David Cicilline

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I just want to respond quickly to two things before I close. The first is, again, the Global Respect Act, like Magnitsky, does not punish and cannot be invoked for speech. It is very clear. It has never been used in that way, and it specifically targets conduct. But out of an abundance of caution, to reassure our colleagues on the other side of the aisle, Mr. Harder offers an amendment that makes that explicit, that says that no one will be sanctioned due to their religious beliefs. Instead, only those who commit egregious acts of violence, including: torture, enforced disappearance, or extrajudicial killings will be denied entry into the United States. This notion of like, well, we were concerned about this religion issue, but when it is explicitly addressed because it is offered by a Democrat through the amendment process and not a Republican, it doesn't satisfy my friends on the other side of the aisle. It is very disappointing; very disappointing. This Global Respect Act legislation is designed to address a real problem, and I will just say one last time, in section 3 of the bill, the language in the bill includes gross violations of internationally recognized human rights as codified in 22 U.S.C. 2304. What is that? Not your view on marriage, not whether you like someone. It is defined as: ``. . . torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment, prolonged detention without charges and trial, causing the disappearance of persons by the abduction and clandestine detention of those persons, and other flagrant denial of the right to life, liberty, or the security of person.'' This is a well-established definition for gross human rights violations. This bill simply says, if you engage in that kind of behavior, you do not have a right to enter the United States of America. We will deny you a visa because we stand for human rights. So I urge my colleagues to support the en bloc amendment, support this bill, be proud today that the United States is standing again for the protection of human rights of all people here in the United States, and around the world. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I am prepared to close.

Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Georgia (Ms. Williams).

Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Before I address the en bloc amendments, I just want to respond quickly to a claim that has been made again on this floor that was made in the Rules Committee by my friend on the other side of the aisle that the Magnitsky Act has already adequately covered LGBTQI human rights violations. I am going to say it one more time: That is simply, factually incorrect. All of the cases that my friend cited, Mr. Speaker, do not involve LGBTQI people, save one. There is one specific LGBTQI case in which sanctions were imposed in 2019 against the Chechen leader for kidnapping, torturing, and killing members of the LGBTQI community. The cases she makes reference to in Bangladesh, in Cuba, and in Uganda involve judicial corruption, and they involve a government crackdown on democracy, but they don't involve individuals who were targeted or brutalized because they were members of the LGBTQI community. So there is, in fact, not sufficient use of Magnitsky. That is what the Global Respect Act will fix. It will make visa sanctions against such individuals a mandatory requirement. So this idea of pulling other human rights cases and saying, Isn't this enough? It is not. This is a growing, serious, and deadly problem. Mr. Speaker, I move these amendments which, taken together, both strengthen the bill and make a strong statement that the United States stands with the LGBTQI community around the world. This package of amendments clarifies that torture is a part of the definition of a human rights violation. This definition, which we have used since the passage of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, makes it clear that it is actions--torture, cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment--that lead to sanctions. These amendments firmly state that the value of religious freedom is protected. The United States has long been a leader of protecting freedom of religion, and our foreign policy must uphold that tradition. The Harder amendment within the en bloc makes it clear that no one--I repeat, no one--will be sanctioned due to their religious beliefs; instead, only those who commit egregious acts of violence--torture, enforced disappearances, or extrajudicial killings--will be denied entry to the United States. Despite what some of my colleagues may say, religious freedom is not in conflict with the promotion of global LGBTQI rights. This amendment acknowledges this truth and upholds the rights of all people regardless of their religion, sexual orientation, gender identity, or sex characteristics to be protected from violence and brutality. These amendments will also provide the Biden-Harris administration with additional tools to continue its historic work to build the international coalition of countries protecting LGBTQI people. It is important that we stand with countries around the world, including those like Botswana, which legalized same-sex relationships in 2019, to strengthen equality around the globe. With today's vote, the U.S. House will send a strong message around the world that every member of the LGBTQI community deserves to live with dignity and free from violence, unlawful detention, torture, and other forms of brutality. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 900, I offer the amendments en bloc.

Mr. CICILLINE. The Global Respect Act is different because it requires sanctions if a foreign national commits gross human rights violations against LGBTQI people. It doesn't have overly broad language. As the chairman said, it has language that comes from 22 U.S.C. 2304. It doesn't create any new definitions. It has the definition in existing law of what gross human rights violation is. It doesn't prevent speech or religious beliefs. This bill targets conduct and actions. The Global Magnitsky has never, nor will this bill ever, be used to impede anyone's right to say or believe anything. It is their actions, the gross human rights violations, that are at issue. My friend on the other side of the aisle said it is cancel culture. When did preventing murder, torture, and violence, and standing up for human rights, become cancel culture? We have a long tradition in this country of doing this all around the world. The Global Respect Act honors that history, that responsibility that we have as a world superpower to continue to protect and stand up for human rights in the face of unspeakable human violence. Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this bill, and I end where I began, with enormous gratitude to our extraordinary chairman for his leadership on this issue.

Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I rise in support of H.R. 3485. I want to begin by expressing my profound gratitude to Chairman Meeks for his consistent, passionate, and powerful support of this bill and of the LGBTQI community broadly. He has been such a champion for our community. We would not be here today on this floor without his support, and we are grateful for that. Mr. Speaker, I also want to recognize Congressman Brian Fitzpatrick, Senator Shaheen, and Senator Portman for their partnership and leadership in making this legislation bipartisan and bicameral. Of course, I want to recognize and thank President Biden for his incredible commitment to LGBTQI equality here at home and around the world. With today's vote, the U.S. House will send a strong message across the world that every member of the LGBTQI community deserves to live with dignity and free from violence, unlawful detention, torture, and other forms of brutality. H.R. 3485, the Global Respect Act, builds on existing sanction authorities by requiring the President to deny visas to foreign nationals who commit gross human rights violations against members of the LGBTQI community. Let me be clear. This bill protects LGBTQI people from murder, torture, and other forms of violence. If you reject this proposal, you are saying people like me can be murdered and tortured with no consequence. Whether that is your intention or not, that is the impact of your vote. In past years, we have seen a dangerous increase in violence against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex people and their families. So, when my colleague on the other side of the aisle says, ``What is the need for this?'' tell that to the victims who are being tortured, detained, and murdered because of who they are. In too many places, violence against this community is pervasive and even sanctioned or directed by government officials. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ``all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.'' As with any form of social or legal marginalization, whether based on sex, race, religion, ethnicity, or other status, the denial of human rights of LGBTQI people is not only wrong but negatively affects health outcomes, social stability, the rule of law, and economic potential. This bill sends a signal to not just the abusers but also signals to the victims and survivors that the United States stands with them, as we have throughout the course of human history, in standing up for human rights. Victims like Camila Diaz Cordova, a 29-year-old transgender woman from El Salvador who was arrested, beaten, and thrown from a moving vehicle after being deported from the United States--she died several days later; or the young gay man who fled from Sudan to Egypt after threats of public outing and violence, only to experience kidnapping and further stigmatization and violence in his new home; or I.J., a victim of Ramzan Kadyrov's systematic rounding up and torture of men and women thought to be gay in Chechnya. In recounting the attack, I.J. said: ``They threw me to the floor and beat me. They beat my chest and my face with their feet, and they hit my head against the floor. One of them said: `Do not beat him until the shock stage. At that point, he will stop feeling pain. We don't need that.' They addressed me with female pronouns and demanded that I tell them the names of other gay people I knew. They threatened to kill me if I didn't.'' In public reports, we heard of ISIS officials throwing gay men off rooftops and then stoning them to death. These are just some examples of the many, many stories. The Global Respect Act is simple. It is straightforward. It gives the executive branch greater tools to punish those who murder and torture members of the LGBTQI community. I want to take a quick moment to tell you what this bill does not do. It doesn't duplicate existing rights legislation such as the Global Magnitsky Act because Global Magnitsky is obviously a very important tool for human rights, but it is voluntary. It has only been used once for LGBTQI human rights violations, despite many documented cases.

