Eli Crane

Mr. CRANE

Mr. CRANE. Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. CRANE. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CRANE. Madam Chair, my colleague brings up that the Ukrainians were a Democrat sovereign state prior to the war to justify their President Zelenskyy canceling elections. I doubt my Democrat colleagues on the other side, Madam Chair, would feel the same way if President Trump were to cancel elections while we are at war. I don't think that justifies at all canceling elections. Madam Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CRANE. Madam Chair, I will comment really quickly on something that my colleague said. He made the typical ``we are fighting for diplomatic values'' argument. I want to reiterate that the Ukrainian leadership has suspended national elections under martial law, banned rival political parties, and moved against domestic media outlets it considers a security threat. Those are hardly democratic values. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Chair, I rise in support of my amendment which ends the Department of War's security assistance to Ukraine for the coming fiscal year apart from funding to protect our Embassy. For decades, the American people have made clear their opposition to using taxpayer dollars to position the United States as the world's police force. We have spent blood and resources overseas yet have achieved few tangible wins for hardworking citizens while our Nation has deteriorated from within. Today, Congress appropriated approximately $187 billion for Ukraine and the broader response to this war, funding that could instead go toward problems here at home. We don't have a clear picture of where all of it has ended up. The Government Accountability Office has already found that the Department of War has misvalued billions of dollars in weapons handed over to Ukraine. Furthermore, the Department's own inspector general has flagged gaps in tracking equipment that went missing or was destroyed. Despite the inspector general and independent auditors flagging corruption, risks, and gaps in oversight, Congress keeps appropriating anyway. It is sensible to pause and audit our prior funding before continuing to deliver substantial resources. We also must weigh our own bandwidth given the unrest in the Middle East and rising tensions in the Pacific. Every dollar asset we commit to Ukraine is a dollar or asset unavailable to deter threats more directly relevant to America's national security. According to the Center for Strategic and International Studies, our stockpiles of key munitions, such as Patriot interceptors are already stretched thin by simultaneous demands from the Middle East, the Pacific, and Ukraine. We can't simply flip a switch to restock these weapons as rebuilding depleted inventories requires years of effort and significant cost. Rather than bringing us closer to a lasting resolution, our involvement has prolonged this conflict and drained our stockpiles to shield another nation. We have also far outpaced our European partners in both financial and security support despite this conflict bearing more directly on their own livelihoods than ours. Our allies across the Atlantic should take the initiative instead of banking on American taxpayers to underwrite their security. I will also note the current Ukrainian leadership has suspended national elections under martial law, banned rival political parties, and moved against domestic media outlets it considers a security threat. This is worth remembering the next time someone frames this as a fight for democratic values. It is also risky to keep escalating tensions with a nuclear-armed rival as this conflict grows more destructive on both sides. Although my amendment halts financial assistance for the coming year, it does not abandon the region or restrict outside assistance to Ukraine. Our Embassy retains full funding to maintain a secure diplomatic presence, and nothing in this amendment stops our European partners from stepping up if they decide it is worth the investment. However, it is not our responsibility to defend the borders of a nation thousands of miles away while failing to address the challenges we face at home. Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to join me in refocusing our priorities on the American people by supporting this sensible amendment. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Chair, I appreciate the comments from my colleague in bringing up the Department of War and the Secretary of War. It is for that reason that in this amendment we actually preserve the flexibility for legitimate national security needs, and we offer the Secretary of War the option to waive this provision when necessary. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Chair, my colleague said that our partners are struggling. I want to remind my colleague that we are pushing $40 trillion in debt. If that is not struggling, then I don't know what is. My colleague also said that we need to be showing them that we value the partnership. As I laid out in my opening testimony, we also support our partners with personnel, munitions, intelligence, and most of the weaponry and aircraft used in these exercises. I think that is showing them that we value the partnership. As a servicemember myself, I acknowledge we do receive value from these partnerships, but we shouldn't ask the American people sitting in the gallery right now and all over the country to foot the entire bill. Let's be honest. Our allies also get value from these partnerships, so asking them to pay for the incidentals like their lodging, their hotels, and their food, that is not asking a lot when you look at everything that we provide, Mr. Chair, in addition to world-class training. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Chair, I rise in support of my amendment, which prohibits funds in this act from covering expenses for foreign militaries participating in exercises with our Armed Forces. If adopted, my amendment would require foreign participants in joint military exercises to cover their own travel, lodging, per diem, and other costs. As a former servicemember, I understand these operations strengthen military readiness and serve as a powerful deterrent to our adversaries, but that doesn't mean American taxpayers should be picking up every incidental cost for a foreign participant joining these drills. Our national debt is closing in on $40 trillion, and for several years running, the interest we pay on it alone has surpassed our entire national defense budget. No line item is too small to review, including all of the miscellaneous costs we currently absorb for foreign partners. According to the House Armed Services Committee staff, we spent $8.1 million on partner expenses in Q2 of this fiscal year. Extrapolated over a full year, these costs run us $32 million, money that belongs in American pockets, not on someone else's expense report. This debate isn't confined to the Halls of Congress. Two weeks ago, our NATO allies met in Ankara, largely to discuss their own path toward spending 5 percent of GDP on defense. If our allies can move closer to that benchmark, they can cover their own dinner when they train alongside the most elite fighting force the world has ever known. We also support our partners with personnel, munitions, intelligence, and most of the weaponry and aircraft used in these exercises. Since we are already doing the heavy lifting, it is responsible to expect our partners to cover their own incidentals. Some of my colleagues may argue this amendment sends the wrong signal to our partners. I firmly disagree. Every serious cost-sharing arrangement between nations works the same way: We cover our personnel. They cover theirs. Asking our allies to pay their own hotel bill doesn't weaken an alliance. Carrying their tab indefinitely is what erodes the case for continued burden sharing on our end. My amendment also preserves flexibility for legitimate national security needs as the Secretary of War may waive this prohibition when necessary. Prior to issuing the waiver, the Secretary must submit a detailed justification to committees of jurisdiction in the House and Senate at least 30 days in advance. In plain terms, my amendment keeps Congress' oversight role intact without tying the Secretary's hands. Moreover, my approach doesn't pull back from our commitments to undermine what these exercises are meant to accomplish. Our allies aren't going to walk away from the partnership because we stop paying for their lodging and meals. These drills will continue, just without the unnecessary taxpayer subsidy attached to them. As Members of this body, we cannot be derelict in our responsibility. The American people sent us here in large part to confront this debt, and that means reviewing every line item, no matter how small and how small the savings look in isolation. It is time to relieve taxpayers of an expense that was never theirs to carry and shift it back to our allies, where it belongs. I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support this sensible amendment. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. CRANE

