Doug Collins

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, it appears we have exhausted the supply, so we are ready to close.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot) to speak about the bill.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I also rise in support of H.R. 498. This bill continues the House Judiciary Committee's commitment to addressing over- criminalization and over-federalization in our Nation's criminal code. Last Congress I was proud to work with my friend and colleague from New York (Mr. Jeffries) to develop and enact the First Step Act, the most significant piece of criminal justice reform legislation in decades. Today's bill, championed by Mr. Chabot of Ohio, builds off that great victory and continues that process. Part of the reasoning behind the First Step Act was that Congress, as our Nation's lawmaking body, can and should from time to time make reasonable revisions to Federal law to ensure our laws work efficiently and fairly. Today our criminal code is bloated with nearly 5,000 separate crimes. The bill before us begins to address that problem by eliminating nine sections of the Federal criminal code. Those sections either criminalize conduct that should not, fundamentally, be a Federal crime, or have never been prosecuted, or both. For instance, the unauthorized use of the Smokey Bear emblem, while problematic, should not land someone in a Federal penitentiary for 6 months, especially when there are civil statutes already on the books protecting this and other insignia. Mr. Speaker, this bill continues the Judiciary Committee's proven approach to criminal justice reform legislation, namely to take a scalpel, not a sledgehammer, to the criminal code. I would like to thank my colleague, Mr. Johnson of Georgia, and also my colleague on the Republican side of the Judiciary Committee, Mr. Chabot, for their work on this. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I support H.R. 439, and I would ask for favorable consideration. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, at this time, it is my privilege to yield as much time as he may consume to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Thompson).

