Tom Daschle

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, this is a happy and historic day for all Americans, and especially for the First Americans. Right now, about a dozen blocks from this Capitol, an estimated 15- to 20,000 Native Americans representing tribes from South Dakota to South America are beginning a grand procession down Pennsylvania Avenue. The procession is the largest gathering ever of American Indians in our Nation's Capital. As someone from South Dakota, proud homeland of the Great Sioux Nation, I can tell you, it is an incredibly beautiful sight. The procession marks the beginning of a week-long festival in Washington celebrating the opening of the spectacular new National Museum of the American Indian. The new museum--part of the Smithsonian Institution--is America's only national museum dedicated to Native Americans. And it is the largest museum in the world dedicated to telling the story of indigenous people in their own authentic voices. Every detail reflects the views of Native people, from the text of the exhibits to the menu in the museum restaurant. The building itself was designed by the famed Native architect, Douglas Cardinal. Its curved exterior walls, made of rough-hewn limestone, suggest the ancient cliff dwellings of the American Southwest. Inside those walls are 8,000 extraordinary artifacts representing more than 10,000 years of history from more than 1,000 indigenous communities fromas far north as Alaska and as far south as Chile. The museum includes three permanent exhibits. ``Our Universes'' features the spiritual beliefs of native communities, including the Oglala Sioux Tribe. ``Our Peoples'' looks at historical events through native eyes. ``Our Lives'' focuses on native people today. There is also space for changing exhibits of artwork by contemporary Native artists, and large spaces for Native American ceremonies and performances. In this museum, Native people and communities are not anthropological oddities or historical footnotes. They are not stereotypes. They are vibrant, living cultures. I want to commend the museum's director, Dr. Richard West, a member of the Southern Cheyenne nation, and all of museum's dedicated staff and volunteers, who have worked so hard to make the dream a reality, including assistant curator Emil Her Many Horses, a native of Pine Ridge, who was raised on Rosebud. I also want to thank our colleague, Senator Ben Nighthorse Campbell, a long-time champion of the museum. I especially want to thank my dear friend, Senator Dan Inouye, co-chairman, with Senator Campbell, of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, and the original sponsor in 1987 of the bill creating the National Museum of the American Indian. No Senator has ever worked longer or harder to get our government to honor its trust and treaty obligations to Native American tribes, to Native Hawaiians and Alaska Natives than Danny Inouye, and I am proud to be able to work with him to keep those sacred commitments. As many as 6 million visitors are expected to visit the National Museum of the American Indian every year. They will come away with a deeper understanding of America's rich Native cultures. It will lead, it is hoped, to a healing and reconciliation between Native Americans and those of us whose families came here from other nations. It is moving to see this living monument to the First Americans take its rightful place on our National Mall, along side our Nation's other great monuments. At the same time, we know that there are priceless cultural and historical artifacts all across Indian Country that also must be preserved. I would like to tell you about one such treasure: an extraordinary collection of letters known as ``The Dakota Letters.'' They were written 140 years ago by members of the Dakota Nation, the original inhabitants of what is now Minnesota. Four years ago, copies of 150 of the Dakota Letters found their way to the home of some of the descendants of the original letter writers: the Sisseton Wahpeton reservation in eastern South Dakota. What makes these letters rare--and possibly unique--is that they provide first-person, written accounts of a tragic and little-known chapter in our Nation's history--as seen through Native eyes. That chapter has been called many things. The first accounts, written by white historians in the 1880s and 1890s, referred to it as ``the Great Sioux Massacre.'' Later, it was called ``the Sioux Uprising.'' Today, it is known as ``the U.S.-Dakota Conflict--some say the U.S. - Dakota War--of 1862. It was the opening of the Great Plains Indian Wars, three decades of armed resistance by Plains Indians against white settlers and government soldiers. The roots of the Dakota Conflict stretch back to 1851, when the Dakota were coerced into signing treaties giving 90 percent of their land, including their hunting grounds, to the U.S. government. The government promised the Dakota annual payments of gold and goods for the land, as well as help building schools and farms. The promises were never kept. A decade later, in August of 1862, the Dakota were starving. The annuity payments were late and the government agent refused to sell on credit food that was being stored in warehouses for sale to the Dakota. When Dakotas complained, he stunned them by telling them to ``eat grass.'' Four days later, a hunting party of hungry Dakota youth killed five white settlers in a dispute over some stolen eggs. It was the spark that ignited the war. Reluctantly, some of the Dakota chiefs chose to go to war rather than surrender the young men for hanging. Some hoped that the Army might be so distracted by the Civil War that the Dakota could drive them from the Plains. That was a tragic miscalculation. The fighting lasted 38 days, raging across the Minnesota River Valley, south to Iowa and west to the Dakotas. Most Dakota people opposed the war and did not fight. Many risked their lives to save white settlers. When the war ended, nearly 100 American soldiers, approximately 359 settlers and an estimated 29 Dakota soldiers were dead. Most of the Dakota warriors who led the fighting escaped north. Nearly 400 men who remained were captured and taken to a prison in Mankato, MN, where they were tried by a military commission. As many as 40 trials were conducted in a single day--a single day. The prisoners were all denied counsel. Many spoke no English and most likely did not understand the charges against them. Of the 393 men tried, 323 were convicted, and 303 were sentenced to die. President Lincoln commuted all but 38 of the death sentences. The 38 condemned men were hanged in the Mankato prison the morning after Christmas of 1862 in what remains the largest public execution in our Nation's history. Among the 38 were men who almost certainly had not taken part in the fighting and two men whose names were not even on the list of the condemned. For the rest of the Dakota people, the worst was still to come. After losing the war, they lost their nation. In March of 1863, the Dakota prisoners at Mankato were sent to Camp McClellan in Davenport, IA. More than 1,600 other Dakota people who had nothing to do with the war were also taken captive after the war and held at Fort Snelling, MN. In April of 1863, they were forcibly removed to Crow Creek, SD. That same month, Congress cancelled all treaties with the Dakota and used the money that had been promised to the Dakota to pay claims by settlers. Hundreds of Dakota family members died at Fort Snelling. Hundreds more died on the way to Crow Creek, and many more died on the Crow Creek reservation. Eventually, some of the families moved from Crow Creek to Sisseton Wahpeton. It is there, 140 years later, that the letters of the Dakota prisoners have been translated into modern English by their descendants. Like the exhibits in the new museum, the Dakota Letters speak in the authentic voices of the First Americans. The writers speak of their love and concern for their families. They also speak of their uncertainty and their fears. One of the most extraordinary of the letters was written 3 days after the assassination of President Lincoln, whom the Dakota call respectfully ``Grandfather.'' The letter was written by a man named Moses Many Lightning Face to a missionary the Dakota prisoners trusted and referred to as a relative. The writer expresses fear about what might happen to the Dakota prisoners now that the man who had spared their life once was dead. These are his words: Well, my relative, I wish to write you a letter. We have heard the news. They say that Grandfather was killed. But someone of authority should tell us if this is not true. Thus, I write to you this letter. Also, I have heard some rumors. Grandfather has compassion for us and, so far, we are still alive. But they told us he was killed, and we are saddened. Those of us here think if this is so, we are heartbroken. Perhaps the attitude of the cavalry soldiers may change toward us. Tell me what your thoughts are; I want to know; that's why I write to you. Then I wish to hear exactly how they killed Grandfather. . . . This is all I am going to say. I shake all your hands. Moses Many Lightning Face. This is me. What makes the Dakota Letters so rare is that, like most Native American languages, Dakota in the mid-1800s was not a written language. Missionaries developed a written form of the language to teach the Bible to the Dakota. The missionaries who visited the Dakota prisoners taught it to them. In Sisseton Wahpeton, the letters were translated by five tribal elders, working with Dakota language and history experts from Sisseton Wahpeton College. It was a complicated process more like code-breaking than simple translation. The words are first translated from Dakota, then into literal English, then into modern English. The translation of the letter to President Lincoln shows this process. I ask consent that it be printed in the Record immediately following my remarks.