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Chair, like I said, this is already law. We are clearly just not enforcing it. I will reiterate that we are close to $40 trillion in debt. We are spending $2 trillion annually that we don't have. As a servicemember myself, I am not trying to say that we don't receive anything from cooperation and training with our foreign partners. The point is this is already law. This is already the law. We are just not enforcing it, and we are not collecting these reimbursements which we are entitled to. For far too long, the United States has borne the brunt of global defense, and I know it doesn't mean a lot to many people in this Chamber that we are $40 trillion in debt, but we continue to spend money that we don't have. Again, this is already the law. There is just no enforcement. That is what my amendment would take care of. Again, I urge my colleagues to support it, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Chair, may I inquire how much time I have remaining.

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Chair, I rise today in support of my amendment, which prohibits funds in this act from furnishing international military education and training without the reimbursement required under 22 U.S.C. 2347(b). My provision does not create new policy. It simply enforces a reimbursement requirement that has been on the books for nearly 50 years and strengthens accountability for how we spend taxpayer dollars. Under current law, nations using Foreign Military Financing to purchase military training must pay a rate comparable to what grant recipients receive. This training was never intended to be free. However, because the 1976 law lacked a real reinforcement mechanism, American taxpayers have quietly absorbed these costs instead. My amendment fixes that longstanding problem. It applies to Foreign Military Financing-purchased training and similar title 22 programs, and it requires that reimbursement actually be collected before this act's funds can be used to provide that training. Importantly, it does not affect international military education and training grants, nor does it affect training for U.S. personnel. I offered this amendment because Congress' original 1976 language left the door open for lax enforcement. The law says that foreign nations should pay for instruction from the strongest fighting force in the world, but it never included a means to ensure that reimbursement actually occurs. This can result in training that ends up free for foreign partners at the expense of American taxpayers. The original policy is not flawed. There is currently a gap in collection, and this amendment closes it. Our national debt is approaching $40 trillion, and much of that strain comes from years of weak enforcement and lost accountability across government. It is our responsibility to review every line item, even the small ones, because these costs add up. Given that we already provide substantial protection, personnel, and intelligence support to our partners, we should not absorb the cost of training that Congress has long required foreign nations to reimburse. Our partners are also welcome to use Foreign Military Financing or their own national funds to cover this training rather than defaulting to taxpayer-funded grants. Some of my colleagues may argue this will strain relationship with our partners. That is not the case. This amendment only applies where reimbursement is already required by law. It does not touch International Military Education and Training grants or our core training relationships. Others may suggest this is a minor technical fix unworthy of floor time. I disagree. A gap in reimbursement law is precisely the kind of overlooked taxpayer exposure Congress should address regardless of size. To my colleagues, the status quo is clearly broken. We face unsustainable debt, and too many programs lack real accountability. It is our duty to reinforce existing laws and ensure we are collecting what taxpayers are owed. I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support this commonsense amendment and relieve hardworking Americans of expenses that they were never meant to bear. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. CRANE