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. Madam Speaker, I heard some of my friends on the other side of the aisle say no one wants this legislation. Nothing could be further from the truth. The survivors of sexual assault and harassment want this, and we should listen to them. H.R. 4445 would restore access to justice for victims of sexual assault or harassment who are currently locked out of the court system due to forced arbitration clauses. These clauses are everywhere. They block survivors from making their stories known, having their day in court, and prevents them from holding their abusers accountable. Some of the stories we heard during this hearing were horrific of the kind of abuse and assault and demeaning behavior, and those predators knew that they were protected from being held accountable because there were forced arbitration clauses often accompanied with provisions that kept those proceedings private. So this private system forces survivors into a process, this forced arbitration, that is not like a court system. There is no discovery. There is no judge or jury. There are no requirements that they follow laws passed by the Congress or the State. And when you, as I said, combine that with nondisclosure agreements, it silences the survivors of sexual harassment and assault. Plain and simple. This bill will end it. Predators rely on that silence. As long as their actions are hidden, they are free to act with impunity, and we heard evidence that is in fact what they do, over and over and over again. This bill will end that. Madam Speaker, I thank the sponsor of this legislation, Congresswoman Cheri Bustos, who has made this her life's work since she got to Congress. This bill will help millions of survivors who have had the conduct that they have complained about unaddressed and unanswered and kept quiet, and it will end that practice. We heard testimony about the founder of Invisalign and the CEO of Afiniti, who actually started an arbitration, invoked the clause, because he knew that would keep the proceedings secret and his abuse would go unaccounted for. This is disgraceful. Madam Speaker, this should be a unanimous vote. Everyone should want to put an end to this practice. I urge you to vote ``yes'' on H.R. 4445.

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of S. 566, legislation to rename the United States Postal Service facility in Slatersville, Rhode Island, the Specialist Matthew R. Turcotte Post Office. A fallen soldier from North Smithfield who gave his life in service of his country, Specialist Matthew Turcotte was tragically killed during a training accident in 2017 when he was only 20 years old. An exceptional young man who exemplified the utmost commitment to serving his community and his country, Matthew's service continues to make all Rhode Island proud. Matthew, a lifelong North Smithfield resident eager to serve his country, enlisted in the U.S. Army while attending North Smithfield High School, where he was cocaptain of the football team and a member of the track and field team. After his graduation in 2015, Matthew enlisted as a specialist and began his military career at Fort Benning. During his 2 short, enlisted years, he earned numerous awards for his service, including the Army Achievement Medal, National Defense Service Medal, the Armed Forces Expeditionary Medal, the Global War on Terrorism Service Medal, the Army Service Ribbon, the Overseas Ribbon, and the NATO Medal. Matthew's superiors in the military described him as a tremendous soldier who exemplified selfless service to our military and our Nation. He was deployed to Kosovo in 2016, and following his return, married his high school sweetheart and beloved wife, Megan. In August of 2017, Matthew was killed during a live-ammunition training exercise at Fort Carson in Colorado while serving with the 2nd Infantry Brigade Combat Team of the 4th Infantry Division. As we prepare to dedicate this post office in Matthew's memory, I am thinking about his father, Raymond; his mother, Liza; his wife, Megan; his sisters, Kayla and Paige; and all his extended family and loved ones. Mr. Speaker, let us never forget the enormous debt of gratitude that we owe to not just Matthew and his family, but to all military families across the country who support the brave men and women who defend our Nation and often shoulder the pain of unimaginable grief and loss. The decision to live one's life in service of others is never an easy one, and Matthew's commitment to a vocation of service represented the very best of our Nation and Rhode Island. For his patriotism, for his love of family and community, and for his dedication to the principles we as Americans hold dear, we salute Matthew and dedicate this post office in his honor. I know that Matthew's legacy will continue to inspire our community in North Smithfield and all Rhode Islanders. The dedication of this post office is an enduring expression of our gratitude for his service and a permanent reminder of his sacrifice. We know that Matthew's legacy and the impact he had on those who knew and loved him will far outlast anything we do or say, Mr. Speaker, but it is the least we can do for one of the great heroes of our Nation, Matthew R. Turcotte.

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding and giving me an opportunity to say a few words about our extraordinary colleague, the late John Lewis. John Lewis is someone who had such an enormous impact on this country, someone who risked his life and endured violence and intimidation to help create a more beloved community and a better country. John was a gentle man who continued his fight for equality and justice and dignity for every single person in this country. Many of us had the privilege of crossing the Edmund Pettus Bridge with John Lewis, but for me what was particularly helpful and memorable was that John Lewis was a champion in the fight for LGBTQ and the Equality Act. At a very critical moment, he became part of that effort, and I thought to myself: Here is a man who has already done more than anyone could imagine one person could do for human dignity, for equality, and for justice, and he was still in the fight for the LGBTQ community. One of the most extraordinary honors of my life is having served in Congress and, certainly, having the friendship of the extraordinary John Lewis, someone who was beloved by everyone here. I will end with this. When I first met Mr. Lewis, he called me brother. That went on for about 6 months. I thought to myself, well, he doesn't remember my name. You know, that is just the way it is. But I soon learned that he called everyone brother and sister because, in John's heart, we were all part of a common family. So this post office--and I thank Congresswoman Nikema Williams for her sponsorship--will be a permanent memorial to the extraordinary contributions of the life of John Lewis to our country.