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I will comment on the progress that the majority leader referenced with regard to both the Governmental Affairs Committee work as well as the task force. This is one of those, unfortunately, all too rare occurrences where there is real bipartisan partnership and participation. Both Senator Collins and Senator Lieberman deserve great credit for bringing the committee to a point where they can begin the markup this morning. It is our expectation that we will address that important legislation next week. In fact, we have made a decision that on Thursday we will have a special caucus just to talk about the legislation. I hope we can work through that bill and complete it, as the majority leader has proposed. Also, Senator Reid and Senator McConnell have done an outstanding job in narrowing the focus, as we look at ways with which to improve oversight. That, too, is on track. It would be my hope that we would complete our work on congressional reorganization as well before the end of this session. Given the progress they have made, I am optimistic about our prospects for doing exactly that. Order of Procedure Before I get into my leader time, I ask unanimous consent that during the first hour of time allocated to the Democratic caucus that Senator Kennedy be given the first 20 minutes, Senator Harkin be given 10 minutes, and then Senator Lincoln 15 minutes, Senator Conrad 20 minutes, and Senator Dayton 10 minutes in the second hour.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Madam President, over the weekend, South Dakota honored a debt long overdue. With the dedication of the South Dakota Korean War Memorial on the capitol grounds in Pierre, our State paid tribute to the extraordinary heroism of those men and women who defended freedom and democracy on the Korean peninsula. More than 1.8 million Americans fought in the Korean war, facing some of the fiercest fighting the world has ever seen. More than 36,500 soldiers made the ultimate sacrifice in this effort, including nearly 200 South Dakotans. Another 103,000 Americans were wounded. The cause for which they fought, and the freedom they won, is clear today for all to see. On the south side of the 38th parallel lives a prosperous, free nation, fully welcomed into the family of nations. On the north side, 22 million Koreans live under tyranny and in hunger. The regime is rightly condemned for its abuse of its own citizens and their fundamental rights, and is an international outcast due to its spreading of missile technology and weapons-of-mass-destruction technology throughout the world. The map shows nothing more than a line separating the two. But in a real sense, what separates North from South Korea is the heroism of the American soldiers who fought there. Several years ago, under the direction of Sheila Hansen, a teacher in the Spearfish Middle school, the children of South Dakota set out to tell the stories of each of the 2,200 South Dakotans who gave their lives in World War II. The project is called Fallen Heroes, and the stories of heroism these children uncovered taught all South Dakotans a lesson about the true meaning of patriotism and service. Recently, Sheila Hansen asked her class to do the same for those South Dakotans who gave their lives in the Korean war. I commend and thank Sheila and her eighth grade class at Spearfish Middle School, as well as Stanley County Middle School teacher Shirley Swanson, whose seventh grade class joined in the effort. Together, the students prepared biographical profiles for those South Dakotans who lost their lives in service to their country during the Korean war. One of the young men and women profiled was Walter Baptist LaPointe, from Mosher, SD. Walter was the youngest of eight children born to Albert and Elizabeth Ringing Shield LaPointe. Like so many Native Americans in South Dakota and across our country, Walter felt an obligation to serve his country. Walter enlisted at the age of 19 and was sent overseas in 1951. Just 4 months after arriving in Korea, Walter was killed in an intense firefight near Homang-ni. He was awarded a posthumous Silver Star for ``gallantry in action'' and I would like to read from his citation. It says: As Company F attacked Hill 347, Private LaPointe moved ahead of the company line, seeking out and firing on enemy emplacements. Ignoring the intense fire the foe was directing on the area, Private LaPointe displayed superb courage and determination by advancing whenever possible and setting up his weapon in unprotected but commanding positions. He bravely continued in this manner, providing much needed automatic weapons fire for his comrades, until mortally wounded. Private LaPointe's gallantry reflects the highest credit on himself and the military service. Walter was buried at the Advent Cemetery near his home in Mosher. His mother Elizabeth was touched by the warmth local veterans displayed at her son's passing. The following Spring, Elizabeth decided to serve lunch to the local American Legion Post. She decided to make it a tradition, and each year since the Legion Post in Mosher has enjoyed a luncheon served by the LaPointe family. Even after Elizabeth's passing, the tradition continues, and still today the members of the local Legion Post know the enduring gratitude of the LaPointe family. Many friendships have been built over the years and a special connection between the family and Mosher's veteran community has grown. Speaking of the tradition, a family member recently said: In this manner, we will forever preserve [Walter's] memory. Indeed, they have done much more than that. With their generosity, they have strengthened the ties of friendship between the citizens of South Dakota and the men and women who fight to protect them. They have shown our veterans that their service will never be forgotten. This, too, is the ultimate contribution of the Fallen Heroes project and the South Dakota Korean War Memorial dedicated this past Saturday. Because our country was still war-weary from the end of World War II, few returning Korean war veterans were greeted with the ticker-tape parades and community celebrations that were common after World War II. The Korean war became known as the Forgotten War. For the 12,000 Korean war veterans still living in South Dakota, and all those with whom they served, we have a simple message--you will never be forgotten. The statue that stands on the capitol grounds in Pierre will be an enduring reminder of your contribution. But even this memorial is just a token of the gratitude and reverence South Dakota feels for you. The true memorial to your heroism is cast not in bronze, but in the hearts of millions of Koreans whose freedom you won, and in the memories of the Americans inspired by your courage. We thank you for your service, and we salute your valor. And we will always remember. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I am pleased to have joined Senator Frist in the submission of S. Con. Res. 137. It is a shame, really, that we need to be here on the floor again to discuss Sudan. Yet we were confronted again this morning with even more troubling and disconcerting news about the Darfur region of Sudan. According to this morning's newspapers, the United Nations has concluded that between 6,000 and 10,000 people are dying from disease and violence each month in Sudan's Darfur region. What is worse is that the United Nations--like the United States--has concluded that each and every one of these deaths is entirely preventable. Unfortunately, however, the Sudanese government continues to support marauding militias that not only murder people whose only offense is to be of a different ethnicity, but those militias continue to hinder efforts to respond to one of Africa's worst humanitarian crises. This resolution also calls attention to a separate tragedy: That Sudan was granted a seat on the United Nations Human Rights Commission. It won that seat at a time when its tolerance and even support for militias in Darfur was widely known. Unfortunately, not only did no one in the Arab world object to Sudan taking this seat, neither did the administration use its clout at the United Nations to stop this. This resolution says very clearly that a government that appears to be tolerating genocide has no business serving on the UN Human Rights Commission. I also want to take a minute to discuss an additional effort on Sudan that Senators Leahy, McConnell, Frist and I were able to work out this morning. We all recognize that we will soon face mounting costs to ease the suffering caused by this humanitarian disaster in Darfur. As such, we were able to come to a straightforward, common-sense agreement that the President and Secretary of State should re-direct $150 million in unused reconstruction money from Iraq to Darfur and for the African Union forces that are attempting to stabilize the situation there. Let me be clear: This is not money for our troops in Iraq, but is unused reconstruction money. This is the right thing to do, and I commend my colleagues for their efforts to make sure it happens.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, today marks the 10th anniversary of the Violence Against Women Act. We are also coming up on the 2nd anniversary of the loss of two champions of the fight to end domestic violence. Senator Paul Wellstone was a key leader in the bipartisan effort to pass the Violence Against Women Act. And, as she was in every great cause he took on, Sheila Wellstone was Paul's indispensable partner. Paul and Sheila's commitment to ending domestic violence continues today through the work of Wellstone Action and the Sheila Wellstone Institute. This morning, Paul and Sheila's work was recalled at a gathering here in the Capitol of people who are working to protect America's families from domestic violence. We applaud them. Much good has come about because of the Violence Against Women Act. There are more domestic abuse hotlines today than there were 10 years ago, and more shelters. There are more doctors, nurses, therapists, teachers, police officers, judges and others today who recognize the signs of domestic violence, and know how to help if they see those signs. We have made progress. But there is more we need to do. Each year, more than 1 million women in America are victims of domestic violence, and more than 3 million American children witness domestic violence every year. Protecting the victims of domestic violence is essential but it is not enough. Next year, when Congress reauthorizes the Violence Against Women Act, we need to do more to prevent domestic violence, and to help the children who witness such violence. It's the only way we will ever break the cycle of violence. In South Dakota, in Rapid City and on the Pine Ridge Reservation, a nonprofit organization called Sacred Circle is helping to break the cycle of violence by providing domestic violence prevention and intervention services. There are similar organizations doing good work in communities all across America--native and non-native, rich and poor. On this 10th anniversary of the Violence Against Women Act, we thank those organizations for the life-saving work they are doing. We acknowledge the victims and survivors of domestic violence. And let us also vow to do even more to finally break the cycle of domestic violence. I yield the floor.