisle, who have been asking to debate and vote on a police reform bill, this morning had that opportunity, but once again, they pulled a 180. Let me be clear on what we were voting on this morning. This was not a vote to finally pass the JUSTICE Act as is, without any changes or amendments; this was simply a vote to begin debating the bill. You can't finish a bill, you can't actually vote on legislation if you are unwilling to start. And that is exactly what happened this morning. Knowing that Republicans and Democrats did have some differences, even though there is a lot in common, Leader McConnell provided for the opportunity to have that debate right here on the Senate floor. We could have had that debate in front of the American people. I think it might have helped, No. 1, as Senator Scott likes to say, send a signal that we actually are listening, we hear you, we see you, and we are responding to you--no backroom negotiations like apparently what our Democratic colleagues want; rather, an open and honest debate right here in full view of the American people. Our Democratic colleagues refused to participate in the process and have blocked us from even considering police reform legislation. This ``my way or the highway'' legislative strategy we have come to expect from our colleagues is absolutely shameful, and it is counterproductive. I remember talking to Rodney Floyd--George Floyd's brother--shortly before his funeral, and he said: Senator, we are from Texas. What we want for George is Texas-sized justice. I said: Rodney, I am going to do my very best to deliver. Unfortunately, even though there were many of our Democratic colleagues who decried the cruel and tragic death of George Floyd, when it came time to step up and actually do something about it, they absolutely refused. Let me just go over quickly what the bill would have done as proposed. Subject to amendments and votes, there would have been multiple opportunities to stop the bill if it wasn't heading in the direction they liked. First of all, this would have made lynching a Federal crime. That provision in the bill was actually authored by Senators Harris and Booker, but believe it or not, they filibustered and blocked their own bill. The JUSTICE Act would have ended the choke holds and prevented this dangerous and outdated tactic from being used in police departments across the country, but what did our Democratic colleagues do? They blocked it. This legislation would have helped local police departments improve minority hiring so that the departments would look more like the communities they served. Our Democratic colleagues blocked that too. This bill would have strengthened the use and accountability for body cameras, improved access to deescalation and duty to intervene training, and established two commissions to give us a better understanding of the challenges that need to be addressed in the long run. What did our Democratic colleagues do? They blocked each and every one of these things without even taking the time to debate. Frankly, it is insulting to the memory of people like Mr. Floyd and others for whom so much empathy and sympathy and concern was expressed that when the time comes to actually do something, they come to this empty-handed. For weeks, we have watched people of all races and cultures and backgrounds marching and demanding action. They want to see greater transparency and accountability. They want better training and education for our police officers. They want to know that at the end of the day, the color of your skin will not determine the nature and outcome of an interaction with a police officer. I agree with each of those points, and until this morning, I believed every Member of the Senate did as well. But the actions we have seen this morning blocking this legislation, stopping us from even debating the bill, offering amendments, trying to make it better--I guess I was giving our colleagues credit, which they clearly do not deserve. The problems that led to the death of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and other Black Americans have not gone away, but our Democratic colleagues have proven they are more interested in politics than solutions. Let the record reflect that this morning, the Senate had the opportunity to take the first step toward passing reforms that would begin to heal the divisions and distrust between law enforcement and the communities they served, and our Democratic colleagues unequivocally and shamelessly stood in the way. I yield the floor.