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Speaker, I unintentionally voted against the Bentz Amendment No. 2 to H.R. 7567, Farm, Food, and National Security Act of 2026. I want to reflect that I support this amendment and intended to vote YES.

Mr. CRANE

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Roy for yielding. I usually don't like speaking on the floor very much. It is not one of my favorite things to do, but I will tell you right now, this was something I wasn't going to miss. Tim Reitz has been a friend to me in many ways. He has been a mentor and counselor to me. As a matter of fact, I called him this morning because I missed a meeting last night, and Tim gave me a recap and helped explain to me what went on last night. If you really want to know how valuable and important Tim Reitz is to the House Freedom Caucus, the conservative movement, for saving and protecting this country, all you have to do is look around. It is about 5:30 p.m. right now. We are done for the day, most of us. We don't have to be here, but I counted eight Members of Congress who came to speak on behalf of Tim Reitz. You don't see that very often. You are probably never going to see eight Members of Congress coming to speak when a valuable staffer like Tim Reitz is moving on. Tim, I hope that is not lost on you, brother. There are a lot of places we could be right now, but all of us are down here because of what you mean to this group and what you mean to the country. I am a little bummed that you are moving on. I know you are not going to be far. I think the role that you are taking is going to be instrumental for the country. I am just grateful that men like Tim, with all of his wisdom, his knowledge, his intelligence--like my friend from Oklahoma said, he could be off making money somewhere. He could be doing some amazing things. Instead, he has been in the trenches with us, fighting for this country, fighting for our families, fighting for our communities, and fighting to preserve what has made this country so great in the first place. Thank you, brother. We are going to miss you. We are proud of you, and it is an honor to speak on your behalf.

Mr. CRANE

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to warn Americans about the growing threats posed by adherence to sharia law. Supporters of this radical framework believe in a mandate to dominate those who refuse to conform to their belief system. Across the West, politicians have welcomed millions of foreigners who do not share our values, culture, or tradition. As a result, they have undermined not only stability but also the identity of their own nations. In Europe especially, weak leaders have ignored serious human rights abuses while punishing their citizens for speaking out against open-border policies. While Washington prioritizes neutralizing the capabilities of adversarial nation-states, we too often ignore growing dangers from within our own borders. These internal vulnerabilities are far more difficult to confront since they spread quietly through our culture, rather than kinetic warfare. Whether it is communism, socialism, or radical frameworks like sharia, we have all observed movements counter to our Nation's interest on the rise. If we don't shield our Constitutional Republic from ideological subversion, we risk eroding our liberties to appease those who refuse to assimilate. This should not be a controversial message. We have every right and obligation to defend the principles and structure implemented by our Founding Fathers. If people wish to live under sharia law, there are dozens of nations that operate under it. That is not the system we have chosen, nor is it compatible with our Constitution. Our laws are rooted in individual liberty, not religious authoritarianism. Mr. Speaker, I am honored to join Representative Roy, Representative Self, and other colleagues as a member of the Sharia-Free America Caucus. We refuse to sit by as radicals pursue their goal of a global caliphate, and we will not pretend it has no threat to our way of life.