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, this evening, Jewish families and communities will come together to celebrate Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish New Year, and offer their prayers for a sweet and peaceful year ahead. Growing up in Aberdeen, my family was close to three Jewish families, the Franks, Feinsteins, and the Preds. They introduced me to the Rosh Hashanah celebration. I have always remembered the warmth of their celebration as well as the generosity and friendship they offered to a young Catholic boy growing up in the neighborhood. I wanted to take this opportunity to extend my wishes for a Shana Tova, a good year, to my friends in the Jewish community across the country and around the world. This year, Rosh Hashanah arrives at an auspicious anniversary. This month, we mark the 350th anniversary of the first Jewish settlement in America. In September of 1654, a small ship carrying 23 Jews from Brazil arrived at the southern tip of Manhattan. They had been told of a new land founded in the name of religious freedom. So this small group of settlers set out across the ocean to find a home where they could live in peace and follow the tenets of their faith and the dictates of their conscience. As has been the case with so many immigrants of every faith, from every part of the world and every generation since, they found that home in America. Throughout the generations, the American Jewish community has been a leader in the effort to ensure that the fundamental American value of religious freedom is honored and protected. While the history of the American Jewish community offers this Rosh Hashanah a special sweetness, the Jewish community and its friends welcome the High Holy Days with a certain anxiety, as well. While Israel has taken important steps toward increasing its own security, Israeli families still live under the shadow of terrorism, and the Palestinian Authority has yet to take concrete steps to end the violence. Just 2 weeks ago, two simultaneous attacks by Hamas suicide bombers took the lives of 16 Israelis. It came as a terrible reminder of the fear that continues to pervade the lives of Israelis. In addition, friends of Israel have also watched with growing concern as Iran, which is sworn to the destruction of the Jewish state, takes steps toward becoming a nuclear power. The instability in Iraq, if not brought under control, may one day threaten the stability of that entire region, including Israel. At the same time, Jews throughout the world have watched as the terrible specter of anti-Semitism re-emerges in Europe. Jewish cemeteries have been vandalized. Synagogues and Jewish schools have been the targets of terrorism. School children have been attacked for no other reason than they were identified as Jews. At the recent Berlin Conference on Anti-Semitism held by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, Elie Wiesel expressed the shock and surprise shared by many of us who hoped that Europe could not so soon forget the history and lessons of the Holocaust. ``Had any pessimist told me,'' Wiesel said, ``that in my lifetime, I would hear stories of Jews in Berlin or Paris being advised by friends not to wear a [skullcap] in the street so as not to attract hostility and peril, I would not have believed it. But it now has become reality.'' Wiesel concluded by warning the conferees that ``the history of Nazism teaches us that hatred is like cancer. It often grows underground, and when detected it is too late. If unchecked immediately, it will invade its natural surroundings. What began in the mind will destroy the brain. Then the heart.'' The OSCE's Berlin Declaration, calling for a coordinated, international response against the crimes of anti-Semitism and racism, was an important step forward for Europe and the world. But its words must be backed with real action and commitment. It is not enough to speak out against racist attacks. Wherever the crime of anti-Semitism is committed, the world has a shared responsibility to ensure the perpetrators are punished. Therefore, I have asked the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom to follow through on each of the recommendations of the Berlin Declaration. In addition, later today Senator Dodd and I will send a letter to the Commission calling on it to investigate why 10 years after the bombing of the Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires, none of the terrorists responsible have been brought to justice. The United States must make a clear statement. If you wish to be a member of the family of nations, you cannot turn a blind eye to the violence of anti-Semitism and racism. We are all bound by a common obligation to fight for justice and to fight for peace. And in a way, Rosh Hashanah can serve as a reminder of these shared responsibilities. This year also represents another anniversary celebrated by Americans and the American Jewish community in particular. 2004 marks the centennial of the birth of one of America's greatest writers and storytellers, Isaac Bashevis Singer. In a story entitled, ``Joy,'' Singer tells of a Rabbi from a small Russian village who suffers the loss of each of his six children. His faith is shaken, and he turns his back on his tradition and community. On the eve of Rosh Hashana, he sees a vision of his youngest daughter who had died many years earlier, and his faith is restored. He immediately goes to the synagogue and asks to speak. Because of the lunar calendar, Rosh Hashana always coincides with the new moon. So he asks, what is the meaning of the fact that ``the moon is obscured on Rosh Hashanah?'' The answer, he says, is that ``on Rosh Hashana one prays for life, and life means free choice, and freedom is mystery. . . . If hell and paradise were in the middle of the marketplace, everyone would be a saint. ``Of all the blessings bestowed on man, the greatest lies in the fact that God's face is hidden from him. ``Men are the children of the Almighty, and He plays hide and seek with them. He hides His face, and the children seek Him, while they have faith that He exists.'' In a way, the search that Singer speaks of connects us all. Individually and as a nation we try to find the wisdom and the courage to do what is right, and to extend justice here at home and throughout the world. The way may not always be clear. But alongside our friends in the Jewish community, this Rosh Hashana we can recommit ourselves to creating a world where no one, anywhere in the world, suffers the kind of persecution and violence that led that small band of Jewish settlers to flee half way across the world more than 350 years ago. The memory of their voyage and the beginning of Rosh Hashana remind us of this historic aspect of our Nation's role in the world, and call us back to our duty.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I know we have set aside the Baucus- Burns-Brownback et al. amendment. I just want to come to the floor to express my support for the amendment as well. This is a bipartisan effort. It is long overdue. As others have noted, the need is great. There are disasters around the country that have to be addressed, including some in South Dakota. It is not just the severity of the drought, but it is the length of time that drought has existed in some parts of our country, especially in South Dakota. So I am very hopeful the Senate will express itself on a unanimous basis and provide the kind of support that our farmers and ranchers and others need. I hope the amendment will be adopted. I yield the floor.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, throughout America, another new school year is beginning. As children settle into new classes and parents meet their children's new teachers, we are reminded once again of the importance of public education to America's future. Good, strong public schools are not a Democratic or a Republican concern; they are a cornerstone of American democracy. They are what has helped America create the most innovative, powerful economy the world has ever known and they are essential to the survival of the middle class in this country. Nearly 3 years ago, Congress passed the No Child Left Behind Act containing the most far-reaching changes in Federal education policy in nearly 40 years. Recently, States released their second annual No Child Left Behind report cards, showing how their schools are measuring up under the new law. This afternoon, I would like to talk briefly about how the Federal Government is measuring up--whether we are keeping the promises we made under No Child Left Behind and other important education laws. All of us know that, if we mention No Child Left Behind at a town hall meeting, we are just as likely to hear boos as we are to hear applause. Why is that? One reason is because of some basic design flaws. What seemed to work well on paper, we are discovering, may not work as well in practice. Parts of No Child Left Behind need fine-tuning. There were also some problems, early on, with the way the administration was implementing the new law. Fortunately, some of those problems are starting to be addressed. Yesterday, Senator