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding and thank him for his extraordinary bipartisan leadership on this issue and on so many issues that come before our committee. I want to begin by acknowledging the leadership of the Speaker who has been an advocate and a strong voice for human rights around the world, but particularly in China for many, many years. I rise, Mr. Speaker, in strong support of this bicameral version of the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act, to ensure that the United States does all we can to condemn the appalling human rights record of the Chinese Government against Uyghur Muslims. With the ongoing genocide against the Uyghur population in Xinjiang, and with the crackdown on democracy and the rule of law in Hong Kong, the world has seen what a glimpse of Chinese leadership in the international system would mean: a rejection of human rights; a commitment to authoritarianism; a silenced press; and the abandonment of the rule of law. In Xinjiang, over 1 million members of the Uyghur population have been forced to live in squalor; forced to abandon their beliefs; forced to abandon their children; and forced to work. Many have been tortured. Many have died. All have suffered. Policies undertaken in Xinjiang continue to stir the conscience and represent this country's most agonizing human rights catastrophes ever. The Chinese Government has unleashed a series of draconian measures that should give anyone in the civilized world a pause. They have mandated abortions, they have forcibly sterilized men and women; they have forcibly taken over half a million children from their families, and they have sent them to so-called reeducation centers. They monitor the movements and the online activities of millions, ensuring Uyghurs and other minorities are robbed of their privacy; and they force Uyghurs and other minorities into factories for no pay and with no recourse. We must recognize that the Chinese Government built this policy over time. What has happened to the Uyghur population is not borne out of spontaneous brutality; it has been a well-planned endeavor designed to extinguish a population that China finds undesirable. This is a systematic policy that denies the Uyghurs their humanity, their dignity, and seeks to ultimately deny them of their existence. We must do all we can to ensure that the clarion call of ``never again'' reverberates around the globe. This bill would ensure that goods made in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region imported into the United States are not made with forced labor. I want to thank Chairman McGovern for his extraordinary leadership and urge all of my colleagues to support the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act and again thank the chairman for his courtesy.

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, the blatant and corrupt actions that we saw during the Trump administration demand that Congress take action to prevent any future President or administration officials from committing these same abuses of power. Our laws have to be equipped to protect the Office of the Presidency and hold anyone privileged enough to hold that office accountable for their actions. The Protecting Our Democracy Act will prevent Presidential abuse, restore our system of checks and balances, strengthen accountability, and protect our elections. I am proud that this package includes one of my pieces of legislation, the White House Open Data Act, which will make White House visitor logs and salary information easily accessible and available to the public. The Presidency demands integrity and transparency. The Protecting Our Democracy Act gives us the tools to defend and protect our democracy; our most sacred responsibility. Madam Speaker, I thank Chairman Schiff for his leadership, and I thank Chairwoman Maloney. Let's all stand up today, vote for democracy, protect the right to vote so that the world, when they watch this, knows that America remains committed and renews today its commitment to a great democracy.

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, for too long, healthcare providers struggling with mental illness have suffered in silence, intimidated by stigma and afraid of being penalized for seeking treatment. Even before the pandemic, 42 percent of the physicians reported experiencing burnout, and 40 percent reported a reluctance to seek treatment for a medical health condition. This is far too many people suffering in silence. How can we expect our doctors to take care of us when they feel they can't take care of themselves? The Dr. Lorna Breen Health Care Provider Protection Act, named for a doctor who lost her life to suicide after fighting on the front lines of the pandemic, will help reduce and prevent suicide, burnout, and mental health conditions of healthcare professionals. It does so by supporting training to prevent suicide and burnout; creating a national awareness campaign encouraging healthcare professionals to seek support for mental health concerns; and establishing a comprehensive study on healthcare professional mental health and burnout, including the impact of the pandemic. Our healthcare professionals have been serving on the front lines, taking care of us amid an unprecedented global pandemic. It is time we take care of them. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this critical legislation.

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I first want to say thank you to the Appropriations chair and to the members of the Appropriations Committee for their extraordinary work. Let's be clear about one thing. A continuing resolution is not a way to proceed, but it is the only way we can proceed in the face of Republican obstruction, and when you vote ``no'' on the continuing resolution, you are voting to defund the government and shut it down. That means veterans can't access healthcare at the VA. It means Native American Tribes can't have access to healthcare and schools. It means our troops won't get the pay they deserve. You are voting to shut the government down, and at the same time you are unwilling to be part of a process to pass appropriations bills for an entire year. You are here to govern. You have a responsibility to make sure this appropriation process works. And I am grateful for the service of the members of the Appropriations Committee that have worked on this in a painstaking way. We have Republicans in the Senate who are obstructing this process, but I am glad that I am part of the process that makes sure government remains open, that we take care of our responsibilities, that we ensure that the economic recovery that is underway is not hampered. I thank the chair of the Appropriations Committee for the hard work in bringing us to this moment. I urge everyone to support the continuing resolution. Be responsible.

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this important legislation that will bring greater transparency to the judges adjudicating cases every day all across this country. Most high-level government officials in all three branches of government, including Federal Justices and judges, must file annual financial disclosure reports. For Members of Congress, as well the President, Vice President, and other executive branch officials, these disclosures are readily available and searchable online. This makes the information easy for the American people to obtain, and this tool is vital to a transparent government. Federal judges and Justices, however, do not have to make their disclosures readily available to the public online. It often takes the public months to request this information under the current disclosure system. This delay in information often prevents the public from being able to determine if a judge has a financial interest in a certain court case in a timely manner, effectively weakening the enforcement of recusal requirements even if there is a conflict of interest. I am sure many or most judges willingly recuse themselves from cases in which they have an interest, but a Wall Street Journal investigation found that this is not always the case. That investigation found that since 2010, more than 130 Federal judges have not recused themselves in nearly 700 cases where they or a family member had a financial interest, an unacceptable breach of the public's trust. For example, in one case, a judge denied a class action motion against Microsoft, which he held stock in, potentially saving the company more than $45 million. These kinds of conflicts must be transparent. The bipartisan Courthouse Ethics and Transparency Act of 2021 would increase transparency and empower the public by mandating that Federal judges' financial disclosures are publicly available and searchable within 90 days of filing. This will allow the public to access these disclosure forms more easily, providing the information we need to ensure fair proceedings and necessary recusals. I thank Congresswoman Ross for introducing this extremely important legislation, and I thank her for her leadership. I also want to thank Representative Johnson and Representatives Roy and Issa for taking the lead on this important bill. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support it, and I thank the gentleman for yielding.

