Bob Casey

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I rise this afternoon to talk about the horror of Orlando, and I know so many Members of the Senate on both sides of the aisle have been thinking about those who lost their lives and talking about this horror that once again has impacted everyone from one end of America to the other. I won't speak for a long time tonight other than to say--which I think is plainly evident from the evidence we have right now at this point in the investigation--that this was first an act of terror and it was also an act of hate. I think both are significant because of the impact they have on our country over time. I think there is a strong belief that the first thing we must do is to express not just condolence but solidarity with the people of Orlando, the people of Florida, and to do what we can to help them and help those communities and families who lost so much in such a short timeframe. At last count, there are 50 dead and more than 50 injured. There will be some who say that beyond that, there is not much we can do, that we should just stay where we are now and not change the laws. I don't agree with that, and I won't dwell on a long list tonight, but I hope at some point we can begin to reengage on a number of issues and at least have a full debate and also a series of votes on a couple of measures which I think are common sense. These are issues that we voted on I believe most recently in 2013, and I was hoping we would vote on them after that. One of the votes had to do with a ban on military-style weapons. I think it would be appropriate to at least debate and vote on it. I would vote in favor of it, and some would not. We should certainly have a vote on the size of the clips, or the magazines. To put it plainly, how many bullets should one person have in their possession or as part of the weapon at any one time? Should someone be allowed to go into any kind of establishment and start shooting, thereby releasing rounds and rounds of ammunition and hundreds and hundreds of bullets? Should that be permitted to anyone at any time or anywhere? I don't think so. If someone is on the terror watch list and that person has been deemed so dangerous that we have labeled him or her as a terrorist or potential terrorist and he or she can't get on an airplane, certainly that person should not have a weapon. That seems to make sense. If they are too dangerous to get on a plane because of their tendency to commit acts of violence or engage in terror, they shouldn't be able to have a firearm. I think it would make sense to have a debate and vote on that issue. Another issue is background checks. That was one measure where there was a lot of consensus or substantial bipartisan support, but it didn't pass in 2013. I hope we can have another vote on that. If a person is not able to get through a background check due to a whole variety of reasons, such as having a criminal record or otherwise, you have to ask yourself, should someone with a criminal record have access to a firearm? Mr. President, today I have introduced the Hate Crimes Prevention Act, S. 3053. That is a new proposal to do what some States have done already. I think it is essential to add this to the other pieces of legislation that have been talked about and some that I just itemized. This bill, first of all, would define what a misdemeanor hate crime is because the intent of the bill is to say: If you are convicted of a misdemeanor hate crime, you shouldn't have access to a firearm. This category of misdemeanors would be under Federal, State, or tribal law that are found to be motivated, at least in part, by hate or bias against the victim's race, color, religion, national origin, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, or disability. In essence, these eight categories are what some would call, to use the more legal jargon, the protected classes. That is how we would define a misdemeanor hate crime. This bill, upon passage, would keep firearms out of the hands of those convicted of misdemeanor hate crimes. It would prohibit the purchase, possession, or shipment of a firearm by anyone convicted of a misdemeanor hate crime. That is the basics of the bill. Obviously it doesn't have direct application to what happened in Orlando; however, upon further investigation, we may find that it does. Part of the reason for this is because there has been a rise not only in hate crimes but in hate groups across the country, with hundreds more in just the last couple of years, and literally thousands more, if not more, hate crimes have been committed. Those issues I mentioned are among the many things we need to address. I also think that in addition to taking these steps on commonsense gun measures, we have to make sure law enforcement has the resources it needs to take on the challenge of not just criminal activity but increasingly almost terroristic activity within our communities--the so-called lone wolf terrorist, the homegrown terrorist, the individual who is self-radicalized, which seems to be part of the horror of Orlando. We have to make sure that if law enforcement professionals tell us they need more money in the COPS Program, we should appropriate more money. If the law enforcement professionals say: Please fund that program that has worked for so many years, such as the Byrne Justice assistance grants, we should make sure they have those appropriations. If you are tough on law enforcement-- that is nice to say, but it is better to prove it by how you vote. Finally, of course, we have to continue to focus on what is a major component, of course, of Orlando and San Bernardino and so many other places, and that is violent extremism in communities across the country. We have to make sure we are working with local law enforcement and Federal authorities not only to give them the resources they need but to be able to coordinate and do our best to unearth plots before they transpire and to be able to take this fight directly to a terrorist, many of whom are in our midst here in the United States. We have a lot to do. It is not simply a question of what we do on a series of commonsense gun measures, it is also a question of what we are going to do to help our law enforcement and to work as hard as we can in a bipartisan way to debate and vote on measures that will keep our country safe and protect our homeland. Unfortunately, we are seeing more and more of a rise in these individuals who are, as I mentioned before, self-radicalized and sometimes categorized as a lone wolf. We have to make sure we are doing everything possible to identify them, apprehend them, and make sure we are thwarting these plots ahead of time. It may not work in every instance, but we have to take every measure possible. I think part of that is doing what I hope we can do as a matter of preventive steps. If someone is engaging in hate and taking action against others, even if it only rises to the level of a misdemeanor, they shouldn't have access to a firearm. We want to nip this in the bud, stop it long before that hate continues and develops into the kind of hate that leads to a much greater and more lethal attack on Americans. Mr. President, I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, today I wish to honor Monsignor Joseph P. Kelly, a dear friend and spiritual advisor, for his decades of extraordinary service in helping others and working to secure the common good. Fifty years ago, Monsignor Kelly was ordained as a priest in the Diocese of Scranton. Since then, he has touched the lives of thousands of people in Northeastern Pennsylvania and Nebraska. He is been a servant leader, one whose profound faith is demonstrated in his works. I would like to take this time to wish him the best on this milestone and reflect on his selfless commitment to enriching the lives of others. Over the decades, he has worked in a variety of diocesan assignments and always in a position to teach students or his congregation. As an educator at Holy Rosary School and the Scranton Preparatory School, he spent 25 years teaching religion to eighth graders and high school seniors. He has served as pastor of several parishes, including St. Catherine's Moscow, Holy Rosary, St. Ann's, and Nativity of Our Lord. In addition, Monsignor Kelly served as the Episcopal vicar of Hispanic ministry for the Diocese of Scranton. He has also led Catholic Social Services, St. Michael's School for Boys, and Camp St. Andrew, where he cofounded Project Hope. At one time, Project Hope sent as many as 700 low-income and at-risk youth to Camp St. Andrew, providing summer camp experiences for young people who otherwise would not be able to afford the program. Service and serving others is not only a deed, it has been a way of life for Monsignor Kelly. Although Monsignor Kelly retired from leading Catholic Social Services at the end of 2015, he currently is the executive director of the St. Francis of Assisi Kitchen in Scranton, PA. He is committed to responding to the needs of those living in poverty in America. I commend his lifelong efforts to foster compassion and promote human dignity for all people, at all stages of life. Monsignor Kelly's reputation for integrity is reflected in his work with the poorest, most vulnerable, and most marginalized members of our communities. Over the past 50 years, his life has been one of compassion, selfless service, and a steadfast commitment to justice. On behalf of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, I commend Monsignor Joseph P. Kelly for this milestone and wish him only the best in the days and years ahead.