Kennedy introduced legislation to make sure the No Child Left Behind Act is implemented correctly. No one understands the No Child Left Behind Act better, and no one worked harder with President Bush to pass it. We ought to have a serious debate--and a vote--on Senator Kennedy's bill this year. Unfortunately, the administration and Congressional Republicans remain unwilling to acknowledge one of the biggest impediments to the success of the No Child Left Behind Act: inadequate resources. Our Republican colleagues cite numbers to show that education funding is increasing. With all due respect, their numbers miss the point. The question isn't: Is the Federal Government spending more on education? The question is: Is the Federal Government providing States with the resources they need to make the No Child Left Behind Act, and other Federal education mandates, work? The answer is no. The President's budget for this year provides the smallest increase in education in nearly a decade. Over the last 3 years, the President's budgets have shortchanged No Child Left Behind by $26 billion. We all know that more money alone won't make schools better. But we also know that money does matter. It costs money to make the changes the No Child Left Behind Act requires. It costs money to put a highly trained teacher in every classroom. It costs money to test every student, every year, in grades 3 through 8. It costs money to produce and distribute the school report cards that are required under the new law, and to collect and analyze all the data that go into those report cards. The No Child Left Behind Act aims to close the achievement gap by raising the educational achievement of poor and minority students and students with disabilities. This is a noble and necessary goal. Yet, year after year, the programs that actually help close that achievement gap are the very programs that are the most seriously underfunded. In the President's budget this year, 80 percent of the total shortfall in the No Child Left Behind Act is in Title I programs. The children and schools that need the most help are instead targeted for the biggest funding shortfalls. Shortchanging Title I and other parts of the No Child Left Behind Act means denying schools the resources they need to succeed--then punishing them for not measuring up. Refusing to fund No Child Left Behind adequately also undermines local control of schools. Rapid City, SD, is a good example. Parents and educators in Rapid City have come up with an innovative plan for a new, year-round school that would provide extra help to low-income children. It would also work with the children's parents so they can be better partners in their children's education. It is exactly the kind of intensive help that is needed to close the achievement gap. But Rapid City doesn't have the Title I resources to make it a reality. The underfunding of the No Child Left Behind Act is a major reason that legislators in 17 States--many of them Republican-controlled States--have endorsed bills protesting the law. The President's budget also provides less than half of what Congress agreed nearly 40 years ago was Washington's fair share of special education costs. The National Council of State Legislatures estimates the cost of unfunded Federal mandates will hit an unprecedented $34 billion this year. The two most expensive unfunded Federal mandates? No Child Left Behind, and special education. In South Dakota, the shortfall this year just in these two programs is $61 million; $30 million for No Child Left Behind, and $31 million for special education. Accountability is critical. But accountability has to work both ways. If the Federal Government passes a law, we ought to fund it adequately--not push the cost off on State and local taxpayers. In South Dakota, we have a State law that allows school districts to ``opt out'' of the State freeze on local property taxes if they can't provide basic educational programs and still balance their budgets. These are not cases where communities choose to pay higher taxes in order to pay for extras. Before districts can even seek an opt out agreement they have to have already made significant budget cuts. The number of districts seeking such agreements has increased dramatically since No Child Left Behind was passed. Today, 46 percent of South Dakota school districts are operating under opt out agreements. Think about that: Nearly half the school districts in South Dakota are raising local property taxes, in part to make up for the Federal Government's failure to keep its education promises. Custer is one those communities. It is a small ranching town in western South Dakota. Last year, Custer went to a 4-day school-week to balance its budget--and it still ended the year with a deficit. This year, Custer has to find an extra $300,000 to replace the 70-year-old boiler in its elementary school. It has no idea where the money will come from. In Faith, SD, the town's only school building was condemned in June. The people of Faith have no idea how they will replace their school. The local tax base can produce only a fraction of the cost. For now, the children of Faith are attending classes in double-wide trailers. During the debate on No Child Left Behind, I fought to include a Rural Education Assistance Program to address the unique circumstances of schools in small towns like Custer and Faith. That program, too, is underfunded in the President's budget. In South Dakota alone, the shortfall in rural education this year is $700,000. Nearly every district in our State has laid off teachers in the last few years. They have cut advanced placement courses, art programs, foreign languages, vocational education programs--you name it. Wall, SD, has eliminated its entire middle-school staff. High school teachers in Wall now teach high school and middle school. Rural districts are forming consortia to share administrators and education specialists. Across the country, schools are laying off teachers and other employees, and cutting programs, bus routes, textbook purchases, and other expenses. Many communities are rationing Title I funds--limiting them to elementary schools only--because, they say, if they had to include high schools, there wouldn't be enough left for elementary schools to make a difference. The refusal by Republicans in Washington to adequately fund Federal education programs is not the only reason many public schools are having a difficult time balancing their budgets. But, at a time when many State and local governments are still struggling, these Republican unfunded education mandates are making a difficult situation worse in many places. And it is going to get much worse. That is not speculation. The Bush administration's own internal budget documents project more than $5.5 billion in cuts for elementary and secondary education in fiscal years 2005 through 2009. Those cuts are more than six times larger than the education increases they are calling for in this election year. That is from the President's own Office of Management and Budget. If we really couldn't do any better, that would be one thing. But this is a matter of choice, not necessity. At the same time the President and Congressional Republicans are telling us that we can't afford--or don't need--to keep the education promises the Federal Government makes, they insist that Congress needs to create tens of billions of dollars in new tax breaks for millionaires and wealthy corporations. That is the wrong choice for America. Real reform requires real resources, otherwise it is just an empty slogan, or worse--a set-up for failure. As they start this new school year, most children probably aren't paying any attention to what goes on in Washington. But what we decide here about education will have a profound effect on their future. During the education appropriations debate, Democrats are going to fight to keep the education promises our Government has made. We hope our Republican colleagues will join us--for our children's future, and for the future of our democracy. I yield the floor.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I appreciate the opportunity to listen to the colloquy both Senators Dorgan and Frist have engaged in. Coincidentally, I had intended to come to the floor to talk about the new report that was released on the front page of USA Today citing the dramatic increase in Medicare costs and the impact these costs will have on seniors' Social Security benefits. In 2005, 19 percent of Social Security benefits are going to go to Medicare expenses. But according to the USA Today article: a typical 65 year old can expect to spend 37% of his or her Social Security income on Medicare premiums, co-payments, and out-of-pocket expenses in 2006. That share is projected to grow to almost 40% in 2011 and nearly 50% in 2021. According to the article, by 2026, over half of a senior's Social Security benefits will be consumed by cost increases under Medicare, including cost increases associated with the new part D drug benefit. Think about that: we are on pace to see nearly half of the benefit seniors depend on under Social Security consumed by cost increases under Medicare. Unfortunately, I think the Senate and the country took a step backward when the Senate made the decision last year to pass the legislation it did. Part of the reason for these increases is that the new law will do almost nothing to bring down the cost of prescription drugs. Another reason is that the law and this Administration is overpaying HMOs. There are ways we can address the dramatic cost increase this chart represents, ways to protect seniors' Social Security and lower drug prices. The first is to do what Senator Dorgan has suggested, and that has bipartisan support: allow reimportation of drugs from Canada. Canada has exactly the same drug, the same corporation, the same everything, and yet the drugs available there are oftentimes 50 to 60 percent cheaper than they are in this country. If a senior citizen can go to another country to acquire those drugs, why in heaven's name would we prevent them from doing so? I have heard the distinguished majority leader say that safety