James Comer

Mr. COMER

Mr. COMER. Mr. Chair, I rise in support of the amendment. Perhaps no part of Bidenflation has been more painful than its impacts on food and energy prices. One can hardly imagine kitchen-table issues greater than those. Bidenflation is causing food prices to skyrocket, as well as the prices for energy to cook it and the prices of the gasoline needed to get to the market. The list goes painfully on. My colleague's amendment makes sure that when the President is considering major executive orders, he will be informed in a crystal- clear way of the inflationary impacts his orders may have on food and energy prices. It is my hope that will bring some relief to our constituents at their kitchen tables. Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this amendment.

Mr. COMER. Mr. Chair, I rise in support of the Roy amendment. My colleague's amendment removes exceptions in the bill to the requirement that inflation impact assessments be prepared for all major executive orders. With historic inflation created by this administration's inflationary policies, as well as the previous House majority's excessive, unnecessary spending spree, historic inflation is harming households across the Nation. Our focus should be on doing everything we can to protect our constituents against further inflation. Extending the bill's requirement to all major executive orders is one way we can do that, and that will not unduly burden the President. After all, the bill's requirements do not prevent any executive order from being issued. They just make sure the President is aware of the inflationary impact that his orders may threaten because I don't think my friends on the other side of the aisle realize how much these orders have impacted inflation. So I hope that this helps stop the Bidenflation at its source by helping President Biden to see that the inflationary consequences of his actions at the time he is considering them. I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes''.

Mr. COMER. Mr. Chair, I rise in support of the Perry amendment. My colleague's amendment extends the bill's coverage to executive orders with annual impacts of $1 million or more. This makes sure inflation assessments will be prepared for most executive orders. This is not an undue burden on the President. Even at President Biden's relatively blistering pace, he has issued only 107 executive orders over more than 2 years. I submit that, with today's sky-high inflation continuing and with no clear end in sight, it is important that the inflationary impacts of most of President Biden's executive orders should be assessed. If my colleague's amendment is adopted, they will be. Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this amendment.

Mr. COMER. Mr. Chair, I rise in support of the Perry amendment. The one thing that has become clearly obvious to me, Mr. Chairman, is the fact that my friends on the other side of the aisle, they have no idea how much inflation this administration's policies have created for the American people. That is the perfect reason why we need to support this bill, as amended; if for no other reason, so we can help our friends on the other side of the aisle have some type of measurement so they can see how damaging their policies and their out-of-control spending has been on everyday, average Americans when they go to the grocery store, when they fill up their gas tank, when they try to pay their rents now. My colleague's amendment is a wise one. This bill requires inflation impact assessments to be prepared for the President's executive orders, but as we all know, the executive branch routinely does as little as possible to comply with assessment and reporting requirements Congress imposes on it. This amendment makes sure the executive branch will include in its inflation impact assessments detailed descriptions of the effects the President's executive orders have on inflation, not just back-of-the- envelope sketches. In other words, it makes sure the executive branch will comply with the spirit of the bill, not just its letter. Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on the Perry amendment.

Mr. COMER. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. COMER. Mr. Chairman, my colleague's amendment, unlike some others offered, would not eliminate requirements for inflation-impacted assessments. What it would do is overburden the assessments with a host of issues that do not have much to do with inflation. What are those issues? The list is quite extensive, but let me highlight a few. There are the annual economic values of publicly provided goods and services, higher education, and time spent on leisure activities and outdoor recreation. There are the annual economic costs of lost leisure time due to traffic congestion, accidents involving motor vehicles, and the depletion of the ozone layer. In other words, inflation would no longer be the bill's focus. Under this amendment, it would just be one factor among many other things, but that is how we got to where we are. Inflation is running rampant precisely because the administration is ignoring the inflationary impact of its policies, and it is ignoring the deep harm that inflation is inflicting on the American people. That is why inflation should be the focus of this bill. Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COMER. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.

Mr. COMER

Mr. COMER. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. COMER. Madam Chair, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Colorado (Mrs. Boebert).

Mr. COMER. Madam Chair, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from New York.

Mr. COMER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and insert extraneous material on H.R. 347.