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, today we pay tribute to Sergeant Robert Wilson III of the Philadelphia Police Department, who sacrificed his life to protect innocent civilians during an armed robbery at a store called GameStop in north Philadelphia in March 2015. Sergeant Wilson was there buying a present for his son when he confronted two armed robbers. He moved to draw attention away from the area where the civilians were standing in what ended up being a fatal exchange of gunfire. For his exceptional bravery and selflessness in the face of danger, President Obama awarded Sergeant Wilson with the Public Safety Officer Medal of Valor, 1 of 13 officers who received the award and the first member of the Philadelphia Police Department to earn such an honor. No medal or distinction can adequately pay tribute to Sergeant Wilson's sacrifice and the horror his family has gone through over this last year. Sergeant Wilson's grandmother, Constance, who accepted the medal on his behalf, said of the pain of losing her grandson, ``a big hole was put in my heart.'' Sadly, the Wilson family is not alone in its sacrifice: 128 police officers were killed in the line of duty in 2015, including five in Pennsylvania. To paraphrase something President Lincoln once said, they gave the ``last full measure of devotion'' to the communities they served. As public officials, we have a deep and abiding obligation to support those serving in law enforcement. Our support must be in deed and in word, which means making sure those law enforcement officers have the resources they need to keep our communities and themselves safe. All public officials must pray and ask humbly whether our actions are worthy of the valor of those who serve. On the Senate floor today, we express our profound gratitude for the service of Medal of Valor recipient Sergeant Wilson and the sacrifice of his family.

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. CASEY. Madam President, I wish to first say that we appreciate the message Senator Isakson just gave to the Senate and, by extension, to the country. We are grateful for those remarks in the lead-up to Memorial Day.

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Yes.

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to executive session to consider the following nominations: Calendar No. 307, Calendar No. 357, Calendar No. 358, Calendar No. 359, Calendar No. 362, Calendar No. 363, Calendar No. 364, Calendar No. 459, Calendar No. 460, Calendar No. 461, Calendar No. 508; further, that the Senate proceed to vote without intervening action or debate on the nominations in the order listed; that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate; that no further motions be made in order to the nominations; that any related statements be printed in the Record; that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action, and the Senate then resume legislative session.