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, we are at critical crossroads as we work to recover after the health and economic crises caused by the COVID-19 pandemic here at home and around the world. As we look to our future, we are going to build back better to create an economy that works for every American and all families that leaves no one behind. This is a once-in-a-generation opportunity to transform the lives of millions of Americans by reducing costs for everything from prescription drugs to childcare; creating good-paying union jobs by addressing the urgency of the climate crisis; cutting taxes for working families; and making sure that none of these investments add to the deficit by making the wealthiest individuals and largest corporations pay their fair share in taxes. Madam Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this investment in our Nation's future.

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding, for leading us in this Special Order hour, and for saying out loud the names of the individuals who we have lost. I am proud today to rise in recognition of Transgender Day of Remembrance, which we will mark this Saturday, November 20, and in remembrance of the transgender and gender nonconforming people whose lives were taken this year. Madam Speaker, 52 years ago, in the early morning hours of June 28, 1969, New York City Police raided the Stonewall Inn, a popular gay bar in Greenwich Village. It had become a refuge and a well-known gathering place for LGBTQI-plus individuals. This was the third such raid on Greenwich Village bars in a short period of time. Tired of harassment and blatant discrimination, patrons began clashing with law enforcement outside the Stonewall Inn on Christopher Street. This was not the first time LGBTQI-plus people fought back, but these clashes sparked an uprising that would unfold over the next 6 days and fundamentally change LGBTQI-plus activism in the United States and around the world. At the forefront of this uprising were transgender and gender nonconforming people like Marsha P. Johnson, the P standing for ``pay it no mind,'' a common response Marsha would say to questions about her gender. Too often, transgender individuals are left out of the story of the LGBTQ-plus rights movement, especially transgender women of color like Marsha, as well as Sylvia Rivera and Miss Major Griffin-Gracy. These three icons and so many other activists like them were and continue to be the backbone of the LGBTQ-plus civil rights movement. Miss Major, currently in her eighties, continues to fight against the disproportionate incarceration rates of transgender people. Tragically, so far this year, at least 46 transgender or gender nonconforming people have been fatally shot or killed by other violent means in our own country. 2021 marks an alarming milestone for the transgender community: the deadliest year on record for transgender and gender nonconforming people. Let me say it again: the deadliest year on record for trans and gender nonconforming people. This epidemic of violence particularly affects transgender women of color, specifically Black and Latinx transgender women, who make up more than three-quarters of the recorded 46 violent deaths this year. These deaths are horrific, and we must act to end this violence. The right to live freely without fear of persecution or discrimination is one that every person needs and deserves. The Equality Act adds sexual orientation and gender identity as protected classes through existing civil rights law, ensuring that the transgender community would have the same protections as everyone else. I am so proud that we have passed that out of the House, and it is awaiting action from the Senate. The 2021 Transgender Day of Remembrance House resolution, of which I am a proud cosponsor, commemorates November 20, 2021, as a day of remembrance and memorializes the lives lost at the hands of anti- transgender violence in the United States and around the world. I urge all of my colleagues to support this resolution. Now is the time to show solidarity with the trans community. They have done the work to bring injustice wrought against the LGBTQI-plus community to light. They bear the brunt of violence, abuse, and even death. It cannot continue. We must not let it continue. Madam Speaker, as we remember the names of the transgender individuals who gave their lives for this cause, we honor their legacy by continuing the fight to ensure that all people, regardless of gender and gender identity, are treated equally and justly in this country. Madam Speaker, the forces working against progress are strong, but we are stronger. I thank Congresswoman Newman for being one of the co- chairs of the Transgender Equality Task Force of the Equality Caucus, for the good work in developing this resolution, and for leading this Special Order hour tonight.

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding, and I appreciate the opportunity to speak about the President's vision for really investing in working families in this country and doing it in a way, particularly after COVID, that the economy is rebuilt so that everyone has opportunities and that not only people at the top realize their full potential and reap all the benefits, but that everyone in this country can benefit from the economic recovery that the President has articulated in the Build Back Better plan. I have been in Congress now 11 years. I don't know that we have ever had a better example of what leadership from the President means in terms of understanding that the best way to grow the economy is to invest in working families, to invest in middle-class families by making sure they can access all of the opportunities that exist in this country. And what are those struggles? Affordable childcare, universal pre-K, job training, lowering prescription drug costs, lowering the cost of healthcare. When the President made his address to the joint session of Congress, what struck me in that speech was that President Biden identified virtually every single struggle I hear about from my constituents in Rhode Island--the high cost of prescription drugs, the high cost of healthcare, the high cost of childcare, the inability to access pre-K, difficulty retraining because of the absence of job training programs. It is as if the President put together everything I have heard that folks struggle with every day in this country, and he drafted and included all those in the Build Back Better provisions. When you take the bipartisan infrastructure bill along with the Build Back Better legislation which we are about to pass, we are going to create 1\1/2\ million jobs a year for a decade, and that is extraordinary. These are good-paying, union jobs. We are going to, for the first time, take on in a serious way the climate crisis. We are going to drive down costs of everything from prescription drugs to childcare to healthcare, and the best part about it is it is paid for by making sure the wealthiest people in this country and the most profitable corporations pay their fair share. My constituents pay their fair share. They expect everyone to do the same. And so we have this extraordinary investment in working families that is going to give people an opportunity, move so many of the obstacles that allow folks to return to the workforce, particularly women. Women were devastated by the pandemic, particularly devastated. If we did the bipartisan infrastructure bill alone, a lot of that economic recovery would escape women in this country. The Build Back Better provisions are going to ensure many of those obstacles that prevent women from reentering the workforce are addressed so that our economy can realize the full benefit of the extraordinary talent of women in the workforce. This economic recovery that we are all craving after 2 years of a very difficult time with this pandemic, that economic recovery is going to reach everyone in this country. It is going to begin with working families and middle-class families, who for the first time, I think, are going to be the focus of a very comprehensive strategy. I am excited. I feel particularly honored to be in Congress at this moment, and I thank the President for his leadership in developing a plan to rebuild the middle class and address so many of the challenges that working families face. I thank you for giving me an opportunity to speak during this Special Order hour, and I look forward to the passage of Build Back Better and all it is going to mean for families in my State and all across this country.