is a factor and that we ought to consider safety as we consider providing access to these drugs. Well, I would say cost is a safety issue as well. I have talked to countless seniors in South Dakota who are rationing their own medication because they cannot afford it. If, based on cost, our seniors are not able to take the drugs they need, no one can tell me that is safe. When one rations drugs, when one does not take them all, when one splits pills, when one makes a choice between nutrition and medicine, how safe is that? That is exactly what is going on today. We've already made the decisions to ensure these drugs will be safe. We should not have to worry about another report or another bureaucratic response. Our seniors are not prepared to wait any longer. We have debated this long enough. Reimportation ought to be the law of the land today. That is one way, perhaps the easiest, simplest, and most compelling way, to deal with the cost issue immediately. There is a second way to address rising costs. A second way is to do for seniors what we already do for veterans and for our military. What do we do for them? The Government negotiates with the drug companies to bring down prices. In most cases, drug prices for veterans are at least 60 percent lower than they are for seniors. The only reason they are that much lower is because the Government has the authority to negotiate these lower prices. Why in heaven's name would people object to extending this concept to seniors as well? On that issue, the drug companies won; we lost. There is a specific prohibition against Medicare negotiating lower prices for seniors, and I think that is an outrage. We ought to pass legislation to allow Medicare to negotiate lower drug prices. The third thing we can do is to pass legislation that has at least two forms today--and there may be other ideas. Senators Stabenow and Kennedy have offered a very good bill that would say we cannot increase Medicare premiums beyond the cost of living next year, hold it at that. I have a bill that would do something similar. It says premiums for Part B and Part D of Medicare cannot exceed 25 percent of the cost-of-living allowance provided to Social Security beneficiaries. Both of these bills would help keep costs down for seniors. So we do not lack ways in which to address the cost issue. What we lack is will, a commitment, a determination to bring the issue to the floor. We all lament the dramatic increase in the cost of health care, but we are not going to solve it unless we are willing to take some action. We can go through more hearings, we can go through a lot more reports, but reports and hearings are not going to get the job done. This Senate needs to act. I am amazed at the degree to which the finger-pointing continues to go on and on, with the tired and lame excuse that it is somehow the Democrats' fault that we have not addressed reimportation, that we have not addressed any of the other pending issues. We have had specific commitments on mental health parity and that bill is now unlikely to be addressed, even though we have had very specific commitments to take up mental health parity in the Senate. That has not happened because there is a lack of commitment and energy on the other side. We have not been able to deal with the FSC bill, the welfare reform bill, the tax bill, the highway bill, in large measure because our Republican friends have not been able to agree among themselves. So all of these and other issues continue to languish. This is a do-nothing Congress and in large measure it is do-nothing because they have done nothing to bring themselves together and force these issues on to the Senate floor to allow us the opportunity to vote and to do the right thing. Senior citizens deserve better than that. Those who are in this country looking to the Senate for answers on all of these and other issues deserve better than that. I hope we can make the most of what limited time we have remaining so we can do better than that.

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a USA Today story entitled ``Medical costs eat at Social Security'' be printed in the Record.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. I thank the leader. And I, too, congratulate the Senator from Oregon for his leadership on an important piece of legislation. I hope we can get it to the President on time.

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, will the majority leader clarify something? It was my understanding that we were going to get an agreement that all amendments would have to be filed by 4 o'clock on Monday. I apologize; I came to the floor late and Senator Reid wasn't here and I just don't know. I have not had the opportunity to ask anybody about this. Would the Senator enlighten me as to the status of that?

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, this year marks the 60th anniversary of the GI bill of rights. That law, debated and passed in the same week Allied Forces invaded Europe, not only demonstrated America's enormous gratitude to the men and women who fought for its freedom, it creates the foundations of the extraordinary prosperity that followed the end of the war. The bill encapsulated all that was best in America. Those who defended the American dream were offered a share of the American dream. Harry Colmery, a Republican from Pennsylvania who served as the National Commander of the American Legion at the time, wrote that ``it [was] the duty, the responsibility, and the desire of our grateful people to see to it that those who served actively in the armed services . . . not only should not be penalized as a result of their war service, but also that upon their return, they should be aided in reaching the position which they might normally have expected had the war not interrupted their careers.'' Our military has changed a great deal in the past 60 years. Increasingly, our national security is defended by members of our National Guard and Reserve forces--men and women who volunteer to put aside their jobs, and leave their families and communities any time our Nation is threatened. Forty percent of the troops fighting in Iraq are members of the National Guard or Reserve. One-hundred-sixty have given their lives. Just as Congress thanked the men who liberated Europe and Asia and preserved democracy 60 years ago, the time has now come for Congress to repay our debt to the reservists fighting the war on terror around the world and struggling to bring peace and security to the people of Iraq. The time has come for America to show a commitment to them that matches their dedication and service to us. Many of the current benefits, policies, and support systems for reservists have been in place for decades and their value has eroded over time. Moreover, the experience of reservists in Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq has demonstrated serious gaps in the benefits we offer them. Moreover, even as we place a heavier burden on reservists, commanders warn that lower recruitment numbers and higher rates of retirement pose a threat to the continued readiness of our Reserve forces. We cannot afford to close our eyes and hope this problem solves itself. We have only a handful of weeks before the 108th Congress adjourns. National security should sit alone at the top of our agenda, and there are few things more important than ensuring our Reserve forces have the tools they need to achieve the missions we assign them. Therefore, in the spirit of the GI bill, in gratitude for their valor and sacrifice, and in recognition of our growing reliance on a powerful and effective Reserve force, I am introducing the National Guard and Reserve bill of rights. This bill codifies a set of rights the men and women serving in our National Guard and Reserve have earned with their service to our Nation. First, every reservist has the right to straight answers about their deployments. In the last few years, the Department of Defense has often failed to communicate to citizen soldiers and their families when they can expect to be reunited. South Dakota's 740th Transportation Company, for example, was first told in February 2004 that their work in Iraq was over and that they would be heading home. In the final days before their departure, they received word that they would remain in Iraq until April, 1 year after they had first reached Iraq. As this date approached, their deployment was extended for an additional 90 days. These soldiers ultimately returned home in July, nearly 18 months after their activation date. This kind of situation undermines troop morale and places an unfair burden on their families, businesses, and communities that rely on Guard and Reserve troops. I believe we owe our soldiers honest answers. My bill would require the Pentagon to treat Active Duty and Reserve forces equally. If active duty forces are deployed abroad for 1 year, reservists would also be activated for 1 year. It would also require the Department of Defense to conduct a ``lessons learned'' review of Reserve forces' deployments in Iraq and Afghanistan, so that the miscommunications and mistakes reservists have experienced recently will not be repeated in the future. Second, every reservist has the right to the best equipment the Nation has to offer. Reservists are serving on the front lines alongside full-time soldiers. They are facing the same bullets. They deserve state-of-the-art equipment. However, since the beginning of the Iraq war, we have heard disturbing reports from many Guard and Reserve families in South Dakota, and from national media, that reservists have experienced severe shortages of body armor, night- vision goggles, rifles, and other critical equipment. I am calling on the GAO to conduct a study about equipment reconstitution in the Guard and Reserve following Operations Iraqi Freedom and Enduring Freedom to assess their equipment needs for future contingencies. Third, every reservist has the right to adequate, timely, and problem-free compensation. The GAO has issued two reports in the last several months that call attention to deep-rooted problems in the automated pay system for reservists. Their