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I rise to talk today about judges, specifically district court judges across our country. We have a number of judges in Pennsylvania who have not moved forward, and I want to speak to that today. I think it is a case of or a story about obstruction. It is as simple as that, and there is no excuse for this kind of obstruction. These nominees came from Senators of both parties, and that applies to Pennsylvania, as well, and have had all their credentials vetted and approved by the Judiciary Committee. Pennsylvania currently has four nominees to the district court, and one seat on the Third Circuit Court of Appeals is vacant as well. All of these excellent nominees deserve immediate consideration and confirmation. The Pennsylvania judges were agreed to by my colleague from Pennsylvania, Senator Toomey. We worked together to arrive at a consensus. Just by way of example, the two we are talking about today, in particular, Judge Susan Baxter and Judge Marilyn Horan, are Pennsylvania judges who have sterling qualifications and credentials, were selected on a bipartisan basis, as I mentioned, in our State, were unanimously approved by the Senate Judiciary Committee, and they have been languishing now for months, even after Judiciary Committee consideration. We have two other Pennsylvania district court nominees, Judge John Colville and Judge Milton Younge, who are still inexplicably stuck in the Judiciary Committee, despite being equally qualified and nominated the same day as Judge Baxter and Judge Horan. So the old expression applies here: Justice delayed is justice denied. That is what we are seeing when we have this kind of obstruction preventing the confirmation of judges who have come through the Judiciary Committee. The American people have fundamental basic rights. I believe one of those rights is to expect that their courts are working with a full complement of judges. President Obama has seen just 17 judges confirmed in the last 2 years of his Presidency so far--I know we are still in the midst of those 2 years but 17 judges to date in the last 18 months, roughly--compared to 68 when Democrats controlled the Senate the last years of President Bush's administration. We have seen the same obstruction at all levels of the court system. For example, we know the chief judge of the District of Columbia Court of Appeals, Judge Merrick Garland, has in fact been completely obstructed--not even getting a hearing, not even getting a vote of any kind. That might be the most glaring and egregious example of obstruction. So when it comes to Judge Garland and his consideration to be a member of the Supreme Court, I hope our Republican colleagues would simply do their job. That is what the Constitution tells us we must do. The Constitution says advise and consent, not advise and consent when you feel like it or when it is politically expedient. One last point about the judiciary, in terms of how essential it is to our democracy, is that we pride ourselves as a nation having a judiciary which is independent--separate from the legislative branch, separate from the executive branch--an independent and in fact coequal branch of government, not an institution that is the instrument of one party, especially the party in power. So when it comes to Judge Garland, we simply ask Republican Senators to do their job: allow a hearing, conduct a hearing, ask a lot of questions, and then have a vote on Judge Garland to be a Justice. On district court nominees, it is as simple as agreeing to what has already been agreed to; that all these candidates are of the highest caliber and they are through the Judiciary Committee. All we need now is for folks in the Senate to come together and make a collective decision to move these district court judges forward. Mr. President, I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, today I remember the distinguished life and career of Mr. Samuel Staten, Sr., who passed away at the age of 80 on Tuesday, April 26, 2016. Sam was not only a trusted adviser and dedicated father, but a pillar of strength for thousands in the labor movement and Philadelphia. I would like to take this time to not only send my condolences to his family, but to reflect upon his remarkable life. He spent 50 years in the labor industry and dedicated his career to strengthening the rights of workers and the bonds of friendship between the communities of Philadelphia. He worked his entire life for the betterment of his fellow workers and experienced firsthand the hardships that inadequate wages and benefits can have on hard-working Americans. Sam's presence was felt in the labor movement long before his time as one of Philadelphia's most prominent civic leaders. He spent 10 years as a construction laborer in Philadelphia in the 1960s and remembered working for $2.60 an hour, without health care, without a pension plan, without any of the support many of our Nation's workers have come to enjoy today. His experience in the transformative decade of the sixties showed him not only the importance of the labor movement, but the power that collective action can have for the well-being of the community and the Nation. Following 10 years as a construction worker, Sam's capacity for leadership and his ability to unite people were recognized when he became a field representative for Laborers' Local 332 in 1970. His skills and leadership helped him to quickly rise through the ranks, and in 1973, he was appointed assistant business manager for Local 332. The high esteem in which he was held by his colleagues continued to be evident in 1978 when he was elected business manager for Local 332 and held that position until 2008. He also served as the secretary- treasurer of the Laborers' District Council of the Metropolitan Area of Philadelphia & Vicinity. He officially retired from Laborers Local 332 and the Laborers' District Council in 2010. Never one to narrow his focus to just one area, he brought his leadership and insight to countless other organizations. Over the years, he served as a trustee of the Laborers' District Council Building & Construction Health & Welfare Fund, delegate to the Philadelphia Building & Construction Trades Council, board member of the Philadelphia Housing Authority, member of the African-American Chamber of Commerce, trustee of the Laborers' District Council Building & Construction Pension Fund, board member of the Pennsylvania Convention Center Authority, and member of the Pennsylvania Prevailing Wage Appeals Board. These represent only a few of the many organizations to which Sam lent his support, but show the extensive influence and support he has given to the Philadelphia area. Given the breadth of his dedication to the workers and people of Philadelphia, it is unsurprising that his leadership extended even further through charitable work. He helped to found the Laborers' District Council Charity Fund through an act that, though remarkable, was typical of Sam. At a 1987 Friends of Labor Committee dinner held in his honor, Sam was presented with $25,000 for his service over the years. However, he saw the gift not as a chance to help himself, but an opportunity to improve the lives of others. He chose to donate the money to charity, which in turn inspired his colleagues and gave birth to the Laborers' District Council Charity Fund. Renamed the Samuel Staten, Sr., Charitable Trust in 2011, the organization continues to provide thousands of dollars in services and scholarships to Local 332 members in need. Throughout his life he fought for the dignity and well-being of hard- working Americans and, regardless of his success, never forgot his roots in the labor movement. He experienced both great success and hardship, but regardless of the hand he was dealt, he always saw an opportunity to extend that hand to others in need. As he rose through the ranks of Local 332, he brought together diverse communities and labor interests for the benefit of the community. Even when confronted with the tragic death of his son, Qaid Staten, Sam's dedication to the community could not be diminished. His son was killed just months before he was to attend Howard University, but Sam chose to honor his son not through grief, but through the creation of the Qaid Staten Memorial Scholarship Fund, which continues to provide support to other young students preparing to enter college. Sam's life was a story of uncommon acts of kindness in service of the common good. On behalf of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania and a grateful nation, I would like to once again extend my deepest condolences to the family of Samuel Staten, Sr. Philadelphia and the Nation may have lost a distinguished leader, dedicated public servant, and devoted father and grandfather, but we will never lose the positive change he brought to the city of Philadelphia, the impact he had on the lives of thousands, nor the legacy of idealism, compassion, and community service that he has left so others may continue to fight for the causes of dignity and equality to which he dedicated his life.