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this censure resolution. I watched this video, and I was sickened when I saw Mr. Gosar depicting the killing of another Member of this body and brandishing swords at the President of the United States. This kind of rhetoric is not just unfitting of a U.S. Representative, it is dangerous, and it can be deadly, as we saw on January 6 and in 2011 when an individual shot then-Congresswoman Gabby Giffords after Sarah Palin sent out a video with shooting targets on various congressional districts, including Gabby's. This is not a joke. This is not about politics. It is about safety. While healthy debate on the issues, on policy, is important, it is what keeps our democracy alive. This is not that. We cannot allow Members to encourage and incite violence, period. Mr. Gosar, you are no Alexander Hamilton. You must be held accountable.

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Absolutely.

Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for the question. I think when you look at particularly what we experienced during COVID, we saw some of the difficulties that families--particularly families with young children--had in accessing the internet so they could receive school instruction. And the reality is you need internet connections to access the world and to be able to communicate and be able to learn in the 21st century. And there were young people who were actually going to parking lots of McDonald's and other places that might have internet to do their homework. That can't happen in America. And so we want to ensure that rebuilding our infrastructure provides opportunities for every single young person in this country to realize their full potential. Because we are not just competing with the kid next door, we are competing with kids in China, Japan, and all over the world. We want to ensure that we have an infrastructure to support the economic growth we need. We also want to ensure that we can deliver goods, services, and information in the 21st century and that we are training young people and educating young people and training workers to compete successfully. You can't do that without infrastructure to support that development, that knowledge, and the work that needs to be done. You think of the experiences we saw during COVID. It made it very clear that we needed to move quickly. Our competitors around the world are investing tens of billions of dollars in infrastructure. They are competing directly with us. This is a race for the 21st century and a race we are going to win in large part because we are finally investing in America's infrastructure.

Mr. CICILLINE. Will the gentleman yield?

Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding and for convening this Special Order hour. The impact of this legislation is significant in my home State of Rhode Island and all across our country. The United States has the largest economy in the world, yet our roads and bridges are crumbling, our ports and airports are in disrepair, over 10 million households do not have safe drinking water. This is unacceptable. We cannot compete in a global economy unless we can move goods, services, and information to compete in the 21st century. The bipartisan infrastructure bill which President Biden signed, and we worked hard to pass, invests $550 billion in new funding to bring America's infrastructure into the 21st century so that we cannot only improve the quality of life, grow our economy, create millions of good- paying jobs, but also to ensure that we can compete globally. This legislation, which the President signed yesterday, includes the largest ever Federal investments in public transit, clean drinking water and wastewater infrastructure, and clean energy transmission and electric vehicle infrastructure. It includes the largest investment in passenger rail since the creation of Amtrak, and the largest dedicated bridge investment since we built the Interstate Highway System. This legislation will create millions of good-paying union jobs while also addressing the critical infrastructure needs of our country and of my home State of Rhode Island. This monumental investment in infrastructure is the first part of a plan to not only create good-paying jobs but to ensure Americans have the support they need to succeed in those jobs. Combined with the Build Back Better Act, these two historic bills will create 1\1/2\ million good-paying jobs each year over the next decade and accelerate America's path to full employment. For Rhode Island with this bill enacted into law, we will see $2.5 billion coming straight to Rhode Island to help fix our roads and bridges, replace lead pipes, improve our public transportation system, and increase broadband access. And that is not to mention the billions of dollars in dedicated funding for Amtrak's Northeast corridor, which will certainly benefit Rhode Islanders and all of us in New England. Our State has the highest percentage of structurally deficient bridges in the country. In 2019, 22.3 percent of our bridges were structurally deficient. In 2020, our State's infrastructure was given a C minus by the American Society of Civil Engineers. This is unacceptable and unsafe. The funding streams that this legislation will provide are the following: $1.5 billion for Federal aid highway apportioned programs; $242 million for bridge replacement and repairs in Rhode Island; $272 million to improve public transportation in Rhode Island; $23 million to support expansion of the State's electric vehicle charging network in Rhode Island; $100 million to expand broadband connectivity, including providing access to the 14,000 Rhode Islanders who currently lack it; and 247,000 Rhode Islanders, 24 percent of Rhode Island, will be eligible for the Affordable Connectivity Benefit to help working families afford internet access; $2 million to protect against wildfires; $10.9 million to protect against cyberattacks; $378 million to improve water infrastructure; and $45 million for our airports. These are significant, historic investments in rebuilding the infrastructure of our State, and the same thing is happening in States all across America. I salute the President for his strong leadership. I salute my colleagues that worked so hard on this legislation. It is going to help ensure that America can compete again in the global economy. And most importantly, it will improve the quality of our lives for our constituents. It will improve our economy. It will grow good-paying jobs. And it will make America proud of the quality of its infrastructure once again. I want to end by particularly acknowledging the men and women in the building trades who are going to do this work; and do it with such pride that they are not only going to improve our economy, but also improve our quality of life. I salute all of the men and women in the building trades.

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that in the engrossment of H.R. 5763, the Clerk be directed to make the correction I have placed at the desk.