most recent report found that as many as 95 percent of reservists have experienced pay problems during their deployments in Iraq and Afghanistan. My bill will create a position within the Defense Department whose primary responsibility will be to implement the GAO's recommendations and fix the problems with the pay system once and for all. I also believe that reservists should be compensated for their increased commitment for the last few years. My bill will double the value of re-enlistment bonuses and extend them to career reservists who serve longer than 14 years. Fourth, every reservist has the right to quality, affordable health care. For 2 years, Senator Lindsey Graham and I have been working across the aisle to provide access for all reservists to the military's TRICARE health care system. This initiative is critical to maintaining readiness among Guard and Reserve units, and will serve as an important recruiting and retention tool as well. My bill would permanently provide all reservists with access to the military's TRICARE health care system, ensuring that Guard and Reserve personnel are fit to answer duty's call whenever it comes. Fifth, every reservist has the right to child care during his or her deployment. When members of the Guard and Reserve are deployed for duty, many leave behind families with small children. For many, Reserve duty makes child care become both more necessary and less affordable. No reservist should have to sacrifice care for his or her children in order to serve their country. That is why my bill, following on the good work of my colleague Senator Murray, would increase funding for child care for families with parents deployed away from home. Sixth, every reservist has the right to employment when he or she returns from active duty. We cannot ask reservists to fight for their country and then force them to fight for their job once they come home. Unfortunately, the number of complaints filed by reservists who experience problems with returning to their jobs after a deployment has risen by 50 percent since the war on terrorism began, and there may be hundreds or even thousands of other reservists who have had problems but have not filed complaints. My bill will strengthen the protections USERRA offers and ensure that reservists know their rights. Seventh, every reservist has the right to education benefits. The Montgomery GI bill, passed in 1984, set reservists' educational benefits at 47 percent of the benefits offered to Active Duty soldiers. Twenty years later, that proportion has fallen to only 27 percent. This erosion is even greater considering the high increases in the cost of higher education. My bill would raise reservists' education benefits to the level set by the Montgomery GI bill at the time of its passage, and would ensure that the value of these benefits rise at the same pace as the cost of higher education. Eighth, every reservist has the right to a fair retirement plan. As deployments grow longer, citizen soldiers are being prevented from contributing to their civilian retirement plans. Service to one's country should not come at the expense of a secure retirement. My colleague, Senator Corzine, has led the fight to improve the Guard and Reserve retirement plan, which has not changed in over 50 years. Like Senator Corzine's bill, my legislation would reduce reservist retirement age from 60 to 55, a proposal that is endorsed by several leading advocates for National Guard and Reserve personnel. This proposal is especially critical for States like South Dakota, where many reservists have jobs on farms or with other small businesses that have no civilian retirement plans. Finally, every reservist has the right to representation at the highest levels of the Department of Defense. Our military force--Active and Reserve--is undergoing a transformation to make it better suited to confront the security challenges of the 21st century. We must ensure that the needs and concerns of National Guard and Reserve personnel continue to be heard at the highest levels of the Defense Department during this transformation. My bill will create a new Deputy Undersecretary for Reserve Affairs who will participate in all decisions involving reservists and carry reservists' concerns to the most senior Pentagon leaders. These nine rights should be guaranteed every member of our Reserve forces. Serving in the Guard or Reserves is no longer a one-weekend-a- month commitment. Reservists are serving on the front lines, facing the same bullets as full-time soldiers. Battlefield commanders are relying on them to serve with courage and skill, and reservists are meeting the challenge. The sacrifices we ask of reservists are many. But as the authors of the GI bill realized 60 years ago, America owes a debt to the men and women who defend its freedom. We should not compound their sacrifices through neglect or indifference. The brave men and women of the Guard and Reserve have earned the benefits and improvements I am proposing. The time has come for the Government to recognize this new role and redouble our support for these courageous Americans. I ask my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to join with me in support of the National Guard and Reserve bill of rights, and to move swiftly to pass it into law. I yield the floor.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I reiterate what the majority leader has just announced and articulated. We have made progress. I appreciate the cooperation we are getting on both sides. We have gotten to the point where there is absolutely no reason why we cannot finish this bill prior to the time we adjourn for Rosh Hashanah next week. We will continue to work as we have this week to winnow down the amendments, to have time limits on what amendments need to be offered, and we will work with the majority leader to ensure we can reach that goal. I am confident we can and we will continue to work at it throughout the day and on Monday.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Tomorrow, in New York, at the Pentagon, in Shanksville, PA, and in communities all across our Nation, Americans will pause to remember the horror and the extraordinary heroism of September 11. Commemoration ceremonies will be held in firehouses, VFW halls, parks, churches, synagogues, mosques, libraries, and countless other places. Surely one of the most poignant remembrance events is an exhibit that is being held through Sunday at a small art gallery in New York City, not far from where the twin towers once stood. It is an exhibit of artwork by children who lost family members--mostly parents--when the towers came crashing down. We all lost so much, so quickly, on that terrible day. But few lost more than the children of September 11. Three thousand children lost a parent in the terrorist attacks on America. Nearly two dozen of those children never met their fathers; they were born after September 11. Many thousands more children lost someone close to them: a grandparent, a brother or sister, an aunt or uncle. Over the last 3 years, 400 of the children of September 11 have sought comfort, strength, and answers in therapy programs offered by the WorldTrade Center Family Center at South Nassau Communities Hospital on Long Island. The exhibit this weekend showcases art these children have created during their therapy sessions. With the permission of the children and their families, I would like to show you some of their work. This was painted by a 9-year-old son of a New York City firefighter who died in the collapse of the towers. This is a baseball diamond. In the outfield are two huge crosses. The little boy who painted this picture said it is a picture of the moment he first realized how much he missed his dad. He had just hit a home run; he was rounding the bases and looked up to search for his father's face in the stands. Angels are a recurring image in the children's art. This angel looks like the Statue of Liberty. She is delivering a message to heaven. A month after the attacks, the children were asked to try to imagine how they might feel about their loss over time. This series of paintings is a collective effort by about 40 of the children of September 11 to answer that question. It is called ``Seasons of Grief.'' It shows four trees. The trees start out separate and alone. By the last panel, they are leaning toward each other, almost as if they are helping to hold each other up. Even in the depths of unspeakable grief, the children of September 11 understood instinctively that there are sorrows we cannot bear alone, but there is nothing we cannot get through together. That is a lesson we all understood--immediately and instinctively--on that terrible day. Three years later, what we remember about September 11 is not only the shock, and horror, and grief. We also remember the stunning heroism of the firefighters climbing the stairs--the passengers and crew members of Flight 93 defying their hijackers and the rescue workers toiling day and night. We remember, too, how differently, and clearly, we seemed to see things after the attacks. We saw beyond the old labels. We were not black, white, red, brown, yellow, rich or poor, Republicans or Democrats. We were one people, indivisible--broken-hearted but not broken apart. Our recognition of our common bonds was our comfort, and our strength. Three years later, we remember the great kindness and generosity with which people treated each other--even total strangers, even thousands of miles from the attack sites. Don and Adele Hight own a family ranch in Murdo, SD. On September 11, they had already struggled through 2 years of drought. They sold 100 calves and donated the proceeds--more than $40,000--to help victims of the attacks. The manager of the local Livestock Association called their donation ``an act of kindness, generosity and true Americanism.'' The Smith Equipment Company in Watertown, SD, makes heavy duty torches. In the days after the attacks, their cutting supplies were in high demand. So 175 employees at Smith Equipment volunteered to work around the clock to produce tons of equipment and rush it to Ground Zero. A week after the Twin