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, on April 4, we marked 25 years since Pennsylvania Senator John Heinz died in a plane crash. I am honored to serve in the Senate seat he held from 1977 to 1991. Five years ago, I paid tribute to Senator Heinz for his public service as a Senator. Today, I am going to focus on his leadership on the Special Committee on Aging. Senator Heinz served as chairman of that committee from 1981 to 1987. Pennsylvania is one of the oldest States in the country, and through this position, Senator Heinz was a strong advocate for seniors. During his chairmanship, the Special Committee on Aging held 34 hearings in Washington, DC, and countless more around the Nation. The committee also produced over 60 reports and papers. Senator Heinz would often use what he learned through these investigations and reports to inform his work as a member of the Finance Committee, which has jurisdiction over the Social Security and Medicare programs. John Heinz once said, ``Working together, we can lay the groundwork for a society that respects age and the elderly and that truly realizes the benefits of the experience, wisdom, and judgement of older Americans.'' As chairman of the Aging Committee, his first responsibility was not to party or partisanship, but to older Americans whose interests the committee was created to support and protect. Frank McArdle, a member of Senator Heinz's staff once commented: What Heinz brought to many issues . . . was a sense of outrage. He could channel that anger toward public policy that would correct the injustices that hurt vulnerable populations. When he seized upon a situation like that, he wouldn't let go. His outrage over what was happening to defenseless people gave him an energy and a commitment to see it through. As chairman, Senator Heinz took on the powerful in defense of the powerless. Senator Heinz was an honorable public servant for our Commonwealth and our Nation. He focused intensively on the challenges facing our seniors and worked tirelessly to find solutions to their problems. We continue to be inspired by his distinguished service on behalf of the older citizens of Pennsylvania. (At the request of Mr. Reid, the following statement was ordered to be printed in the Record.)

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, today I wish to pay tribute to my hometown of Scranton, PA, as it celebrates its 150th anniversary, or sesquicentennial. Ever since William Penn invited carpenters, masons, weavers, and other skilled workers to settle in Pennsylvania, the story of our Commonwealth, and in particular northeastern Pennsylvania, has been the story of working people. At the dawn of the 19th century, what would become known as the city of Scranton became a home to new immigrants who fought desperately to escape the horrors of religious persecution, famine, and poverty in Europe and dreamed of a better life. Many of the new settlers worked in the darkness and danger of the anthracite coal mines in order to provide for their families. My grandfather, Alphonsus Casey, at the age of 11, was one of those workers. He was a ``mule boy'' who was once kicked in the face by a mule, sustaining a deep cut from his forehead, across his face. As my father would recall years later, ``There were no benefits--no worker's compensation, no safety net in place to take care of the adult worker, much less an injured child.'' A 2002 book, ``A History of the Commonwealth,'' described the lives of our region's coal miners as ones of ``danger and economic uncertainty.'' The great novelist Stephen Crane recounted a visit to one mine in the region by describing an ``extraordinary, black puzzle'' in which the ``shouts of mule-boys'' were sometimes the only sounds. The work ethic of those who descended into the depth and darkness of those mines shaped Scranton and impacts the city all these years later. As the coal jobs were lost, the city and the region went through a painful transition that left scars on our land and our people. What has undergirded the city of Scranton's resilience over all these years has been a heritage of hard work and sacrifice and an enduring belief in the promise of tomorrow. Today Scranton's economy has been transformed by so-called ``meds and eds.'' The city is home to some of our State's top universities and medical facilities. It is a community of entrepreneurs and is being shaped by a new generation of immigrants seeking the same better life as Scrantonians of an earlier era. Driving the city's education sector are the five colleges and universities that are preparing thousands of students for careers in the 21st-century economy--advanced manufacturing, technology, and energy. The Commonwealth Medical College, which is the first M.D.- granting medical school built in Pennsylvania since 1962, is providing state-of-the-art medical education to medical students from across the globe. In addition, Commonwealth Health and Geisinger have entered the medical market in Lackawanna County and are investing over $300 million in innovative technology and improved medical care. For the last 150 years, Scranton's story has been part of the fabric of our Nation. As the city looks forward to the next 150 years, it is uniquely positioned to create its own future.