Mr. CICILLINE

Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, as the United States reasserts itself on the world's stage, it is time for robust engagement. We must reengage with our allies and regain our footing as a global leader. But we are standing in our own way. Mr. Speaker, 100 ambassadorial positions are currently unfilled, with 60 awaiting Senate action. Where is the Senate? Mr. Speaker, more than 300 national security professionals asked this same question this morning in a letter to Senate leadership. We do not have representatives to NATO, the European Union, ASEAN, or the Organization of American States. Despite our significant interests in the Middle East, we lack an Assistant Secretary of State for Near East Affairs and an ambassador to Israel. Mr. Speaker, we are sending a dangerous message of neglect and indifference to our allies and adversaries. The Senate must act. I join the hundreds of esteemed former ambassadors and Pentagon officials in urging the Senate to begin hearings and to schedule votes for all pending State Department and USAID nominees. I include in the Record a letter from Foreign Policy for America. Foreign Policy for America, Washington, DC, October 28, 2021. Hon. Charles Schumer, Majority Leader, U.S. Senate, Washington, DC. Senator Bob Menendez, Chairman, U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Washington, DC. Hon. Mitch McConnell, Minority Leader, U.S. Senate, Washington, DC. Senator James E. Risch, Ranking Member, U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Washington, DC. We write as senior national security professionals to express our alarm over the dangerously slow pace of Senate confirmations of State Department and USAID officials over the past ten months. The resulting vacancies have damaged U.S. national security and our ability to address international threats. We ask for your urgent attention to resolving this situation. The United States cannot afford to be absent at this time of strategic competition with China. Yet, at this moment, 100 Ambassadorial positions are unfilled with 60 awaiting Senate action. As President Biden prepares to meet with world leaders at the G20 summit, the Senate has confirmed just two of the president's Ambassadorial nominations to G20 member states. As the world works to fight the COVID-19 pandemic, the United States lacks both an Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs and a USAID Assistant Administrator for Global Health. Of the 17 world leaders known to be attending the COP26 climate summit in Glasgow in November, only one has had the opportunity to coordinate in advance with a confirmed U.S. Ambassador. Nearly half of Ambassadorial posts on the African continent have nominees stalled in the Senate. The sum total of missed opportunities is staggering. In addition to placing the United States at a strategic disadvantage, Washington has sent an unfortunate message of neglect and indifference. We currently lack Representatives to both NATO and the European Union, to ASEAN, and to the Organization of American States. In Canada, France, Germany, and the United Kingdom, the lack of confirmed U.S. Ambassadors neglects historic allies. Despite our significant interests in the Middle East and the threats posed by Iran, the United States currently has neither an Assistant Secretary of State for Near East Affairs nor an Ambassador to Israel. As we call for a free and open Indo-Pacific, the United States lacks an Ambassador not only to China, but to Australia, Bangladesh, India, Japan, New Zealand, the Philippines, Singapore, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Vietnam. In Washington, widespread leadership vacancies and stopgap appointments have resulted in an overstretched workforce and unacceptable risks. As conflicts and natural disasters spur population displacement unseen since World War II, the United States has neither an Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees, and Migration nor an Assistant Secretary of State for Conflict and Stability Operations. President Biden's nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, whose nomination was announced on April 23rd, was not confirmed until September 13th, well after the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. The State Department is planning to host a global Summit for Democracy in December, but does so without an Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. Countless other vacancies have resulted in unsustainable workloads, undermining morale and retention. As you are aware, the Senate has thus far confirmed only two of President Biden's ambassadorial nominees, and just eleven Assistant Secretaries of State. At USAID, only two appointees requiring Senate confirmation have been approved. Of the 235 Senate-confirmed State Department positions, only 24 have confirmed occupants, while 83 are at the Senate awaiting confirmation. This is well below the number of nominees confirmed at similar points in the first terms of Presidents Trump, Obama, and George W. Bush. We note with particular regret that individual Senators have blocked the confirmations of exceptionally qualified nominees for reasons completely unrelated to their credentials. There is no question that this practice, which has been employed by members of both parties, has eroded America's global leadership and contributed to a perception among our friends as well as our adversaries that the United States is in decline. The steady atrophying of our diplomatic capacity poses an unacceptable risk to U.S. national security. We urge you to exercise decisive leadership to swiftly facilitate committee hearings and votes for all pending State Department and USAID nominees. If unanimous consent agreements cannot be obtained to expedite votes, we