Mr. CRANE

Mr. CRANE. Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the North Rim Restoration Act of 2025. Last July, a lightning strike ignited the Dragon Bravo fire, which grew into the seventh largest wildfire in Arizona's history. It burned more than 145,000 acres. It destroyed over 100 structures, including the historic Grand Canyon Lodge. It also forced the closure of the North Rim. The result was great uncertainty for gateway communities whose livelihoods depend on a steady flow of visitors. In the days and months during and after the fire, I traveled to the region to meet with park staff, local employers, and community leaders. Each conversation revealed different consequences of the disaster, but one concern came up repeatedly: the layers of bureaucracy threatening to slow recovery and prolong economic hardship. Families and workers cannot wait years for the infrastructure and housing needed to bring the North Rim back to life. That is why I worked closely with local stakeholders to draft the North Rim Restoration Act of 2025. This bill gives the Department of the Interior emergency contracting authority for all recovery efforts from the Dragon Bravo fire. This is a bipartisan approach that would minimize unnecessary delays. At the same time, it preserves community input, environmental standards, and mandatory reporting every 180 days to ensure transparency, accountability, and responsible use of taxpayer dollars. Although last year's July 4 lightning strike brought months of hardship to the region, we now have a chance to restore this iconic destination as we honor America's 250th anniversary. Passage of this bill sends a clear message to every visitor, worker, and family who cherishes the North Rim. This place will not fade into memory. It will endure as a living legacy. As I prepare to close, I thank the Coconino County Board of Supervisors, Chairman Westerman, and everyone who has played a role in advancing this legislation. As a result of their dedication and persistence, we are on the verge of securing House passage just 5 months since introduction. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this effort and help ensure a full and timely recovery.

Mr. CRANE

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commemorate and honor Robert Skankey and Hunter Bennett who tragically lost their lives in a helicopter crash last Wednesday. After responding to a domestic violence call in Flagstaff, law enforcement officers engaged in a nearly 2-hour gunfight with a dangerous criminal. During the pursuit, the Arizona Department of Public Safety provided air support with a Ranger 56 helicopter crew. Shortly after the suspect was apprehended, the helicopter crashed, taking the lives of marine veteran Robert Skankey and trooper paramedic Hunter Bennett. On behalf of all Arizonans, we mourn the loss of these two heroes who dedicated their lives to public service. Words cannot fully express our gratitude for their selflessness, courage, and commitment to keeping our communities safe. May the Lord bless their families, friends, and colleagues during this difficult time and grant them everlasting peace.

Mr. CRANE

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Mast for yielding. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to this resolution which would terminate the President's national emergency in response to the flow of fentanyl across our northern border. As an Arizonan, I am all too familiar with the destruction these weaponized opioids have caused, and I fully support President Trump's mission to rid our Nation of this poison. Under the previous administration, fentanyl claimed the lives of approximately 73,000 Americans per year and became the leading cause of death among those aged 18 to 45. President Trump was elected in part to confront this catastrophic crisis. Fentanyl affects constituents of every Member of this body, regardless of political affiliation. As someone who has met with individuals devastated by this deadly substance, maintaining our momentum to stop fentanyl must remain a top priority. Over the past year, the Trump administration urged Canada to work in coordination with our law enforcement partners to help stem the flow of dangerous narcotics. Unfortunately, our neighbors to the north have failed to adequately respond, prompting the administration to use leverage to bring them to the table. Now Democrats are on the House floor attempting to end the President's declaration, which would undermine efforts to prevent fentanyl-related deaths. It would be very unwise to tie the President's hands and remove this critical tool during an ongoing public health and national security crisis. Mr. Speaker, I am grateful for the leadership of Chairman Mast, and I applaud the administration's commitment to preventing addiction and overdoses.

Mr. CRANE

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to highlight Colorado as a top producer of Olympians representing Team USA at the 2026 Olympic Winter Games in Milano Cortina. Colorado's Fifth Congressional District is known as Olympic City USA, with the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee headquarters in Colorado Springs. Today, I am honored to highlight three incredible athletes on Team USA who reside in my hometown of Colorado Springs: Amber Glenn, Danny O'Shea, and Ellie Kam. They are among the 16 U.S. figure skaters nominated to the 2026 U.S. Olympic team. Mr. Speaker, Colorado's Fifth Congressional District will be rooting for Amber, Danny, and Ellie as they compete in the next few weeks. Mr. Speaker, with the opening ceremonies taking place this Friday, I ask you to join me in wishing them success in their careers and to bring the gold home for Team USA.

Mr. CRANE

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of my amendment to defund the National Endowment for Democracy. Although its name suggests a force for good, its mission has drifted far from its Cold War origins. This is a classic tactic of the swamp where bad policy and corruption hide behind a noble title. I thank Mr. Mike Benz and other patriots. We have learned that this organization has engaged in global censorship, domestic propaganda, and regime-change politics. It has worked to crush populous movements, fuel color revolutions, and run off-the-books operations with plausible deniability. The Trump administration attempted to defund it earlier this year, but that was reversed because Congress had previously approved it. Now is our chance to change that. Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to prevent taxpayer resources from funding this rogue organization that works against our Nation's interests. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.