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I ask to speak in morning business.

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I rise today to discuss briefly the fight against ISIS and the sources of its financial support. As the administration accelerates the coalition military campaign against ISIS, I believe the administration must continue to intensify efforts to dismantle the financial networks that support this vicious terrorist organization. We know that ISIS operates like a criminal syndicate and profits from the illicit sale of oil, antiquities, and other items through the black market, all while extorting civilians it has under its control. ISIS uses this funding to conduct terror attacks and control territory in both Iraq and Syria. They use it to buy more weapons, ammunition, and components for improvised explosive devices, which we know by the acronym IEDs. They also use this funding to pay for salaries for fighters and to develop propaganda materials to spread their hateful ideology. Already, we have seen evidence that both U.S. and coalition efforts against their financial networks, including airstrikes on oil trucks and cash storage sites, have had a meaningful impact on their finances--the finances of ISIS. There is evidence that ISIS has had to reduce the salaries they pay their fighters in recent months. That is good news. I believe that if we can cut off their money, we can significantly diminish their ability to operate. Members of Congress should support this effort in any way we can. Recently, during the month of February, I traveled to four countries to focus on part of this effort. I visited Israel, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Qatar to press the foreign leaders in those countries, especially the last three, to accelerate the fight against terrorist financiers and facilitators. Much more remains to be done to cut off the financing that ISIS receives. A recent report by the Culture Under Threat Task Force describes ISIS as ``industrial, methodical, and strictly controlled from the highest levels of the organization's leadership.'' This report further indicates the analysts' warning that ISIS may try to increase its antiquities trafficking activity as other revenue streams such as oil sales are, in fact, cut off. So we have to be on guard for this and take action against it. I sponsored the Senate version of the Protect and Preserve International Cultural Property Act of 2015. This is a bill that would restrict the importation into the United States of antiquities smuggled out of Syria since the beginning of the conflict. It also expresses the sense of Congress that the administration should better coordinate among the many agencies with expertise in counterterrorism finance and cultural heritage protection so there is better coordination within the administration. That is the aim of the legislation. This bill also sends a strong signal that the United States will not be a market for this illicit activity that only benefits terrorists and especially ISIS. It also will not be a market that funds any terrorist group that leads to the destruction of cultural heritage. So I want to thank Senators Perdue, Grassley, Coons, and Peters for their cosponsorship of this important legislation. I am pleased that the Senate passed the Protect and Preserve International Cultural Property Act. It passed just last night. It is urgent that we send this bill to the President's desk. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, today I wish to pay tribute to James Barrett McNulty, former mayor of my hometown Scranton, PA. Former Mayor McNulty was a dedicated public servant who made a lasting impact on Scranton and all of Pennsylvania. Born on February 27, 1945, in the High Works section of Scranton, Jim attended South Scranton and South Catholic High School. In 1966, he graduated from the University of Scranton as student body president with a bachelor of arts in political science. A member of the Young Democrats for John F. Kennedy, Jim McNulty answered President Kennedy's call to young people to serve their community and their country. The extraordinary love that Mayor McNulty had for public service and for the people of Scranton was felt by all who had the good fortune of being in his presence. As a committed public servant, Jim McNulty joined the staff of Congressman Dan Flood and then transitioned to work on the mayoral race in Scranton in 1969. By 1974, Jim was deputy mayor. He quickly rose through the ranks as director of the Department of Public Works, chairman of the Scranton Redevelopment Authority, chairman of the Scranton Recreation Authority, City of Scranton Urban Affairs coordinator and member of the City of Scranton Government Study Commission. In 1981, he was elected to serve as the 26th mayor of Scranton. John F. Kennedy once said: ``For I can assure you that we love our country, not for what it was, though it has always been great--not for what it is, though of this we are deeply proud--but for what it someday can, and, through the efforts of us all, someday will be.'' Jim McNulty was a visionary mayor who saw the greatness in the city of Scranton and its people. He fought tirelessly to make life better for residents with his instrumental actions in making the Steamtown Historic Site and the Hilton at Lackawanna Station a reality. His joyful presence around Scranton left an indelible mark long after his mayoralty ended. Mayor McNulty's voice would paint a picture of the city of Scranton through his public affairs program ``Sunday Live'' with Jim McNulty and WARM radio talk show ``the Mayor of WARMland.'' May his memory live on through the love of his wife, Evie; the McNulty family; his many friends; and the ongoing efforts to enhance the Scranton community. We honor him for his love for all the people of northeastern Pennsylvania and his commitment to service.