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise today in support of H.R. 439, the National FFA Organization's Federal Charter Amendments Act. The Future Farmers of America was founded in 1928 to advance agricultural education and improve the quality of life of farming families across the country. At the first National FFA Convention in Kansas City, there were 33 delegates from 18 States. At the convention in 1929, 33 States were represented, and FFA had swelled to over 30,000 members nationwide. By 1939, FFA had become so large, it required a national headquarters, so it purchased part of George Washington's estate in Alexandria, Virginia, and began construction. During World War II, more than 138,000 FFA members were serving in the armed services. In 1949, the FFA introduced its first international exchange program with the Young Farmers Club of Great Britain. In 1950, Harry Truman signed a bill to grant the FFA a Federal charter, directing that a Department of Education staff member be the national FFA adviser. In 1959, President Truman became the first of a long line of Presidents to speak at the FFA National Convention. In 1969, the FFA created the Washington Leadership Conference to help students become more engaged citizens and to make a difference in their communities. Following Hurricane Katrina, the National FFA launched Seeds of Hope to help rebuild the Gulf Coast agricultural programs. This effort, combined with the National FFA Foundation, raised over $10 million for FFA's programs and services. Since its creation, FFA has grown to include more than 600,000 members across the country. It has built relationships with agricultural organizations around the world. Under FFA, students between the ages of 12 and 21 can be enrolled in a systematic course of instruction in agricultural education. Beyond the FFA's rich national history, it has held a special place in my home State of Georgia for decades. Georgia has the third largest State association, with more than 42,000 members. There are more than 342 chapters and more than 475 agricultural education teachers in the State. Georgia's FFA has also expanded its scholarship awards to help students access these agricultural education programs and reward the hard work of students. The Georgia FFA Association has worked to improve career opportunities of its members through partnership programs with businesses, educators, and legislators. Today's legislation makes the necessary amendments to the National FFA Organization's charter to allow for student officer vice presidents, to reflect the regional diversity of the United States. It also provides flexibility for national officers to reduce delays caused by vacant seats on the national board. These amendments will ensure the FFA's purpose matches the innovative and hands-on approach that many agriculture educations are implementing across the country. I would like to thank Representative James Langevin and Representative Glenn Thompson for their work on this legislation and for their support of FFA and agricultural learning. Mr. Speaker, I would also be remiss if I did not say that FFA is an organization that, when you see the blue jackets on, especially from my part of the world, it is something that also teaches young people leadership and vocal skills. It also is very special to my heart. Mr. Sutton was the agricultural and FFA adviser in North Hall High School when my daughter attended. My daughter, as many of you know, has spina bifida, and many of her recreational activities and others were limited. She got into agriculture and joined the FFA. She got into their speaker's program, and she would actually participate in the extemporaneous speaker's program. I watched this young lady take an FFA experience; I watched Mr. Sutton, a man of integrity and character who led the blue jackets in North Hall High School. When she would go, when they couldn't get access to a handicap bus, he would actually physically pick her wheelchair up and take her onto the bus himself. As a dad and as a Congressman, the blue jackets mean a lot; and when you see them coming, you know that there is good work being done. I could not be more proud to stand here today to ask for support for this legislation, for this charter to be renewed, for when we see agriculture in our economy, which is the most dominant industry we have, we know FFA stands behind it. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in recognition of Carol Martin, Chief of Police of the City of Gainesville. Chief Martin is retiring on January 31, 2019, after protecting and serving our city for over 32 years. First joining the Gainesville Police Department in January 1987 as a patrol officer, Chief Martin has dedicated her life to public safety. She has advanced through the ranks of investigator, sergeant, lieutenant, captain, and major, until August of 2014, when she made history as the very first female chief of police for the city of Gainesville. Chief Martin's career in law enforcement has been marked with excellence. In 1997, she was recognized by the Gainesville Elks Lodge as Police Chief of the Year; and in 2003 and 2007, the Gainesville Kiwanis Club presented her with the John W. Jacobs, Sr., Memorial Award for her excellence in law enforcement. She is an active member of the International and Georgia Associations of Chiefs of Police and serves as a board member on the Gainesville Rape Response and the Georgia Law Enforcement State Certification Program. Her resume is superseded only by her character. For over three decades, Chief Martin has made great sacrifices to serve and protect our communities. As the son of a Georgia State trooper, I understand firsthand the dangers that our law enforcement officers face each and every day. Chief Martin has continually put her life on the line so that the people of Gainesville do not have to fear for their own. I want to congratulate Chief Carol Martin on her retirement. But most of all, I want to thank her for her dedicated life of service to the rule of law and protecting the people of northeast Georgia and for being a dear friend of mine.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to discuss an individual and honor an individual who was a Member of this body for many, many years from the State of Georgia, and he just ended his term as Governor for the last 8 years, Nathan Deal. I saw yesterday, as I was looking through some pictures on social media, there was a picture that showed, as it should properly show when you think of Nathan Deal, him leaving the capitol for the last time, arm in arm with his beloved Sandra. That is the way they have governed for the last 8 years. Nathan Deal has brought a sense of accomplishment; he has brought a sense of pride. Not only did he do that up here in the Halls of Congress where he served us ably and was on the Energy and Commerce Committee and took the interests of Georgia to heart in everything that he did, when he went back to Georgia, though, and became our Governor, I believe he hit his stride that has brought Georgia so far in the last 8 years. When he first got there, I was in the State legislature, and I was honored that I was part of his team as the Governor's floor leader. At that time, our rainy day fund was basically nonexistent. It is now over $2 billion. At that time, we had a fledgling beginning industry in films and motion pictures that has now become the envy, literally, of the world and one of the top places in all of the world to make blockbuster films. He has taken an aging infrastructure and transportation plan and, now, has given hope to that transportation plan in Georgia. But also, when I came here to Congress, and last Congress, we were able to work on criminal justice reform with this President and this administration. But in many ways, it would not have happened up here if it had not been for Governor Nathan Deal. When he went to Georgia, he began to look at our criminal justice system. He began to look at how we were treating those who needed a second chance, who needed the hope that was provided in a system that was not providing what it needed to. Nathan Deal took a stand, and Georgia has become an international leader in how we deal with our criminal justice system and how we take care of those individuals. We have seen crime rates decrease; we have seen families put back together; we have seen a better Georgia. Personally, I have known Governor Deal for almost 35, 40 years. I played basketball with his son. He and Sandra and my mom and dad would actually work in the concession stands together at North Hall High School many years ago. That is Nathan Deal. He has never been afraid to do the hard work, to not take the claim or the glory, but he just got the job done. As Governor, he raised civil discourse in Georgia. He made people think, and he made our State better. So, yesterday, as I saw the picture of Governor Deal and Sandra arm in arm, I could not help but think how this man has touched so many lives, including my own, with phone calls, with encouragement to be a better person, and also, in our case, to be a better State. Georgia has been honored to have Nathan Deal as Governor for the last 8 years. We are looking forward to a new administration with Brian Kemp, but I will have to say, those are big shoes to fill. Governor Deal, you did us proud. Recognizing Carol Martin, Gainesville Chief of Police