Mr. COMER. Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Chair, I rise in support of H.R. 347, the Reduce Exacerbated Inflation Negatively Impacting the Nation Act, or REIN IN Act. This legislation is timely and clearly needed. Sky-high inflation started sweeping across the Nation soon after the Biden administration came into power. Pushing one big-spending policy after another, President Biden has continued to throw fuel on the inflationary fire. That fire is rapidly consuming the wages of our constituents. They have had to pay higher and higher prices for everything from eggs to electricity, all while inflation pushes their real wages further and further behind. President Biden just does not seem to get it or admit it. At first, he and his administration ignored warnings his policies would spark inflation. Then, they tried to spin the tale that inflation was only temporary. Then, when it became obvious to everyone that was not the case, they attempted to claim that a monthly decrease in the rate of how fast inflation was rising meant inflation was actually falling, but anyone could see that made no sense. It is long past time the President learned and admitted more about how his actions have led to this harmful inflation. That is why we need this bill. The REIN IN Act ensures that costly actions the President decides to take solely under his own authority through executive orders will not go into effect until he is informed of and considers the potential inflationary effects. How does the bill require that? Simple. It requires the President to receive and consider inflation estimates from the Office of Management and Budget and the Council of Economic Advisers for each executive order that is projected to cause an annual gross budgetary effect of at least $1 billion. The hope is the President, once he is informed of and understands the potential for inflationary harm from his own policy initiatives, will think twice about inflicting such harm. Here is hoping he does. In addition, the bill requires regular reports to Congress on these new inflation estimates that are prepared for and considered by the President. That way, if the President ignores the dangers and marches ahead with an inflation-inducing policy, Congress will be better equipped to take timely action to rein in an irresponsible use of Presidential power. That is our constitutional role in the legislative branch, which the REIN IN Act recognizes. This powerful legislative medicine will, I hope, lead the President to stop his inflationary onslaught on our economy. Madam Chair, I urge all of my colleagues to support this vital legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COMER. Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume. My amendment is a manager's amendment to enhance in two ways this already very good bill. First, my amendment expands the bill's coverage. Instead of just covering executive orders with more than $1 billion in annual effect on the Federal budget, it would also cover executive orders with overall economic impact on our Nation's economy of $1 billion or more. We should have inflation-impact assessments for executive orders with such significant economic effects. One such order, for example, would surely be Executive Order No. 13992, by which President Biden revoked President Trump's major regulatory reform orders. As we all know, President Trump's orders contributed massively to the booming economy America had during the last administration. Beyond doubt, their revocation inflicted more than $1 billion of annual harm on the economy. Their repeal also makes it harder for American companies to produce a host of goods and services. That will raise inflation by making those goods and services scarcer and more costly. Other good examples are Executive Orders Nos. 13990 and 14008. These are whole-of-government executive orders by President Biden on climate policy. These orders canceled the Keystone pipeline and launched a host of high-cost regulatory actions, particularly affecting energy. Those executive orders surely contributed to the sky-high energy inflation Americans have experienced under President Biden. The second way my amendment improves the bill is by requiring the White House's inflation-impact assessments to be reported not just to the House and Senate Budget Committees but also to the House Oversight and Accountability Committee and the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee. These committees of cross-cutting jurisdiction should receive these annual reports. Madam Chair, I urge all of my colleagues to support my amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. COMER. Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. COMER. Madam Chair, I rise in support of my colleague's amendment, which makes an important improvement to the bill. The sky-high inflation America is experiencing under the Biden administration hits hard military families, rural areas, and farm households. Too often, these vital groups of our constituents get short shrift in Washington's policy considerations. My friend's amendment makes sure that will not happen when it comes to the inflation impact assessments this bill requires. Madam Chair, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this amendment.

Mr. COMER. Madam Chair, I rise in support of the amendment. The REIN IN Act already ensures both the President and Congress receive the inflation impact assessment the bill requires. My colleague's amendment guarantees another vital recipient gets these assessments, as well: that recipient is the American people, who are bearing the brunt of Bidenflation. Once the White House assessments are posted on the Office of Management and Budget's website plain as day, as my friend's amendment requires, the American people will be able to know and judge better for themselves how the President is impacting their daily lives. Madam Chair, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on the amendment.

Mr. COMER. Madam Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Stefanik), the sponsor of the bill.

Mr. COMER. Madam Chair, I have no further speakers, and I am prepared to close.

Mr. COMER. Madam Chair, I rise in support of the amendment. Often when inflation is considered, people fail to consider one of its important effects. That effect is on how much more it costs taxpayers to pay interest on our Federal debt. Those interest payments are high, and they spike higher when interest rates rise. The Congressional Budget Office estimated that the Federal Government would pay $400 billion in interest on the Federal debt during fiscal year 2022. The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget projected at the time that for every 1 percent increase in interest rates, those annual payments would rise by $38 billion. Remember, that was for fiscal year 2022, when the Federal debt and interest rates were lower than they are now. My colleague's amendment makes sure the impact on the Federal debt service costs will not be overlooked in the inflation impact assessments the bill requires. Madam Chair, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this amendment.