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, today I wish to extend my best wishes to former Pennsylvania Senator Harris Wofford as he celebrates his 90th birthday this April 9. Harris is a close friend and trusted adviser, and I would like to take this time to not only wish him the best on this milestone, but to reflect upon his remarkable life. His story is interwoven into the fabric of our Nation; from a young boy campaigning for Franklin D. Roosevelt during the Great Depression, to a pilot defending freedom in World War II; from a trusted adviser to the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and President John F. Kennedy during the civil rights movement; to a participant in the 1965 march from Selma to Montgomery; from a peace activist arrested in protest of police brutality during the 1968 Democratic National Convention; to a Senator championing universal healthcare in the 1990s. The story of Harris Wofford is the story of the steady march of equality and progress. He answered President Kennedy's call on a cold inaugural day in 1961 to ``Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.'' Harris's potential for leadership was evident early in high school amidst the chaos of World War II when he founded the Student Federalists, an organization which advocated for a united world government in order to bring about lasting peace. By the time he turned 18, the organization had grown to over 1,000 members in 30 chapters and led Newsweek to predict that the intrepid young man would one day rise to be President. He went on to graduate from the University of Chicago in 1948 and then enrolled in Howard University Law School, finishing his education with a degree from Yale Law School in 1954, just as the civil rights movement was truly picking up momentum. In 1957, Harris joined the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights as a legal assistant to Reverend Theodore M. Hesburgh, the president of Notre Dame University. When Senator John Kennedy ran for President in 1960, he was asked to join the campaign as a civil rights coordinator. It was during that close election that Harris made one of his most lasting contributions to American history. In October 1960, Dr. King was arrested in Georgia while battling segregation, and in those tense hours after his arrest, Harris Wofford suggested to Sargent Shriver that Kennedy call Dr. King's wife, Coretta Scott King, and offer his support. Kennedy made the call despite the political risk. The news of the Democratic candidate for President--the nominee of a party that still held deep roots in the Jim Crow South--calling the wife of Dr. King was powerful and helped sway many African-American voters to Kennedy, which some feel decided the election. After the election, Harris Wofford joined the Kennedy Administration as special assistant to the President for civil rights and the chairman of the Subcabinet group on civil rights. He helped Shriver in the founding of the Peace Corps in 1961, and, as was common for him, he not only advocated for the idea, but also served as the director of operations in Ethiopia and the organization's special representative to Africa. In 1964, he was named associate director of the Peace Corps. He reentered the world of academia in 1966 as president of the State University of New York at Old Westbury. His career brought him to Pennsylvania as president of Bryn Mawr College in 1970. Later he practiced law in Philadelphia. After 16 years in Pennsylvania, he was asked to reenter the political world in June 1986 as chairman of the Pennsylvania Democratic Party. When my father was elected Governor of Pennsylvania that year, he asked Harris Wofford to serve as the Secretary of the Department of Labor and Industry for the Commonwealth. In May 1991, after the tragic death of Senator John Heinz in a plane crash, my father appointed Harris Wofford to fill the vacancy until a special election could be held. After winning a surprise victory in the special election under the banner of universal healthcare, Senator Wofford used his time in the Senate to foster the development of national service and to push for health insurance. He was a key sponsor in the establishment of the Corporation for National and Community Service and worked closely with Representative John Lewis to establish Martin Luther King, Jr., Day as a National Day of Service. Although Senator Wofford was defeated in his reelection attempt in 1994, President Bill Clinton appointed him as the chief executive officer of the Corporation for National and Community Service, CNCS. His lifelong advocacy for national and community service made him an ideal choice to lead the CNCS into an influential organization, and, under his leadership, the organization's volunteer branches grew to over 50,000 members. After leaving the CNCS in 2001, he continued his dedication to public service and civil rights through his work on the boards of the America's Promise Alliance, Malaria No More, Youth Service America, the Points of Light Foundation, and as a trustee of the Martin Luther King, Jr., Center for Non-Violent Social Change. Throughout his life, Harris Wofford has left an indelible mark on our Nation's history and the lives of those who have had the privilege to work with him. When I took the oath of office for the U.S. Senate in 2007 to fill the seat he once held, I was honored and humbled to have him with me at the ceremony. For over 90 years, he has stood for courage, idealism, and a steadfast defense of equal rights for all Americans. As we look back on the growth of community service and the march of civil rights in our Nation's history, we see the steady, guiding hand of Harris Wofford. I am grateful for his experienced counsel and support on the many issues facing our Nation today, and I am pleased that he shows no signs of slowing down. On behalf of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania and a grateful Nation, I am pleased to once again wish Harris Wofford a happy birthday and many more years of health and happiness.