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Madam Speaker, we have heard from many here today, and I think we have all come to a common theme, and the common theme goes back to the simple rule that most of us would have learned growing up--and we have heard it referenced here today, but it may be as simple as in kindergarten--you hold hands; you look after each other; you treat people with respect no matter where they come from, what they look like, what the color of their skin is, what their gender may be, or what religion they may practice. What is true on the floor today and what should be true in the hearts of every American--and, frankly, not just every American, but those around the world--is that we realize that we have been given a gift by God, that we have been given the strength by God, and we have been given the hope by God to treat each other with dignity, respect, and love. When we understand that, then it takes away. But we also, Madam Speaker, today have realized that, when we as Members speak, people pay attention and people hold us accountable. We have talked about that in many ways, and that cannot continue in the way that we have seen it. White supremacy is wrong. White nationalism is wrong. Anti-Semitism is wrong. When we divide ourselves and we classify ourselves against each other, we bring ourselves down, not those whom we go after. As long as we ever have anyone in this country who believes that they can climb to the top on the backs of others because they make fun of their race, their gender, their ethnicity, or any other thing, then we devalue the very breath that God gives us. Madam Speaker, as I said earlier when I opened this up, there is not anyone we face today, anyone we come in contact with today who is not inherently and deeply loved by God. And it is pretty simple; He breathed life into them. I believe it with all that I am here. And if I can believe that God created each and every person I see and everything we see around us, how can I not value that creation? How can I not stand against anyone who would tear that down, especially if there was ever a thought in this country from anybody, anywhere, to take and say this is a Christian value? Then I challenge them and say there will be a judgment. It is already written down that no man stands that way. So today it is pretty simple. Place a ``yes'' vote on the floor. We support this resolution because it is not an American value; it is not what we stand for. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, may I inquire the time I have left.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, may I inquire of the time remaining in the debate.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Reschenthaler), who is a freshman.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Utah (Mr. Stewart).

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from West Virginia (Mrs. Miller).

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King).