ask that you once again dedicate the floor time necessary to approve these nominations by regular order. Sincerely, Ambassador (Ret.) Bernadette M. Allen, Ambassador (Ret.) Frank Almaguer), Major General (Ret.) Joseph T. Anderson, Brigadier General (Ret.) Steven M. Anderson, Ms. Wendy R. Anderson, Major General (Ret.) Marcia M. Anderson, Brigadier General (Ret.) Ricardo Aponte, Honorable Bernard Aronson, Ambassador (Ret.) Liliana Ayalde, Ambassador (Ret.) Daniel Baer, Ambassador (Ret.) Robert Cushman Barber, Ambassador (Ret.) Adrian A. Basora, Ambassador (Ret.) Leslie Bassett, Ambassador (Ret.) Robert M. Beecroft, Honorable Rand B. Beers, Ambassador (Ret.) Colleen Bell, Mr. John B. Bellinger III, Ms. Jenna H. Ben-Yehuda, Mr. Robert J. Berg, Honorable Stuart Bernstein, Ambassador (Ret.) Bruce G. Berton, Ambassador (Ret.) John R. Beyrle, Dr. Hans Binnendijk, Ambassador (Ret.) Clyde Bishop, Ambassador (Ret.) James Bishop, Lieutenant General (Ret.) Robert R. Blank, Ambassador (Ret.) Jeff Bleich, Ambassador (Ret.) Peter W. Bodde, Ambassador (Ret.) Barbara Bodine, Ambassador (Ret.) Michele Thoren Bond, Ambassador (Ret.) Amy L. Bondurant, Rear Admiral (Ret.) David M. Boone, Ambassador (Ret.) Eric Boswell, Ambassador (Ret.) Richard Boucher, Vice Admiral (Ret.) William Bowes, Ambassador (Ret.) Robert Bradtke, Ambassador (Ret.) Aurelia Brazeal, Ambassador (Ret.) James Brewster, Ambassador (Ret.) Pamela E. Bridgewater, Ambassador (Ret.) Kenneth C. Brill, Ambassador (Ret.) Timothy M. Broas, Ambassador (Ret.) Sue Brown, Ambassador (Ret.) Kenneth Brown, Ambassador (Ret.) Steven Browning, Ambassador (Ret.) George Bruno, Ambassador (Ret.) Susan Flood Burk, Ambassador (Ret.) A. Peter Burleigh, Ambassador (Ret.) Prudence Bushnell, Rear Admiral (Ret.) John D. Butler, Honorable Louis E. Caldera, Honorable Carlos Cardozo Campbell, Ambassador (Ret.) Piper Campbell, Brigadier General (Ret.) George J. Cannelos, Ambassador (Ret.) David L. Carden, Dr. Patrick Carrick, Mr. Steven A. Cash, Ambassador (Ret.) Judith Beth Cefkin, Mr. Christopher M. Centner, Ambassador (Ret.) Wendy Chamberlin, Ambassador (Ret.) Daniel A. Clune, Mr. Harry Coker Jr., Honorable Erin C. Conaton, Ambassador (Ret.) Elinor G. Constable, Mr. Patrick C. Costello, Ambassador (Ret.) William Courtney, Mr. Allen B. Craft, Mr. Daniel T. Crocker, Ms. Marilee Cunningham, Ambassador (Ret.) James B. Cunningham, Ambassador (Ret.) Walter Cutler, Honorable Janine Davidson, Ambassador (Ret.) Glyn T. Davies, Ambassador (Ret.) Ruth A. Davis, Rear Admiral (Ret.) Scott Deitchman, MD, MPH, Ambassador (Ret.) Greg Delawie, Major General (Ret.) Richard T. Devereaux, Ambassador (Ret.) Miguel H. Diaz, Ms. Suzanne DiMaggio, Ambassador (Ret.) Kathleen Ann Doherty, Ambassador (Ret.) Shaun Donnelly, Ambassador (Ret.) Thomas Dougherty, Honorable John Wade Douglass, Ambassador (Ret.) David J. Dunford, Major General (Ret.) Paul D. Eaton, Ambassador (Ret.) Luigi R. Einaudi, Ambassador (Ret.) Susan M. Elliott, Ambassador (Ret.) Gregory W. Engle, Honorable William Enyart, Major General (Ret.) John L. Estrada, Ms. Elisa Catalano Ewers, Ambassador (Ret.) Kenneth J. Fairfax, Dr. Evelyn N. Farkas, Ph.D., Brigadier General (Ret.) Robert Felderman, Ambassador (Ret.) Gerald Feierstein, Brigadier General Robert Felderman (Ret.), Ms. Ilsa Ferro, Ambassador (Ret.) Kathleen M. Fitzpatrick, Honorable Michele A. Flournoy, Ambassador (Ret.) Robert S. Ford, Ms. Stephanie Foster, Major General (Ret.) Eugene Fox, Vice Admiral (ret.) Michael Franken, Ms. Anita E. Friedt, Ambassador (Ret.) Julie Furuta-Toy, Mr. Melvin Gamble, Lieutenant General Robert G. Gard Jr., Master Gunnery Sergeant (Ret.) Joseph H. Geeter, Ambassador (Ret.) Robert S. Gelbard, Honorable Rose Gottemoeller, Ambassador (Ret.) Gordon Gray, Vice Admiral (Ret.) Kevin P. Green, Ms. Naima Green-Riley, Vice Admiral (Ret.) Lee Gunn, Rear Admiral (Ret.) Donald J. Guter, Ambassador (Ret.) Lino Gutierrez, Ambassador (Ret.) Sheila Gwaltney, Ambassador (Ret.) Ken Hackett, Ambassador (Ret.) Pamela K. Hamamoto, Rear Admiral (Ret.) Janice M. Hamby, Ambassador (Ret.) S. Fitzgerald Haney, Lieutenant (Ret.) Kenneth E. Harbaugh, Rear Admiral (Ret.) Charles Dulaney Harr, Ambassador (Ret.) Anthony Stephen Harrington, Ambassador (Ret.) Douglas Hartwick, Dr. and Major General (Ret.) Ralph L. Haynes, Mr. Leif Hall Hendrickson, Rear Admiral (Ret.) Leendert ``Len'' Hering, Ms. Margaret H. Henoch, Ambassador (Ret.) Bruce Alan Heyman, Ambassador (Ret.) William H. Hill, Honorable Eric L. Hirschhorn, Ambassador (Ret.) Heather Hodges, Ms. Sally K. Horn, Ms. Sharon A. Houy, Ambassador (Ret.) Thomas C. Hubbard, Ambassador (Ret.) Vicki J. Huddleston, Ambassador (Ret.) Cameron Hume, Honorable Robert Hutchings, Rear Admiral (Ret.) John D. Hutson, Admiral (Ret.) Bobby R. Inman, Rear Admiral (Ret.) Lawrence B. Jackson, Ambassador (Ret.) Janice Jacobs, Ambassador (Ret.) Susan Jacobs, Ambassador (Ret.) David Jacobson, Ambassador (Ret.) Roberta Jacobson, Ambassador (Ret.) Dennis C. Jett, Ambassador (Ret.) Brenda Johnson, Ambassador (Ret.) David T. Johnson, Representative (Ret.) Donald Johnson, Brigadier General (Ret.) James D. Johnson, Mr. Lionel C. Johnson, Ms. Susan R. Johnson, Ambassador (Ret.) Deborah Jones, Ambassador (Ret.) John Melvin Jones, Ambassador (Ret.) Richard H. Jones, Lieutenant General (Ret.) Jan-Marc Jouas, Mr. Philip Karsting, Ambassador (Ret.) Richard D. Kauzlarich, Ambassador (Ret.) Craig Kelly, Honorable Raymond D. Kemp Sr., Ambassador (Ret.) Laura Kennedy, Ambassador (Ret.) David T. Killion, Ambassador (Ret.) Michael Klosson, Dr. Susan J. Koch, Ambassador (Ret.) Eleni Kounalakis, Ambassador (Ret.) Lisa Kubiske, Ambassador (Ret.) Daniel Kurtzer, Ambassador (Ret.) Mark P. Lagon, Mr. Brett B. Lambert, Ambassador (Ret.) Joyce E. Leader, Ambassador (Ret.) Richard LeBaron, Vice