Towers fell, two men from Sioux Falls loaded up a pickup truck with $20,000 worth of donated steel-toed boots, tube socks, and work gloves, drove to New York, distributed the protective gear to rescue workers at Ground Zero, and then got back in their truck and drove straight home. All across South Dakota, school children, Scout troops, church organizations, employees and customers of small businesses, and countless others donated money for victims relief funds. At least one couple donated their tax-refund checks. People stood in line to donate blood. Some enlisted, or re-enlisted, in the military. People sacrificed. And they prayed for those who died, and the families they left, for the surviving victims, the rescue workers, and for our wounded nation. Part of the sadness many of use feel as we approach this third anniversary of September 11 has to do with how divided our Nation sometimes feels now. We cannot reclaim those we lost on September 11. But we can reclaim the sense of unity and generosity that their sacrifice inspired in us. It is still there. It is still within us. The families of September 11 have endorsed a project called ``One Day's Pay.'' It encourages people to observe the anniversary of September 11 by donating one day's pay, or one day's labor, to a community organization--to channel our sadness and anger for constructive purposes. Those of us who have the privilege of serving our Nation in elected offices have another job to do as well. We can--and we must--work together, in good faith, to make America safer--without sacrificing the freedoms that make America great. We do not have the luxury of delay. The terrorists who attacked us struck at the symbols of our financial and military might because they thought those symbols were America's greatest strengths. They were wrong. The real measure of America's greatness is not in glass and steel. It is in our people. It is in our shared commitment to freedom and democracy--and to each other. As the children of September 11 understood instinctively, we need each other. Wherever we find ourselves tomorrow morning, let us remember not only the horror of September 11, but also the unity and the kindness we witnessed that day. And let us vow to honor those we lost by keeping the spirit of September 11 alive in our hearts. If we do, then, in a real way, those we lost will live on forever. I yield the floor.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I rise to talk about a matter of simple tax fairness for the citizens of my State. South Dakota, like several other States, has no State income tax. Our State relies on sales tax to pay for schools, police departments, and other critical needs. While people in other States can deduct their State income taxes from their Federal taxes, people in States without income taxes do not get a corresponding deduction for the State sales tax that they pay. Those people are losing out on a deduction they deserve. I strongly support fixing this unfairness, and last year I and a number of my colleagues introduced a bill to do that. I also agree with the bipartisan group of my colleagues--including Senators Frist, Hutchison, Cantwell, Murray, and Enzi--who point out that we can fix this problem now in the FSC/ETI bill. The sales tax fix will be part of that conference. We in the Senate have appointed conferees and are ready to roll up our sleeves and get to work on the conference. However, the House has yet to appoint conferees so our work can begin. I do not understand what the House is waiting for because this is important legislation, and I urge them to act quickly so that we can address both the broader bill and the State sales tax issue very soon.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, this is an interesting, important, and somewhat historic day. This is the day when Senator Kennedy actually becomes the third most senior Member in the Senate's history, and I think it ought to be noted. He just surpassed the time of seniority by the distinguished Senator from Arizona, Carl Hayden. So he now ranks as the third most senior person in all of Senate history. I commend and congratulate him, and I know I join colleagues on both sides of the aisle in calling attention to this remarkable new addition to his already impressive and extensive resume.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. I do so well. I have shared it with many people. I thank the Senator from Nevada, my dear friend and colleague, for sharing that observation. Michael Dorris is the author's name. The name of the book is ``The Broken Cord.'' Michael introduced me to this whole issue. He tells the story in his book about two children in South Dakota who had fetal alcohol syndrome. Both have passed away. Both struggled mightily for years. And, of course, the extraordinary problems that the family had to confront are all accounted for in that book. Unfortunately, we lost Michael a few years ago, a powerful advocate for a national advocacy for addressing this issue. But I only hope more people will read that book. I appreciate the fact that my friend called it to the attention of our colleagues this morning. I yield the floor.

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, each year, I travel through South Dakota, talking to people where they live and work, in the cafes where they meet, the schools where they send their children, the ranches and sale barns where they hope that this year will bring better prices than the last, the farms where they raise their crops--anywhere people gather to discuss what matters to them. Every year, I get to all 66 counties, and every year, I marvel at the incredible range of opinions and perspectives I encounter along the way. But there is another thing that was striking to me this year--and that is the fact that wherever I was, I heard from different people from different backgrounds a lot of the same hopes, and a lot of the same concerns. People have a sense of uncertainty. They are uncertain about the progress in the war on terror and the war in Iraq, and they are anxious about the economy--not just about their own jobs, and their own health care, but also about whether their communities and their way of life are going to survive. In the past few years, whenever I have traveled home, I have sensed the strength of those feelings. And for many of the people I have met, those feelings are growing stronger. South Dakotans are intensely proud of the valor of our troops serving in Iraq and Afghanistan--and I share that pride. But ours is a small State, and when South Dakotans talk about ``the troops,'' they are not talking about some abstract concept. They are talking about friends and loved ones. They are talking about a person who is not there behind the counter when they go to work, or a side of the bed that lies empty. South Dakota is contributing more troops to our war effort than all but seven other countries. And so, while South Dakotans support our troops, they also know better than most that support in words is not enough. While I was home last month, I met a young man named Tyler Neuharth, who was on leave from Iraq and was just a week away from being sent back. He was proud to serve. But he was also looking forward to returning to college, and he wanted some sense of how long he would be deployed so he could plan for his education and his future. I spoke to a woman whose husband has been in Iraq for over a year- and-a-half, and she and her young son just learned that the earliest they can hope to see him home is the end of this year. And I met Lloyd Dejung, who talked about how his unit in Iraq was building bridges in flak jackets that, in his words, you could poke a hole through with a knife. Our Guard and Reserve troops deserve the same state-of-the-art equipment as active duty personnel. They should get honest answers about when they're coming home. And while they are fighting for their country, they should not have to worry about whether they will have to fight for their jobs, or for health care, or for their education once they return home. That is why, tomorrow, I will be introducing a National Guard and Reserve Bill of Rights--to say to all our soldiers: You have met your duty to your country, and your country will meet its duty to you. South Dakotans are fiercely proud, and fiercely independent. When you talk to them, they will tell you what you can do to help a neighbor or a friend, but it takes a little while to get people talking about their own concerns. But when they do, there are a couple of things you hear over and over. They are worried about their jobs, they are worried about their health and their health care, and they are worried that as jobs become more scarce and health care becomes ever less affordable and less available, they are going to lose something else, too. They are worried that the strain these things place on the fabric of their communities will become just too much, and that their communities and their way of life just won't be able to survive. These are concerns I heard everywhere I went, and they are concerns that we here in Washington have the power to do something about. More than any time in my memory, people were telling me they needed two and three jobs--not to get ahead, not to save for a house or their child's education, but simply to make their monthly bills. Many good manufacturing jobs have left the State, and it is getting more difficult to find a full-time job that pays a wage good enough to raise a family. I visited the town of Elk Point. A lot of the folks in Elk Point work about 20 minutes down the road in North Sioux City, where there is a Gateway plant. That plant has been cutting jobs, sending them to India. That plant is now down to 2,000 employees from a high of 6,000. The people I met simply can not understand how this administration's top economic adviser and its Secretary of Labor can both say that outsourcing of jobs is good for the economy. In Yankton, 10 percent of the work force is in manufacturing. I spoke to the owner of a company that makes road construction equipment. He said that he has had to cut jobs because we have not passed a highway bill. The Senate