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, this resolution resolves that ``the House of Representatives once again rejects white nationalism and white supremacy as hateful expressions of intolerance that are contradictory to the values that define the people of the United States,'' and with that I agree. As the ranking member of the Judiciary Committee, I would like to use my time to consider with my colleagues how firmly America has stood, and continues to stand, against white supremacy. It is a basic human flaw that our eyes open to truth too slowly and close on wickedness too quickly. Today, we have the opportunity to renew our gaze at the truth about our fellow men and women, and that each of them is created with untold dignity and worth. As a result, we recognize that white supremacy and white nationalism peddle lies about our brothers and sisters in dignity. We reject these lies, and we stand on the shoulders of Americans who have gone before us in rejecting white supremacy and racism. As Martin Luther King, Jr., observed, ``When the architects of our Republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men''--yes, Black men as well as White men--``would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.'' Dr. King's words are historical fact rooted in universal truth. America's Founders gave us an incredible inheritance in the Declaration of Independence, in which they said ``all men are created equal.'' This declaration helped the Founders and all Americans who have lived after them identify the many ways that we dishonor that equality, recognize and rectify it, and set a more just path forward. In 1807, President Thomas Jefferson--himself a slave owner--publicly supported the abolition of the slave trade, imploring Congress to ``withdraw the citizens of the United States from all further participation in those violations of human rights which have been so long continued on the unoffending inhabitants of Africa.'' George Washington said, ``There is not a man living who wishes more sincerely than I do to see a plan adopted for the abolition of slavery.'' John Adams wrote that ``Every measure of prudence, therefore, ought to be assumed for the eventual tota extirpation of slavery from the United States . . . `' and ``I have, through my whole life, held the practice of slavery in . . . abhorrence.'' Benjamin Franklin believed ``Slavery is . . . an atrocious debasement of human nature.'' Alexander Hamilton cited racial prejudice as something that ``makes us fancy many things that are founded neither in reason nor experience.'' And James Madison wrote that ``We have seen the mere distinction of color made in the most enlightened period of time, a ground of the most oppressive dominion ever exercised by man over man.'' The words of our Founders indict anyone who would believe that white supremacy or actions born out of that world view is in any way defensible. It does all Americans good to revisit our path out of darkness that feeds racial injustice so that we never find ourselves slipping back, but rather move forward knowing that we are all created equal and all are created in God's image. At the beginning of the American Revolution, slavery existed in all the 13 original States, and the slave trade with Africa was carried on unconstrained. Official actions to abolish slavery began in 1774, before independence was even declared, and this moral movement gained substantial ground over the next 35 years. Delegates to the First Continental Congress in 1774 pledged to stop the importation of slaves into America, and by 1798 every State had outlawed slave importation. During the founding era, eight States proceeded to abolish slavery, either gradually or immediately. Were these good steps? Yes. Were they enough? Certainly not. Congress passed the Northwest Ordinance in 1787, forbidding slavery in the territory where the future States of Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, and Wisconsin would be established. This law proved to be decisive in ending slavery in America. In the 1850s, Abraham Lincoln cited the Northwest Ordinance frequently to show that the Founders opposed the expansion of slavery. And, in the 1860s, these States, along with a number of their fellow States, formed the coalition that elected Lincoln President, won the Civil War, and abolished slavery nationwide. The principle that all men are created equal and have a fundamental right to liberty gave the emancipation movement its foundation. As James Madison wrote in the Federalist Papers, defending the ratification of the Constitution, the Constitution was grounded on ``the fundamental principles of the revolution,'' namely, ``the transcendent laws of nature and of nature's God'' and ``the rights of humanity announced in the Declaration of Independence.'' Our first Republican President, Lincoln, understood this well. When Lincoln was a young man, he said the Founders established ``political institutions, conducing more essentially to the ends of civil and religious liberty, than any of which the history of former times tell us.'' In the Gettysburg Address, President Lincoln explained that America was ``conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.'' As Lincoln argued to his opponent, Stephen Douglas, this equality applies to all human beings, regardless of race. When President Lincoln spoke of America's earlier days, he said, ``I will remind Judge Douglas and this audience, that while Mr. Jefferson was the owner of slaves, as undoubtedly he was, in speaking upon this very subject, he used the strong language that he trembled for his Nation when he remembered that God was just.'' Mr. Speaker, from my faith background, I will tell you, God is just, and I do tremble when I consider his justice. I tremble when any person, in any way, pretends that white supremacy has any affinity with the Christian faith or its heritage, and, frankly, am very offended when that is brought up. The Bible is clear on the equality of all people. White people are entitled to no special privilege on this Earth, and they will have no unique standing in heaven. In fact, my Bible tells me we will all give account for what we do. Heaven is a place where every person there is united in bowing before the God who made us equal. Knowing this, we understand that we should use this life to honor our brothers and sisters without exception. As James tells us, ``If you really fulfill the royal law according to the Scripture, `You shall love your neighbor as yourself,' you are doing well. But if you show partiality, you are committing sin.'' Partiality is unacceptable in God's economy, and racial prejudice finds no shelter among American values. Favoritism rooted in racism is evil in all its forms, including white supremacy and white nationalism. Today, Madam Speaker, is a day like many others. Today, like every day, the world is watching America to see if we still believe in equality, if we still elevate human dignity at every turn, and if we will reject hypocrisy whenever it tries to take root among us. Today, our fellow citizens are watching to see their leaders live out the American principles alongside them. Today, I stand here with colleagues to reaffirm these values and reject white supremacy as both dangerous and foolish. Its tenets are as ridiculous as America's democracy is remarkable. Today, Madam Speaker, our message is, as it ever was, that every person is created equal in value, and that the hill of equality is one Americans will stand tall to defend, and, yes, even die to defend. We are all, Madam Speaker, created in God's wonderful image. He made us and he breathed life into us. We are the very essence of his beloved creation. There is not a person you will find today, Madam Speaker, no one--I challenge you from the depths of any prison, to the sidewalks of any major city, anywhere in this country, White, Black, any color imaginable, any race imaginable, any place that they come from, male or female--there is not one person you will find today that, when you look into their eyes, they are not deeply beloved by their God who created them, and how can we choose any different. Any ideology that comes in face-to-face confrontation with God's creation is an abomination, and that is exactly what this ideology is. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to clause 4 of rule XVI, I move that when the House adjourns today, it adjourn to meet at noon tomorrow.

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia

Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I urge adoption of S. 2896, and I yield back the balance of my time.