Admiral (Ret.) Michael A. LeFever, Ambassador (Ret.) Alfonso E. Lenhardt, Major General (Ret.) Michael Lehnert, Ambassador (Ret.) Michael C. Lemmon, Major General (Ret.) Steven J. Lepper, Ambassador (Ret.) Melvyn Levitsky, Ambassador (Ret.) Dawn Liberi, Dr. David M. Litchman, Ambassador (Ret.) David C. Litt, Ambassador (Ret.) Hugo Llorens, Ambassador (Ret.) Carmen Lomellin, Ms. Kerry Lowry, Mr. Frank E. Loy, Lieutenant General (Ret.) Charles D. Luckey, Ambassador (Ret.) Douglas Lute, Rear Admiral (Ret.) Ron J. Maclaren, Rear Admiral (Ret.) Archer M. Macy, Major General (Ret.) Albert J. Madara, Ambassador (Ret.) Deborah R. Malac, Ambassador (Ret.) Eileen A. Malloy, Ambassador (Ret.) Steven R. Mann, Major General (Ret.) Randy Manner, Major General (Ret.) Frederick H. Martin, Ambassador (Ret.) Vilma S. Martinez, Ambassador (Ret.) Gail Dennise Mathieu, Ambassador (Ret.) Jack F. Matlock Jr., Ms. Barbara Estock Mays, Ambassador (Ret.) Deborah Ann McCarthy, Mr. Michael V. Mcclary, Ambassador (Ret.) Donald McConnell, Rear Admiral (Ret.) William J. McDaniel, Ambassador (Ret.) Michael McFaul, Ambassador (Ret.) Steven McGann, Mr. David L. McGinnis, Mr. James McIlmail, Brigadier General (Ret.) Joseph V. Medina, Ms. Subhi Mehdi, Ambassador (Ret.) Thomas J. Miller, Rear Admiral (Ret.) Michael H. Mittelman, Ambassador (Ret.) Patricia N. Moller, Brigadier General (Ret.) Mark A. Montjar, Ms. Regina T. Montoya, Vice Admiral Edward Moore, Ambassador (Ret.) Roderick W. Moore, Mr. Edward T. (Tom) Morehouse, Ambassador (Ret.) Luis G. Moreno, Ambassador (Ret.) Allan Mustard, Ambassador (Ret.) Larry C. Napper, Ambassador (Ret.) David D. Nelson, Ms. Barbara Estock Mays, Ambassador (Ret.) Deborah Ann McCarthy, Mr. Michael V. McClary, Ambassador (Ret.) Donald McConnell, Rear Admiral (Ret.) William J. McDaniel, Ambassador (Ret.) Michael McFaul, Ambassador (Ret.) Steven McGann, Mr. David L. McGinnis, Mr. James McIlmail, Brigadier General (Ret.) Joseph V. Medina, Ms. Subhi Mehd, Ambassador (Ret.) Wanda Nesbitt, Mr. Brian H. Nilsson, Ambassador (Ret.) Crystal Nix-Hines, Ms. Suzanne Nossel, Honorable Sean O'Keefe, Ambassador (Ret.) Kevin F. O'Malley, Rear Admiral (Ret.) David Rogers Oliver, Jr. Ambassador (Ret.) Richard G. Olson, Mr. Stanley A. Otto, Ambassador (Ret.) Maurice S Parker, Ambassador (Ret.) William Robert Pearson, Ambassador (Ret.) Tom Perriello, Ambassador (Ret.) June Carter Perry, Ambassador (Ret.) Robert C. Perry, Honorable F. Whitten Peters, Ambassador (Ret.) James D. Pettit, Ms. Annie Pforzheimer, Major General (Ret.) Jeffrey E. Phillips, Ambassador Thomas R. Pickering, Mr. William Richard Piekney, Ambassador (Ret.) Steven Pifer, Ambassador (Ret.) Joan Plaisted, Lieutenant Colonel (Ret.) Joseph M. Plenzler, Ambassador (Ret.) Michael C. Polt, Ambassador (Ret.) Jo Ellen Powell, Mr. Jeffrey Pryce, Ambassador (Ret.) Jon R. Purnell, Ms. Karen Puschel Segal, Rear Admiral (Ret.) William Putnam, Honorable Marilyn A. Quagliotti, Ambassador (Ret.) Jack R. Binns, Major General (Ret.) William M. Rajczak, Ambassador (Ret.) Robin Raphel, Ambassador (Ret.) Charles Ray, Ambassador (Ret.) Frankie Reed, Ambassador (Ret.) Helen Patricia Reed-Rowe, Mr. Ben Rhodes, Honorable Clyde E. Robbins, Ambassador (Ret.) Thomas Robertson, Ambassador (Ret.) Peter Romero, Ambassador (Ret.) Selwa Roosevelt, Ambassador (Ret.) Jim Rosapepe, Ambassador (Ret.) Leslie V. Rowe, Mr. Joel Rubin, Brigadier General (Ret.) Murray G. Sagsveen, Ms. Heather Samuelson, Ambassador (Ret.) Janet Sanderson, Ambassador (Ret.) Miriam Sapiro, Ambassador (Ret.) Teresita C. Schaffer, Ambassador (Ret.) Andrew H. Schapiro, Ambassador (Ret.) Arthur Schechter, Mr. James Schumaker, Mr. Jack Segal, Lieutenant General (Ret.) Norman Seip, Congressman Joe Ambrose Sestak, Honorable Andrew J. Shapiro, Ambassador (Ret.) Mattie Sharpless, Honorable David B. Shear, Ambassador (Ret.) Robert A. Sherman, Dr. Russell Shilling, Ambassador (Ret.) Douglas A. Silliman, Ambassador (Ret.) Lawrence Silverman, Mr. John Sipher, Ambassador (Ret.) Emil M. Skodon, Rear Admiral (Ret.) Michael E. Smith, Brigadier General (Ret.) Paul Gregory Smith, Ambassador (Ret.) Alan Solomont, Ambassador (Ret.) Pamela L. Spratlen, Ambassador (Ret.) Sylvia Stanfield, Honorable Gregory Starr, Honorable Clifford L. Stanley, Major General (Ret.) Howard D. Standahl, Lieutenant General (Ret.) Mitchell Herman Stevenson, Lieutenant General (Ret.) Vincent Stewart, Ambassador (Ret.) Timothy Towell, Dr. Gregory F. Treverton, Major General (Ret.) F. Andrew Turley, Rear Admiral William S. Stokes, Ambassador (Ret.) Cynthia Stroum, Dr. Gordon Sumner, PhD, Ambassador (Ret.) Teddy Taylor, Ambassador (Ret.) Harry Thomas, Mr. Jack Thomas Tomarchio, Dr. Michael H. Van Dusen, Ambassador (Ret.) Alexander Vershbow, Ambassador (Ret.) Melanne Verveer, Ambassador (Ret.) Marcelle M. Wahba, Ambassador (Ret.) Jake Walles, Brigadier General (Ret.) George H. Walls, Jr., Brigadier General (Ret.) Steve Warnstadt, Ambassador (Ret.) Alexander Watson, Brigadier General (Ret.) Marianne Watson, Ambassador (Ret.) Linda E. Watt, Ambassador (Ret.) Earl Anthony Wayne, Honorable Andy Weber, Honorable William H. Webster, Lieutenant General (Ret.) Jack Weinstein, Ambassador (Ret.) Allan Wendt, Mr. Louis M. Werdebach, Ambassador (Ret.) Alexa Wesner, Ambassador (Ret.) David Bruce Wharton, Ambassador (Ret.) Kevin Whitaker, Ambassador (Ret.) Barry B. White, Ambassador (Ret.) Pamela White, Mr. Jon A. Wiant, Ambassador (Ret.) Bisa Williams, Major General (Ret.) Michael Wilson, Ambassador (Ret.) Frank G. Wisner, Brigadier General (Ret.) Kevin B. Wooton, Captain Pamela Jean Wynfield, Ambassador (Ret.) Kenneth Spencer Yalowitz, Ambassador (Ret.) John M. Yates, Ambassador (Ret.) Stephen M. Young, Ambassador (Ret.) Marie L. Yovanovitch, Honorable Joseph Zengerle, Honorable Jane B. Zimmerman.