version of the highway bill would create 6,500 jobs in South Dakota and over 1.7 million new jobs nationwide. Our infrastructure, our economy, and our communities need this bill. Closely tied to concerns about jobs are concerns about health care. In Huron, a woman came up to me at a meeting. She told me that her husband had been laid off from his job in February. They went on COBRA for a while, but it was expensive, and this month it ran out anyway. They both have health concerns, and they don't know what they are going to do. Just a couple of nights ago, another woman approached me. She told me about her brother, who has diabetes. He is 60 years old. He works 40 hours a week. He also took a paper route to earn some more money. But neither of his two jobs offers health insurance, so he doesn't have any. He has begun losing feeling in his legs, but he has not seen a doctor because he does not think he can afford to. A 60-year old man, working full-time and then some, can not afford to go see a doctor. In this country, in this century, that is a disgrace. Everywhere I go, people are worried that their health care costs are rising. If they have health care through their jobs, they are afraid they might lose it. If they are paying for it themselves, they are afraid they can not afford it any longer. I think every American should have access to the same affordable health care options that members of Congress have. At the very least, there are a number of steps we can take immediately. We should be providing health coverage to uninsured parents who have children eligible for Medicaid and the State Children's Health Insurance Program, and I think we should let States have the option of covering pregnant women and children until the age of 20. We should create a tax credit to help small business owners provide health care coverage for their employees. Most employers I talked to want to provide health insurance; they are just having an increasingly difficult time affording it. This is a crisis, and we need to confront it. The ideas are there. We need the leadership. Out in our small towns and farming and ranching communities, those concerns add up to one that is even greater--that a way of life is being lost. I have been visiting these communities for more than 25 years. There is nothing more gratifying to me than to see a family farmer or rancher raise their children up, teach them how to farm, and then pass their land down to them. But it is happening less frequently these days. More often, children are forced to leave the communities they know and the families they love to find work in other places. They do not want to leave. But they can not find work good enough to allow them to raise a family. And so the way of life their families have enjoyed for generations is being lost. But there is something else shared by the people I saw, and the places I visited: determination. They are determined to make tomorrow better than today. You put them on a job, and they will work harder, and longer, and better than any worker in the world. You give our farmers and ranchers a fair price for what they produce and they will feed the world. You respect the service and protect the rights of our Guard and Reserve, and they will always step up to serve. That is why I ask that in the time we have left in this session of Congress, we hear these concerns and act on them. Yes, I saw anxiety and uncertainty. But I also saw pride and determination. I saw people willing to work together to make life better for their families, and strengthen their communities. That is what South Dakotans have always done. If we adopt the same sense of patriotism and common purpose I saw across South Dakota, I have no doubt that we can make the short time we have left this year a time of accomplishment for the people we serve, to help them meet the challenges they face. Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorders There is one other serious public health challenge I want to mention this morning. It is a challenge I first learned about years ago during visits to Indian reservations in South Dakota. It is called Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorders--FASD, for short. FASD is an umbrella term that describes a range of physical and mental birth defects that can occur in a fetus when a pregnant woman drinks alcohol. It is a leading cause of mental retardation in America. It is also 100 percent preventable when women abstain from alcohol during pregnancy. Every year in America, an estimated 40,000 babies are born with FASD, costing Americans more than $3 billion each year in direct health care costs, and many times that amount in lost human potential. You can find FASD in every community in America. Native, non-native, rich, poor it doesn't discriminate. Today is an important day in America's fight against this devastating disorder. It is America's first National Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorders Day. I thank Senator Murkowski for sponsoring this resolution establishing national FASD day. I was proud to be a cosponsor. Fifteen years ago, my wife Linda and I and a group of friends founded an organization that we called NOFAS, the National Organization of Fetal Alcohol Syndrome. Back then when we met in the living room of a very dear friend, Terry Lierman, there were not many of us to talk about these issues. And scientists and doctors understood very little about FAS. But we have learned an extraordinary amount since then. National FASD day will help us get the knowledge we have learned out to the people who need it the most. We can save so many children and save families so much heartache simply by increasing people's awareness of what FASD is and how we can prevent it. But we can't stop there. We need to continue to research and do more to help people who are living with FASD make the most of their God- given talents and abilities. In 1998, I was proud to be the lead sponsor of legislation that created an FASD prevention and services program and a national task force on FAS and fetal alcohol effect. Two months ago, I introduced a bill called the Advancing FASD Research, Prevention, and Services Act. My bill would identify areas for additional research by the National Institutes of Health. It would improve coordination among Federal agencies involved in FASD treatment and research, and establish statewide FASD systems and local community partnerships--like a model partnership that is already up and running in South Dakota and other Midwestern States. It would improve support services for families who are living with FASD. And it would strengthen educational outreach efforts to doctors, teachers, judges and others whose work puts them in contact with people with FASD, or with women who might be at risk of drinking during pregnancy. Forty-thousand American children a year are born with FASD. We cannot leave these children behind, either. Whatever investments we make in FASD prevention, research and treatment will pay for themselves many times over in reduced health care costs and increased human potential. Over the last 15 years, we have unlocked many of the mysteries surrounding FASD--and many more answers are just inches beyond our reach. As we observe this first National Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorders Day, I ask my colleagues to take the next necessary steps in the fight against this devastating but completely preventable disorder. Before this Congress ends, let us pass the Advancing FASD Research, Prevention, and Services Act. I yield the floor.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I will comment on a matter that the majority leader raised with regard to the current legislation. The Homeland Security appropriations bill is critical legislation. I have admonished Members on our side of the aisle to recognize how critical it is we finish this work before we leave for the Rosh Hashanah holiday next week. It is very important that this work be done. As I understand it, we have 28 Senators--on both sides of the aisle--who have amendments. We will work with them. Senator Reid has noted that he has begun to call each Senator to express the hope that we could winnow down the list. I noticed as the finite list was established last night that many of these amendments are simply listed as relevant. I hope that many of these so-called placeholders could be eliminated and we could get on with the important work. There is a need to work under time limits for each amendment and hopefully we can work as late in the evening each day to accomplish what is going to be an aggressive schedule as we try to finish this bill--I should say, as we finish this bill. We are going to do more than try. We will complete it no later than next Wednesday morning, and hopefully sooner than that.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I compliment the majority leader on his comments regarding the response to the 9/11 Commission. He and I have worked very closely together, and I share his view that it has been a laudable bipartisan effort. As he has noted, our purpose is to address the recommendations made by the 9/11 Commission on two levels: the executive branch, which is largely the responsibility of the Governmental Affairs Committee, and the legislative branch, which is going to be the responsibility of our task force. Both groups are doing the work that we would hope they would. They have invested a good deal of time already. I share his view that there is an urgency to this important effort, and I hope we can continue to work in the manner with which all Members so far have demonstrated; that is, a commitment to a real bipartisan approach to resolving the many challenges that we face.

Mr. DASCHLE

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, on August 7, I had the privilege of honoring Chief Oliver Red Cloud at an important gathering in South Dakota, the Oglala Lakota Nations Pow-wow. Chief Red Cloud has led an amazing exemplary life from which all of us could learn. I want to share with my colleagues my thoughts on this outstanding leader and ask unanimous consent that my August 7 remarks be printed in the Record.