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I am pleased to be joined by my colleague from Pennsylvania Senator Toomey to talk about an issue we began to discuss on the floor yesterday, but we have been working many months on this issue. It is a rather simple issue, but it is a matter that has some real urgency connected to it because we are talking about a secondary barrier on airplanes--meaning a barrier other than what we know now to be a reinforced cockpit door--to prevent terrorists from getting into the cockpit. What we need to do in addition to that, after Congress mandated the installation of these reinforced cockpit doors, is add a secondary barrier. This is something that arises because we not only know from the attack on 9/11 but thereafter, we know that, No. 1, this is still an intention that terrorists have to take over an airplane. We know since 9/11, 51-- I will correct the record from yesterday, I think I said 15, I had transposed the number--but it is 51 hijacking attempts around the world since 9/11. This is not a problem that is going away, and we have to deal with it. This is the barrier we are talking about. So people understand the nature of this barrier, this is a lightweight wire mesh gate that would prevent a terrorist from getting into the cockpit or even getting to the door of the cockpit, which, as we said, is already reinforced. What it does fundamentally is block access to the flight deck. That is what we are talking about. That is what our amendment does. We know the substantial number of groups that support this. I will just read the list for the record. And this actually is support for the underlying bill that Senator Toomey and I and others have been working on for a while. The underlying bill itself was S. 911. Also, the amendment, amendment No. 3458, is endorsed by the following groups: the Airline Pilots Association, the Allied Pilots Association, the Association of Flight Attendants, the Federal Law Enforcement Officers Association, the US Airline Pilots Association, the Coalition of Airline Pilots Association, the Port Authority of New York & New Jersey, and Families of September 11. There have been numerous studies done. I am holding a study--although you can't see it from a distance--which was conducted by the Cato Institute, among others, on terrorism risk and cost-benefit analysis of aviation security. So we not only have substantial support from virtually every group you could point toward, but we have some expertise on how to protect pilots in the cockpit, how to protect passengers on an airplane, and, of course, how to do that by preventing terrorists from getting through or near the cockpit because of a good secondary barrier. This effort started literally from folks we now know in Pennsylvania. It started with, among other people, the Saracini family, Ellen Saracini, the wife of Captain Victor Saracini, who piloted United Flight 175, which terrorists hijacked and flew into the World Trade Center on 9/11. So in memory of Captain Saracini and inspired by the great work of his wife Ellen Saracini, we offer this amendment. Again, I am very pleased to be working on this with my colleague Senator Toomey, and I yield the floor.

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I wish to speak on the bill and ask consent to do so.

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I rise today to speak about an amendment which Senator Toomey and I are working on, amendment No. 3458. I will have some remarks about this amendment, as will my colleague from Pennsylvania, Senator Toomey. We know that since 9/11, we have made a good deal of progress on airline security, but we know there are still a number of commonsense steps we can take to bolster security at our airports and on our airplanes. We also know that since 9/11, there have been 15 hijacking attempts around the world, and we know that terrorists still aim to repeat those actions and improve on their deadly tactics. It is also a concern that Federal programs designed to increase aviation security, such as the Federal Flight Deck Officer Program--the acronym being FFDO--to train and arm pilots, continue to experience drastic cuts and reduced budgets. After 9/11, Congress mandated the installation of reinforced cockpit doors, and the FAA regulations stated that the reinforced cockpit doors should remain locked while closed. However, pilots and flight attendants must open the door frequently for a variety of reasons, all of them reasons we understand, whether it is to use the restroom, get a meal, or rest times for pilots on international flights when they are not in the cockpit. So we know they have to open that door on a regular basis. Simulations have shown that when the door of the cockpit is open, the cockpit can, in fact, be breached and the plane can be hijacked--by one estimate, in less than 4 seconds. A voluntary airline industry movement toward adopting secondary barriers--meaning a barrier other than the actual cockpit door--began in 2003, but a commitment to deploying these devices has waned significantly since the year 2010. Senator Toomey and I have submitted an amendment that would close a gaping hole in our airline aviation security systems, thus achieving what Congress intended when it mandated installation of the fortress door after 9/11. The amendment we are working on together is named after a Bucks County, PA, resident, Captain Victor Saracini, who piloted United Flight 175 when it was hijacked by terrorists and flown into the World Trade Center. The amendment would require that each new commercial aircraft install a barrier other than the cockpit door to prevent access to the flight deck of an aircraft. A secondary cockpit barrier is a lightweight wire mesh gate installed between the passenger cabin and the cockpit door that is locked into place and blocks access to the flight deck. While the cockpit doors are currently reinforced, secondary barriers provide significantly more security to airline companies, their employees, the pilots, and, of course, more security for passengers as well. A 2007 study concluded that the secondary barrier dramatically improves the effectiveness of the other onboard security measures currently in place and also works as a stand-alone security layer and is the most cost-effective, efficient, and safest way to protect the cockpit. There is no way to fully and completely pay tribute to the extraordinary courage of Captain Saracini and the others who were lost on that tragic day. He gave the full measure of his life--as Lincoln said in another context, the last full measure of devotion to his country. He also, of course, gave the full measure not only for his Nation but for his wife Ellen and his family. Ellen, whom I have come to know, and others have worked tirelessly in the years since to increase airline safety for other pilots, passengers, and the airlines themselves. I am urging our colleagues in the Senate to adopt this amendment to continue to strengthen and secure our Nation's airspace and to further improve airline safety. I look forward to hearing Senator Toomey's remarks, and I am grateful to be working with him on this amendment. I yield the floor.