Mr. COMER. Madam Chair, I yield myself the balance of my time. This legislation asks every Member to answer two simple questions. First, do you want the President to know what the inflationary dangers are before he takes executive actions? Second, when the President knows about the economic dangers of a policy and inflicts them on our constituents anyway, do you want to be better informed so that Congress can take the necessary action to rein in the executive branch? The answers to both of those questions ought to be yes. This bill makes sure both the President and the Congress have the necessary information so we can discharge our duties more efficiently and responsibly. Our constituents back home, who have been suffering from the inflationary effects of Washington's poorly thought-out policies, deserve nothing less. I urge my colleagues to support this much-needed bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. COMER

Mr. COMER. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 97, I call up the joint resolution (H.J. Res. 26) disapproving the action of the District of Columbia Council in approving the Revised Criminal Code Act of 2022, and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. COMER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record four letters of support for this resolution, letters from the D.C. Police Union, National Fraternal Order of Police, National Association of Police Organizations, and the Federal Law Enforcement Officers Association. DC Police Union, Washington, DC, February 6, 2023. Speaker Kevin McCarthy, House of Representatives, Washington, DC. Dear Speaker McCarthy: I am writing as Chairman of the Fraternal Order of Police, Metropolitan Police Department Labor Committee, D.C. Police Union (``D.C. Police Union'') and on behalf of the nearly 3,500 members of the D.C. Police Union regarding in support of the disapproval resolution regarding a dangerous law that the D.C. Council has passed that will embolden criminals, dramatically increase crime, and render police officers in the District powerless to adequately police the City. On January 17, 2023, the D.C. Council overrode Mayor Muriel Bowser's veto of the Revised Criminal Code Act of 2022 (the ``RCCA''). The RCCA eliminates mandatory minimum sentences for all crimes, drastically reduces the maximum penalties for crimes such as carjacking, and eliminates accomplice liability for felony murder. The provisions in this bill will create lawlessness, prevent police from holding criminals accountable, and increase the number of officers who leave the department. The RCCA Eliminates Mandatory Minimum Sentences and Dramatically Reduces Statutory Maximum Sentences The RCCA eliminates all mandatory minimum sentences in the District and dramatically reduces the statutory maximum sentence which may be imposed for nearly all crimes. This reckless legislation brings the District into uncharted and dangerous territory. Indeed, the Council has conceded that ``no U.S. jurisdiction has entirely eliminated mandatory minimums.'' Despite this, the Council has persisted in its irresponsible encouragement of lawlessness in the District. The RCCA promotes crime by eliminating the certainty of punishment for offenders through the elimination of mandatory minimums while simultaneously stripping judges of the ability to impose a punishment that matches the severity of the offense through the dramatic reduction in statutory maximums. Elimination of Accomplice Liability for Felony Murder Prosecutions Section 22A-2201 of the RRCA eliminates accomplice liability for felony murder prosecutions in the District. Accomplice liability for felony murder is critical in establishing liability across multiple perpetrators when evidence is otherwise unable to prove which perpetrator committed the ``lethal act.'' By eliminating accomplice liability, the RCCA ensures that police and prosecutors will be unable to hold the most violent and dangerous criminals accountable. Reduction in Penalties for Carjacking The RCCA dramatically decreases the penalties for carjackings, despite the fact that carjackings have spiked in the District over the past two years. The RCCA endangers District residents and encourages lawlessness by reducing the penalties for carjacking offenses. Doing so also removes a critical degree of discretion from judges who, previously, were given proper latitude to craft a punishment that fit the severity of the crime. Requirement of MPD Officers to Undergo an Indeterminate Amount of Extensive Training The sweeping changes to the criminal code in the RCCA will require D.C. police officers to receive extensive training and learn and entirely new criminal code in the District. The extensive retraining and overtime that will be required comes at a time when the number of officers in the District is at historical lows as a result of anti-police legislation passed by the Council. The RCCA will undoubtedly take a further toll of D.C. police officers and accelerate the current exodus of officers from the District. This anti-police, pro-crime law will create a mass exodus of police officers from the District and will unquestionably make the District of Columbia more dangerous for citizens who live in the District, individuals who work in the District, and tourists that travel to the District. As a result, the D.C. Police Union strongly urges the House Oversight and Accountability Committee to take all action necessary to prevent this reckless legislation from becoming law. Respectfully, Greggory Pemberton, Chairman, D.C. Police Union.

Mr. COMER. The D.C. Revised Criminal Code Act of 2022 is irresponsible. It is dangerous. It is playing with the livelihoods of all who live in or visit D.C. by gutting the local justice system and allowing emboldened criminals to remain on the streets. This Congress must swiftly exercise its constitutional role concerning the District of Columbia and reject this misguided legislation from going into effect. I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to unite in support of law and order and support this necessary resolution of disapproval. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. COMER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Scalise).

Mr. COMER. Mr. Speaker, it appears my Democratic colleagues would rather disregard their statutory responsibility in the Home Rule Act. How convenient to pick and choose when to do their duty. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Clyde) who is the sponsor of the resolution.