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I wish to speak for a few minutes on the floor to send congratulations on my own behalf and also on behalf of the people of Pennsylvania to the Villanova Wildcats for a great win last night in the NCAA final. It was a remarkable game for a lot of reasons. My wife and I watched every minute of it, as I know so many did. It was a remarkable game even before the last-second shot, but even more so after the shot made by Kris Jenkins. We are grateful, on behalf of the people of Pennsylvania, to commend and salute Villanova University and, of course, the team itself. In particular, I commend the players, not only Kris Jenkins but the entire team. At the same time, we commend the work done by Jay Wright. He is a great coach. He was awarded the Naismith Award as Coach of the Year this year, but we also commend him for leading Villanova this year and for the way he conducted himself, even in the aftermath of a win. We learn a lot about people in victory and defeat, whether that is in the athletic contest or even in politics or life itself. I thought Jay Wright showed a lot of class in the way he conducted himself after winning, which is sometimes not the case in sports today. I want to commend them as well for their great teamwork that obviously has to play out not just on the court in one game but over the length of a season--the practice and the hard work and the working together and the way they built each other up. There are so many instances where this team really was a team in reality, not just in terms of people talking about them as a team. I am not sure they could have shot better. I am told--and I hope I have this right--they had a 58-percent shooting field goal percentage throughout the tournament. That is a remarkable achievement. Again, that doesn't just happen; it happens because of hard work and because of a great coach. I want to commend and salute the team and congratulate them on winning a very difficult tournament. This is a tournament that had a lot of upsets and a lot of twists and turns before the team came out No. 1. That is a great achievement. Finally, I commend and salute the university and Father Peter Donahue, the president. We know him as Father Peter. I want to thank him. He sent me a Villanova hat, which I wore during the semifinal game or part of the game. I made sure I wore it at least for a few minutes during the final game. I was grateful he sent me that reminder of team spirit. In addition to Father Peter in the larger Villanova community, we want to salute the students, who were so loyal, and the fans, who may not have been students but who were either graduates of Villanova or just supporters. And of course the alumni made it possible for the team to have the kind of support they have had over many years. Opioid Epidemic and Children's Exposure to Lead Poisoning Mr. President, in my recent travels across Pennsylvania, two issues arose that I know the Presiding Officer and others may have heard about in the time they were away from Washington, and I know there are many others, but I will just mention two that the people of our State are thinking a lot about and are worried about and expect us to take action concerning. No. 1 is the opioid epidemic across the country, which has caused the kind of death and devastation that none of us can even begin to imagine. In Pennsylvania alone, more than 2,700 people died in 2014 as a result of some kind of drug overdose. So this is a major challenge. We made tremendous progress when we passed our bipartisan bill here, the so-called CARA bill. That was a good move and an important step for the Senate. I hope we can follow up on that with the $600 million in funding that local law enforcement and treatment experts and others have asked us for. We need to finish the job in terms of making sure the Senate is taking the right steps on this challenge. The second issue--which I will mention just briefly because we don't have time today to develop it further--is lead poisoning in children. We know what happened in Flint, the horror and the tragedy of Flint, but in a State such as mine, the biggest challenge we have is not necessarily lead from water or in the water systems that would adversely affect children. In our case, because we have a lot of old homes, it is lead paint and the exposure to lead paint and the high lead levels that put children in a precarious situation in the short run but even long term because some of these impacts, if the levels are very high, can be irreversible. We have to make sure we are doing more to protect our children not only in Pennsylvania but across the country in terms of making sure that fewer and fewer children are exposed to high lead levels. I know we will talk more about that. Those are two major challenges that I know confront Pennsylvania and also confront our country. With that, Mr. President, I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. CASEY

Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.